Academic literature on the topic 'JA Political science (General)'
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Journal articles on the topic "JA Political science (General)"
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Hellevik, Ottar. "Ja-siing som problem i intervjuundersøkelser." Tidsskrift for samfunnsforskning 61, no. 03 (August 24, 2020): 255–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn.1504-291x-2020-03-04.
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Yevarouski, Valery. "SEARCHINGS AFTER THE COGNITIVE CENTRE (THE CASE OF BELARUS)." CREATIVITY STUDIES 3, no. 1 (October 14, 2010): 15–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/limes.2010.02.
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The article presents the comparative analysis of the process of construction of a new cultural space with its specific history and its cognitive geography, securing a firm, which foots the intrinsic centre. Belarusian cognitive map in particular and the Eastern European one in general have their own specifics of a description of social reality. Particularly, philosophical discourse is usually used here as a main way of interaction between subject and social reality. First of all, the presentation aims at an investigation of the emergence of the Belarusian cognitive center through the writings of national intellectual history. This article intends to present the conceptual analysis of our recent attempts to re‐conceptualize and to line up the contemporary Belarusian national space with related “big picture” of Belarusian thought. Tyrinėjimai pagal kognityvinį centrą (Baltarusijos atvejis) Santrauka Straipsnyje pristatoma naujos kultūrinės erdvės konstravimo proceso komparatyvistinė analizė ir kognityvinė geografija, įtvirtinant ir apsaugant jai būdingą vidinį centrą. Baltarusijos kognityvinis žemėlapis konkrečiai ir Rytų Europos žemėlapis apskritai pasižymi specifiniu socialinės realybės atvaizdavimu. Filosofinis diskursas šiuo atveju paprastai pasitelkiamas kaip pagrindinis subjekto ir socialinės realybės sąveikavimo būdas. Straipsnio tikslas – pirma, pristatyti Baltarusijos kognityvinio centro iškilimą per nacionalinės intelektualiosios istorijos rašymą. Antra, aptarti nūdienių pastangų iš naujo konceptualizuoti ir apibrėžti Baltarusijos nacionalinę erdvę bei su ja susijusio baltarusiškosios minties „didžiojo paveikslo“ analizę.
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Rosenberg, Tiit, and Priit Pirsko. "Ajaloolane ja arhiivinduse professor Aadu Must - 65 [Historian and professor of Archival Studies Aadu Must - 65]." Ajalooline Ajakiri. The Estonian Historical Journal, no. 2 (September 8, 2016): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/aa.2016.2.01.
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Aadu Must, an Estonian politician and the University of Tartu’s first Professor of Archival Studies, turned 65 on 25 March. When he went to study history at Tartu State University in 1973, Must initially proceeded along the paths of settlement history under the supervision of Professor Herbert Ligi. Over the years, the range of topics that he has dealt with has grown a great deal, encompassing family and local neighbourhood history, the colonial policy of the tsarist empire and Soviet repressions, the Estonian diaspora and Baltic German compatriots, and much more. After completing his basic university education, Must became Professor Ligi’s assistant at the university, a lecturer at the Department of General History, and later senior lecturer (1976–87). The history of the factory and town of Sindi, located in the vicinity of his home in Pärnu County, emerged at the centre of his attention, culminating in the completion of a monograph on this subject in 1985. At the end of the 1980’s, Must actively set about having his say in the ensuing political struggle, participating first in the Estonian Popular Front. He also worked for six months in Stockholm in 1991, setting up the Republic of Estonia’s information bureau there, which developed into Estonia’s embassy when the country’s independence was restored. Upon his return from Stockholm, he continued his usual work as a university lecturer while also continuing to participate in politics as time permitted, this time as a member of the Estonian Royalist Party. Since 1996, Must has been active primarily as a leading member of Estonia’s Centre Party, serving as a member of its council and board of directors, and as head of the party’s Tartu section. Must has also served as chairman of Tartu’s municipal council in 2002–07, 2009–11 and 2013–15. The intervening time periods have also included work in the Estonian Parliament, where he has served primarily on the cultural commission. At the same time, he has consistently continued his work at the university, where he built up and headed the Chair of Archival Science (1993–2014) and also served as head of the University of Tartu History Department in the interval 2004–06. In the 1990’s he completed a monograph of Estonian family names, which was issued on CD-ROM as an electronic publication (Corpus Nominum Gentilium Estonicorum). Aadu Must subsequently wrote out his broad knowledge and experiences of the study of family and local neighbourhood history in systematised form, publishing in the year Sources for the Family History of Estonians, a book providing instruction on historical sources. A new, updated edition of this book with a somewhat more popular and less academic approach (Handbook for the Researcher of Family History) was published in 2014. In the 1990’s, Must also began researching the repressive policies of the Soviet regime. Of his students, Aigi Rahi-Tamm defended her doctoral degree in 2004 (Post-Second World War Mass Repressions in Estonia: Sources and State of Research), Lea Leppik defended her dissertation in 2006 (Social Mobility of Employees of the University of Tartu in 1802–1918), and Indrek Paavle defended his doctoral dissertation in 2009 (Sovietisation of Local Administration in Estonia 1940–1950). Aadu Must is without a doubt the prime expert on Estonia’s archives and on archives concerning Estonians. As a historian and professor of archival studies, he has always been concerned by the condition of archives and access to historical sources. As a politician, he has time and again stressed the importance of the archive as an attribute of state. Must was one of the persons who drafted Estonia’s Archives Act. The gathering of material related to Estica in both the east and the west, however, has become his biggest project. This undertaking that has expanded from its initial form as the history of the fate of repressed Estonians to the current more general research of the diaspora of Estonians and persons from Estonia in the former Russian and Soviet empires has taken him to archives in St. Petersburg, Novgorod, Pskov, Tomsk, Omsk, Irkutsk, Krasnoyarsk, Vladivostok, Kazakhstan and elsewhere in Russia. All of this has placed an extensive base of sources at his disposal for planning and carrying out large-scale research projects. In recent years, many substantial studies have started emerging from Must’s pen on the history of Estonian settlers and settlements, Estonians who made careers in Russia, and Baltic German compatriots who shaped the Russian Empire’s colonial policy. Starting up the Kleio periodical for historians in 1988 is also part of the enumeration of A. Must’s accomplishments. Ten years later, Kleio restored itself as the successor of the Ajalooline Ajakiri (Estonian Historical Journal) that was first started up in 1922. Must was also part of the group that relaunched the Akadeemiline Ajalooselts (Academic Historical Society), which had been shut down in 1940.
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Vartazarova, L., and I. Kobrinskaya. "Development of EU-China Relations: Expert Opinions and Forecasts, Risks and Opportunities for Russia." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 2 (2021): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2021-2-57-70.
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On November 30, 2021 the online Situation Analysis organized by the Center of Situation Analysis of the IMEMO RAS and devoted to the range of problems of the European Union and China relations to date took place. The major factors affecting the development of these relations were identified and analyzed, including the position of the US and the global economic and political trends. The experts participating in the Situation Analysis came to a conclusion that there is a transition of the EU-China relations into the phase of a more rigid and pragmatic interaction, limited by the parties' interests and by mutual wariness and lack of trust. The situation is further aggravated by the US strategic orientation towards preventing China from taking leadership in the Asia-Pacific region and the world. At the same time, the EU strategy towards China will likely be a compromise, taking into account the interests of the Member States. Expansion of the EU practice of sanctions pressure on China can also be expected. For Russia, the main challenge would be to keep a balance in its relations with the EU and the rising partner China. The expert analysis and the publication's conclusions can be also useful as a basis for the verification of forecasting studies. The experts of the Center of Situation Analysis, Center of Asia Pacific Studies, Center of North American Studies, Center of European Studies, Department of European Political Studies, Center of Development and Modernization Studies and the Laboratory 'Center of the Middle East Studies' of the IMEMO took part in the discussion and presented their notes that formed the basis of this publication: V.G. Baranovsky, O.V. Bogaevskaya, L.S. Vartazarova, K.R. Voda, K.A. Gemueva, A.A. Davydov, I.V. Danilin, E.A. Desiatsky, S.S. Dmitriev, V.Yu. Zhuravleva, I.E. Ibragimov, Yu.D. Kvashnin, E.V. Kirichenko, S.A. Kislitsyn, I. Ja. Kobrinskaya, A.V. Lomanov, S.A. Lukonin, V.V. Mikheev, M.V. Sadovnikova, N.Yu. Surkov, P.P. Timofeev, S.V. Utkin, A.N. Fedorovskiy, B.E. Frumkin, Е.S.Khesin, V.G. Shvydko. The review of the Situation Analysis was prepared by Ludmila S. Vartazarova, Doct. Sci. (Econ.), Chief Researcher of the Group of Analysis of the Current Economic Problems of the IMEMO RAS (vls38@mail.ru, ORCID: 0000-0001-7804-1169) and Irina Ya. Kobrinskaya, Cand. Sci. (Hist.), Head of the Center of Situational Analysis, IMEMO RAS. (psifoundation@imemo.ru, ORCID: 0000-0002-4419-0681).
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Lee, Yong Kwon. "Acoustic Characteristics of the Glide /j/ and Vowel /i/ in Russian." Korean Association of Slavic Languages 27, no. 2 (October 31, 2022): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.30530/jsl.2022.27.2.1.
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This purpose of this study is to examine the acoustic characteristics of Russian glide /j/ and vowel /i/ through the size of the cross-sectional area of constriction of these sounds. First, the structural difference between /j/ and /i/ is investigated through the tube model of the source-filter theory, and then the F1 and size of the cross-sectional area of constriction of the two sounds is obtained through the pronunciation of a Russian native speaker, and based on these data, I tried to suggest the acoustic characteristics of the Russian glide /j/, which is distinct from the vowel /i/. According to the tube model of the source-filt theory, the glide /j/ and vowel /i/ belong to the threetube model, and unlike the vowel /i/, the glide /j/ has a catenoid shape, indicating the transition process of the glide /j/. And looking at the F1 of the /i/ and /j/ revealed in the table 2 and 3, the size of F1 decreases as the volume of the posterior cavity increases in both sounds, but it can be confirmed that the F1 of /i/ is higher than /j/ at the same location. Unlike the vowel /i/, the F1 of the glide /j/ has different sizes depending on the following vowel /e, a, o, u/, so it is reasonable to examine them by series /je, ja, jo, ju/. For Russian female speakers, it can be seen that the average F1 of the vowel /i/ is 380 Hz, and the average F1 of the glide /j/ is 271.40 Hz in /je/, 318.93 Hz in /ja/, 261.47 Hz in /jo/, and 241.13 Hz in /ju/. And it was found that the size of the cross-sectional area of constriction of the Russian vowel /i/ is 0.351 cm2, and that of the glide /j/ is 0.152 cm2 in the /je/, 0.256 cm2 in the /ja/, 0.133 cm2 in /jo/, and 0.095 cm2 in the /ju/ series. Since the size of the cross-sectional area of the constriction of the glide /j/ is smaller than that of the vowel /i/, it can be said that the Russian glide /j/ is out of scope of the vowel, and considering that the size of the supraglottal constriction of the unvoiced fricatives /s/ and /š/ is 0.05 to 0.15 cm2, it was found that the size of the cross-sectional area of the constriction of the glide /j/ of the /je/, /jo/, and /ju/ series, has an acoustic characteristic close to that of a Russian fricative. And it was found that the fricative phenomenon caused by the narrow constriction of the glide /j/ is well reflected in the waveform and spectrogram of the glide /j/, and in the sound wave of the Russian glide /j/, a non-periodic sound wave of turbulent noise is seen, in addition to thiese, F1 cutback, partial peach cutback, and the relatively weak intensity of the turbulent noise portion were also observed in the Russian glide /j/.
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Yousafzai, Abdul Wahab. "POLITICAL POLARIZATION AND ITS IMPACT ON MENTAL HEALTH: WHERE DO WE STAND?" KHYBER MEDICAL UNIVERSITY JOURNAL 14, no. 1 (March 31, 2022): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.35845/kmuj.2022.22777.
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Political and social polarization is the division of people in to distinct groups with contrasting viewpoints and minimum likelihood to converge on a uniform agenda. It has varied connotations in the field of social science. However, the given political climate of polarization and its impact on mental health, it is imperative to focus the issue in a scientific way. Furthermore, in recent years the situation has been made more volatile and complicated by social media amplifications with greater effects on psychosocial well-being of people. There is plenty of literature, suggesting that polarization is widely perceived as a loss or gain of social status, which has a direct link with psychological disorders.1
There is scarcity of research in developing world about the psychosocial effects of polarization. Most of the research looking at the psychological adverse implications of this phenomenon has been carried out in the west. For example, a study conducted by Smith KB, reported that adverse effects of recent American polarization in politics and contrasting political views on psychosocial well-being were not less than a public health concern, leading to damaged friendships, persistent fatigue and even suicidal behavior in significant number of population.2
Similarly, the stress associated with political disagreements has the add-on effect on psychosocial well-being of people holding diverse political views leading to deleterious effect on mental and physical health. The harming effects of political polarization is a known perpetuating stressor, cluttering society and traversing daily life through media, various internet platforms and persisting news feed.3 Additionally, the American Psychological Association identified politics as a major source of stress for American adults.4
The findings of a recently conducted survey showed that nearly 40% Americans reported that they were stressed out because of politics and nearly 20% had lost sleep due to the effects of social upheaval and almost same number were tired of political news.5 In addition to psychological consequences political stress, French JA et al, reported increased blood cortisol, increased skin conductance and decreased testosterone levels in people engaging in emotionally draining political debates.6
It’s equally, important to understand the mechanism through which the polarized politics harm the psychological health, and how it should be managed in order to ward off its deleterious consequences? The mechanism is well understood that people can’t isolate themselves from politics bearing in mind the vast array of information feed on daily basis. Secondly, as part of human society one can’t get away with social network and individual identity. As far the negative effects are concerned, they, permeate through various means, irrespective of people being either actively involved in politics or passive only observer. For, instance, the harassment, bullying, grandstanding attitude on social media is not uncommon while personal political debates, demeaning comments and its association with psychosocial sickness is well documented.7
The cult indoctrination is another distressing phenomenon, where the leaders coerce the followers through persuasions, thoughts reformation and brainwashing leading to immense suffering of exposed population to such condition, at times along with their family, friends and community at large.8 There is large body of research pointing towards the abusive effects of cultic politics and its adverse emotional consequences. The psychological damages perpetrated by cultic indoctrination, fake and occult information have been extensively reported in scientific publications over the last many years.9
Pakistan is a South Asian Muslim country of more than 220 million population with relatively unstable political history and abysmal socio-economic and health indicators. Mental health statistics are staggering with a wide treatment gap and no dedicated budgetary allocation of annual gross domestic product (GDP).10
In addition to the existing heavy burden of mental health issues and traditional entrenched religious intolerance in Pakistan, the recent wave of political intolerance has polarized the society to an unprecedented level. This wave of political polarization has permeated into all stratums of society, with sporadic reports of violence, which is likely to deteriorate further in the presence of unregulated and excessive use of social media. The widespread consumption of social media reports without verification of its authenticity could be one of the sources of social and political polarization which may cause further deterioration in near future.11
Regrettably, the young population constitute about 60% of the Pakistani population has been found to be affected more easily by the polarized environment in the country, which otherwise should be the most productive segment of society. As a matter of fact, depriving them of critical thinking and ability to formulate and ask appropriate questions tantamount to a huge social capital loss. Scientific literature shows that younger population is more impressionable and highly vulnerable to become radicalized easily in a polarized a society, unfortunately, Pakistan is not an exception, currently a fertile ground to support the growth of such tendencies.12 The recent published reports in lay press pointing to a shocking situation of violence in various part of the country due to political rivalry and contrasting posts on social media.
The vulnerability of people being affected psychologically by political polarization has been reported extensively by previously published research. Various reports indicate that perpetuating exposure to political stress is associated with increased rates of psychiatric disorders like anxiety, depression and even suicidal behavior.1
Similarly, mental health professionals are also facing the dilemma of unfriendly environment generated around politics, which highlights the need for further training to deal with such issues without being judgmental or biased in clinical setting.13
It is the right time that scientific community, social scientists, political and religious opinion makers open a dialogue to raise awareness about the possible causes and devastating effects of polarization on the society. Country like ours with entrenched religious intolerance, economical inequalities, social disparity and alarming mental health statistics can’t afford to get plunged into yet another social and psychological chaos in the background heated polarized political discourse. We need to encourage our younger generation to be more tolerant and equipped with critical thinking to meet the social challenges with grace and scientific reasoning in order to ward off the impending onslaught of polarization, radicalization and psychosocial sickness. There is dire need to bring back the lost political sanity and put a full stop to the rising psychosocial turmoil in Pakistan.
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Koshan, Jennifer. "R v JA." Canadian Journal of Women and the Law 30, no. 2 (August 2018): 323–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjwl.30.2.06.
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Pentz, Mary Ann, David Mares, Steve Schinke, and Louise Ann Rohrbach. "Political Science, Public Policy, and Drug Use Prevention." Substance Use & Misuse 39, no. 10-12 (January 2004): 1821–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1081/ja-200033226.
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Nérard, François-Xavier. "Sof´ja A. Čujkina, Dvorjanskaja pamjat´." Cahiers du monde russe 48, no. 48/4 (December 2, 2007): 705–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/monderusse.6077.
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Lavonen, Jari. "How the Finnish compulsory school science curriculum emphasises scientific literacy." Eesti Haridusteaduste Ajakiri. Estonian Journal of Education 9, no. 2 (November 1, 2021): 5–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/eha.2021.9.2.02a.
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Soome põhikooli ülemise astme riiklikus õppekavas käsitletakse loodusaineid eraldi õppeainetena. Õppekava keskendub hoiakute kujundamisele, mis toetavad teaduslike teadmiste kasutamist erisugustes uurimuslikes olukordades ja kontekstides. Õppekava kohaselt on loodusainete õpetamise eesmärk anda õpilastele loodusteaduslik pädevus, mis võimaldab neil teaduslikele teadmistele tuginedes kirjeldada, selgitada ja prognoosida loodusnähtusi, märgata ja määratleda elukeskkonnas esinevaid probleeme ning tõlgendada andmeid ja tõendusmaterjale. Õppekavas pannakse suurt rõhku ülekantavate pädevuste omandamisele, näiteks kriitilise ja loova mõtlemisoskuse ning mitmekesiste töötamisviiside omandamisele. Õppekava keskendub ka omandatud teadmiste kasutamisele uurimistöös ning elulistes ja ühiskondlikes olukordades. Üldiselt püütakse loodusainete õpetamise peamise eesmärgi kirjeldamisel ühendada Robertsi esimest visiooni (kontseptuaalne lähenemine) teise visiooniga (kontekstipõhine lähenemine), millega saavutatakse loodusteadusliku kirjaoskuse areng.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "JA Political science (General)"
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Simcock, Adam. "MacIntyre and green political thought : deliberative eco-politics for dependent rational animals." Thesis, Keele University, 2018. http://eprints.keele.ac.uk/5151/.
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Ecologism is a political ideology that emerged in the 1970s. It challenged the neoliberal privileging of economic growth over environmental protection and a narrow conception of the self as autonomous, rational and self-interested. Ecologism’s normative challenge has grown quiet as it became perceived as too inward looking and focused on the self, rather than engaged with issues such as climate change that now preoccupy green political thought. However, in the early 21st century, neoliberalism now dominates western democracies. This turn away from the self and normative opposition to neoliberalism has clearly not furthered the environmental cause, and so there is a need to return to re-politicise the ontological arguments of ecologism. A small number of green political theorists have begun to look towards the Thomistic Aristotelianism of Alasdair MacIntyre and this thesis seeks to add to their number. I argue that MacIntyre’s work concerning the self as dependent rational animal, and arguments for the political and social structures that support this self, can be used to affirm and reengage ecological arguments with politics. MacIntyre’s thought moves ecologism away from its “inward-turn”, concerned with the self’s personal experience of the environment, to a collective politics that looks outwardly to challenge the dominant neoliberal order. In bringing ecologism into conversation with MacIntyre’s philosophy, the original contribution I offer ecological political theory is two-fold. Firstly, the virtues of acknowledged dependence can be used to reflect substantive concern for the environment within political deliberation. Secondly, I develop MacIntyre’s conception of localized deliberative democracy. In order to counter claims that such localization is naïve, I bring MacIntyre’s ideal into conversation with Murray Bookchin’s model of municipal libertarianism and consider two real world examples: Rojava in northern Syria and the ‘Idle no More movement’ in Canada. These examples offer hopeful evidence that decentralised deliberative politics, starting from acknowledging our dependence, can oppose the hegemony of neoliberalism both socially and ecologically.
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Xena, Carla. "Old measures, new implications : the meaning of political efficacy across political contexts." Thesis, University of Essex, 2015. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/15492/.
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The main goal of this thesis is to comprehend some of the factors explaining cross- temporal and cross-national variations in citizens’ feelings of influence upon the political process, namely, political efficacy. For that purpose, this work is structured in three main parts which aim to explain how contextual factors can affect feelings of efficacy and, the sources of cross-national commonalities and differences. The first part, `Electoral Outcomes, Expectations and the (de)Mobilisation of Political Efficacy' contributes to the winner-loser gap literature by assessing the effect of elections, electoral outcomes and electoral expectations on political efficacy in the United Kingdom (UK) 2005 and 2010 general elections. This papers shows that not only electoral outcomes enhance or depress feelings of efficacy but also that electoral expectations have a major impact. The second part of this dissertation, `Does the Concept of Political Efficacy Travel across National Borders?', studies the cross-national comparability of a standard measure of political efficacy used in the European Social Survey (ESS). This paper employs Multigroup Confirmatory Factor Analysis (MGCFA) and shows that the meaning of political efficacy is not equivalent across the European continent but rather, among subsets of countries with a shared background. The third paper of this dissertation, `Valid Measures of Political Efficacy and their Correlates in the US and UK', uses the most recent advances in MGCFA applied to ordinal data to assess the cross-temporal and cross-national validity of a pilot battery of questions of political efficacy in the US and UK. The empirical results show that efficacy is equivalent across both countries only when significant differences in average levels of political efficacy are accounted for.
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Souza, Menezes Aline Maria. "Essays on empirical political economy." Thesis, University of Essex, 2016. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/20066/.
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This thesis studies three channels through which elections and, ultimately, public policy may be interrelated: new media, electoral systems and vote motivation. The media has the fundamental role of providing political information to voters. New media such as the Internet brought about an enormous shift in the availability of political information during elections. Exploiting the timing and geographic variation in the introduction of Internet in Brazil, in the first chapter, I show that municipalities with higher Internet penetration voted more often in candidates who faced legal restrictions for advertising in traditional media. Electoral systems, in turn, have specific features that, in theory, may allow voters to select better politicians by providing more information about candidates and other voters' preferences. In the second chapter, using the discontinuous allocation of single- and dual-ballot electoral rules across mayoral elections in Brazil, I compare the quality of politicians fielded and elected in these systems. In general, dual-ballot candidates from major parties are more politically experienced. This experience may be translated into unobserved political skills that are required to deal with the more competitive electoral process, that, by itself, punishes female candidates, to the extent to which women's participation in politics has been historically low. No differences in performance are observed, except in the attraction of discretionary resources by dual-ballot mayors eligible for reelection, but only in election years. Finally, in the third chapter, I use a quasi-naturally generated group of voters with differential political information and voting motivations to show that politicians extract more rents in municipalities where they know a number of voters is not directly interested in public goods and do not have readily access to local sources of information.
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Tucker, Luc. "Political interactions and voter responses." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2014. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/63836/.
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This thesis investigates empirically the way in which agents in political bodies can influence their peers, as well as the ways in which voters respond to the behavior of legislators in their electoral choices. These relationships are fundamental in trying to comprehend the way in which political decisions are made. Economists should take particular interest in these topics, given their importance in understanding the incentives faced by legislators. Questions as to the possibility of peer effects between political agents are of huge importance in democratic governments. Political debates play a central role in many legislative bodies, where the assumption is implicitly made that opinions can be influenced by the other debate participants. This fundamental assumption is tested in Chapter 1, which is the first to measure the extent of peer influence regarding reported political opinions in an explicitly political environment. This has previously not been possible, given that discussions and debates in legislative chambers take place between participants with particular characteristics and political interests, making it hard to separate the role of peer effects in determining their preferences. This thesis makes use of experimental data, which offers a unique opportunity to distinguish these effects and quantify the degree to which peer effects can influence political preferences. In particular, Chapter 1 uses data from an experiment conducted in Australia in 2009 to consider whether participants showed evidence of having influenced one-another during political discussions. Each of the models used exploits the fact that table allocations were randomized in this experiment and controls for agents’ characteristics, which were also recorded. The key finding of this chapter is that when asked to assign weights to eleven criteria for an effective political system, agents who sat on the same table during the experiment reported preferences that were more similar than those who did not share a table. The effect is small at 4.8% of a standard deviation but is statistically significant and of larger magnitude than other pairing characteristics which could have been expected to influence the differences between weighting choices, such as whether the two players were of the same gender. One year after the Citizens’ Parliament, participants were asked to report their political positioning on the ‘left-right’ scale. It is not found to be the case that the table allocations influenced these reported positions. Having demonstrated that participants in legislative bodies can influence one-another’s reported political preferences, this thesis goes on to analyze the relationship between legislators and the constituents they represent, by considering the question of whether politicians who are more active in parliament are rewarded with a higher probability of being reelected. The particular parliamentary behavior analyzed is the asking of parliamentary questions. The UK House of Commons uses a ballot system to determine which members are selected to ask a question from those who expressed an interest in doing so. This chapter is the first in the literature to exploit this randomization to show that the asking of such questions increases a member’s chances of being reelected by their constituents. It is shown that while the ordering of parliamentary questions is determined at random, the practicalities of conducting debates introduce a potentially endogenous element to the determination of which questions receive oral answers (particularly the speed at which questions are answered). This chapter uses a matched sampling approach to cope with such non-random cases, but also includes alternative results, to show that the findings are not reliant on the use of this technique. Chapter 2 exploits a natural experiment to show that Members of Parliament who are selected to ask parliamentary questions are more likely to be reelected in forthcoming elections. It was necessary in this study, however, to drop certain observations as a result of the fact that the Speaker in the House of Commons, who chairs debates, has some influence over the number of questions reached in each debate, which could undermine the randomization in these cases. Chapter 3 of this thesis goes on to consider this process in more detail. This chapter shows that in fact questions posed by older and more experienced members, as well as those from opposition parties, are more likely to receive oral answers than should be expected under a true randomization. Chapter 3 offers the first opportunity to consider the Speaker’s role in parliamentary debates under the conditions of a ‘natural experiment’. Results presented here point to the role of the Speaker in controlling the speed at which debates progress as contributing significantly to the findings listed above, for example by acquiescing to pressure from more senior members by allowing them to ask their questions in debates where time constraints would otherwise prevent them from doing so. The finding is also an important consideration for future studies which aim to exploit such randomizations as natural experiments relating to parliamentary activity. Such a finding is potentially significant in the context of the UK political system, where the ballot system is in place precisely to ensure that all members of the House of Commons have an equal opportunity to ask questions, regardless of their levels of seniority. The final chapter of this thesis continues to examine the link between legislators and the citizens they represent. In particular, Chapter 4 makes use of the large Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System (BRFSS) dataset from the USA. While this dataset has been extensively used to study health outcomes, this chapter represents the first attempt to use the dataset to study the link between political outcomes and the economic prosperity of constituents. This is achieved by matching survey respondents to their representatives in Congress and restricting attention to cases where members of the lower house seek election to the upper house. Members of the US Senate (the ‘upper house’ in Congress) are elected to serve a state as a whole, whereas members of the House of Representatives (the ‘lower house’) serve a district within one of those states. This chapter shows that members of the House of Representatives who seek election to the Senate (without necessarily being successful) tend to have previously served in districts with permanently higher incomes. Furthermore, incomes are found to be temporarily higher in districts where the representatives are successfully elected to the Senate than those where the representatives were unsuccessful in their attempt to be elected. This is interpreted as showing that in Senate elections, voters reward legislators who served districts where average incomes were seen to increase under their tenure. These chapters use a diverse range of datasets to consider the impacts of political behavior. It is shown that the behavior of agents in political environments not only influences their peers, but is also recognized and rewarded by the voters they represent. Voters are found to respond to political behavior by both reelecting legislators who are more active (by asking more parliamentary questions) and by electing those legislators who have previously served districts where average incomes increased under their tenure.
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De, Neve Jan-Emmanuel C. J. M. "Essays in political economy and voting behaviour." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2011. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/199/.
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This thesis explores how political preferences are shaped by institutions, economic conditions, and personality. Each chapter is a distinct contribution and provides a different perspective on the formation of political preferences and, ultimately, voting behaviour. These different approaches relate to the fields of comparative political economy, behavioural economics, and political psychology. Methodologically, this thesis is empirically applied and the results of these separate enquiries into political preferences are grounded in statistical analysis. A first substantive chapter introduces a median voter data set that provides insight into the ideological position of the electoral centre in over 50 democracies. A second chapter uses this new data and studies cross-national voting behaviour in 18 Western democracies over 1960-2003. It is found that electoral behaviour is closely related to the salience of the following economic institutions: labour organization, skill specificity, and public sector employment. This research shows that political preferences are endogenous to economic institutions and implies the existence of institutional advantages to partisan politics. A third substantive chapter focuses on ideological change in the United States and tests the proposition that voters advance a more liberal agenda in prosperous times and shift towards being more conservative in dire economic times. A reference-dependent utility model relates income growth to political preferences by way of the demand for public goods and the optimal tax rate. This work thus links voting behaviour to economic business cycles and shows that ideological change is endogenous to income growth rates. Finally, a fourth chapter presents the largest study to date of the influence of the big five personality traits on political ideology. In line with prior research in political psychology, it is found that openness to experience strongly predicts liberal ideology and that conscientiousness strongly predicts conservative ideology. A variety of childhood experiences are also studied that may have a differential effect on political ideology based on an individual's personality profile. The findings of this final chapter provide new evidence for the idea that differences in political preferences are deeply intertwined with variation in the nature and nurture of individual personalities. Generally, this thesis provides some new insights into the complex world of political preference formation and does so by exploring the influential role of institutions, economic conditions, and personality.
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Rahman, Ashikur. "Essays on political dynasties : evidence from empirical investigations." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/605/.
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This thesis consists of four papers, each of which helps to understand certain dynamics surrounding political dynasties. The first paper focuses on the role of ‘dynastic identity’ in influencing the behaviour of legislators from the political class of Bangladesh. In particular, it analyses whether dynastic legislators behave differently in comparison to non-dynastic legislators by examining their parliamentary attendance level and the likelihood of them having a criminal profile. The findings from the analysis suggest that ‘dynastic identity’ may influence a legislator’s behaviour. The second paper investigates if there is a systematic relationship between dynasty-politics and corruption in a cross-country empirical analysis. In doing so, the paper produces multiple dynasty indices that try to capture the variation in dynasty- politics across countries. The key findings from this scrutiny are indicative that countries with greater prevalence of dynasty-politics are associated with higher levels of corruption. In the third paper, I study the role of political assassination in facilitating the rise of political dynasties in Bangladesh. More specifically, I construct a data set of political leaders from Bangladesh who faced at least one assassination attempt to exploit the randomness in the success or failure of assassination attempts to identify assassination’s effect on the probability that a leader will start a political dynasty. The results point out that successful assassination increases the likelihood that a political leader will have a posterior relative in office. Lastly, the fourth paper examines if political assassinations have facilitated the rise of political dynasties across countries. To this end, the paper builds on the data used in Jones and Olken (2009), which has information on leaders with at least one assassination attempt. Thus, by comparing national leaders who barely survived an assassination attempt with those who died, the effects of political assassinations on dynasty formation are studied.
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Tarlov, Jessica. "Through the looking glass : controversy, scandal and political careers." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/561/.
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This work measures whether MPs are held individually accountable for their actions through a novel analysis of the 1997 and 2010 UK general elections. Previous research suggests that MPs’ behaviour has little effect on their careers; however, developments in the media’s aggressive reporting style, the rise of personality politics and decline in traditional voting patterns indicate that this is an opportune time to examine the effect of political controversies (including scandals) on MPs’ careers. This analysis focuses on three crucial stages that form a chain of accountability: (1) exposure: the media publicises the controversy and a perception is formed; (2) internal sanction: an MP retires before an election; (3) electoral sanction: voters punish MPs at the polls. Data on MP-specific controversies between the 1992 and 1997 and the 2005 and 2010 elections was sourced from The Times, The Guardian, The Daily Telegraph and their respective Sunday editions. This work also contains an original analysis of the 2009–2010 MP expenses scandal that utilises British Election Study panel survey data to examine how information on MP malfeasance affects voters’ perceptions of MPs. The findings indicate that political controversy is linked to whether an MP retires, with those MPs from the governing party driving the result in both the 1997 and 2010 elections. Overall, voters do not hold MPs responsible for their actions at the polls. Analysis of the expenses scandal supports these general findings: constituent perceptions of their MPs’ expenses behaviour respond to public information, but do not translate into election results. Internal sanction is shown to be the most powerful form of political accountability in the chain. While identifying any individual MP accountability is novel, the overall results are in line with traditional analyses of the strength of party politics, and indicate the importance of electoral system design for accountability.
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Norris, Timothy John. "Hans-Georg Gadamer : poetics and truth in the human sciences." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2014. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/4925/.
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Hans-Georg Gadamer argues that understanding is rooted in conversation and that it is understanding that shapes the human sciences. By showing how words reveal their conceptual value in conversation, we have to question the human sciences attachment to method. The alienating effect of an instrumental view of language is the key issue in this work. We focus on how we communicate as ethical and lyrical subjects in the human sciences while observing scientific protocols. The key question that dominates the current work is: how can poetics and truth, seen as a primary part of our verbal experience of the world, come to capture the problem of self-understanding and concept formation in the human sciences?
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Fleischmann, Leonie. "The transformation of Israeli peace activism since the second Intifada." Thesis, City University London, 2015. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/14051/.
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This dissertation examines the transformation of Israeli peace activism since the second Intifada. Using a framework based in social movement theory it argues that, contrary to conventional wisdom, not all parts of Israeli peace activism were paralysed in the period following the outbreak of the Intifada in 2000. By placing greater emphasis on the internal dynamics of social movement theory: collective action frames, tactical repertoires and mobilisation structures, and by building a three-fold typology of Israeli peace activism: a liberal Zionist component; a radical component; and a human rights component, it argues that it was only the liberal Zionist component that demobilised following the outbreak of violence in 2000. The radical and human rights component continued to mobilise, with new groups emerging, presenting alternative and innovative ways to challenge the prevailing situation. This study is based on interviews with activists in Israel, participant observation and primary data from the publications and websites of the activist groups, focusing on the period between 2000 and 2014. Through this, new empirical data to further the understanding of Israeli peace activism has been provided. This study further contributes to the literature on Israeli peace activism by unearthing new collective action frames, the evolution of tactical repertoires and a shift in the mobilising structures. Furthermore, by disaggregating the internal dynamics before analysing how they interact with the external environment, the political opportunity structures, this dissertation identifies different cycles of contention for the three components of Israeli peace activism. The empirical analysis has also led to contributions in the field of social movement theory. It shows that impact should be conceived of beyond the policy arena, with emphasis given to other areas of impact, such as mobilisation, cultural shifts and norm entrepreneurship. It also identifies a number of aspects of social movement theory that require refinement: the relationship between the government and a social movement; the connection between the international dimension and a domestic social movement; and the role of gender dynamics.
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Gottfried, Shelly. "The ascent of oligarchy : the case of Israel." Thesis, City University London, 2015. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/14708/.
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The aim of this thesis is to explore the development of an oligarchy in the Israeli political economy. In that, it both sheds light on the state-business relationship in the Israeli political economy, and refines the understanding of oligarchy in general. In order to achieve this two-folded objective, I rec-conceptualise oligarchy, identify its sources, characterise its structure, and analyse the main mechanisms through which it establishes its power in a national political economy, specifically - in Israel. The literature so far scarcely addresses the ways in which such cluster of wealth and power emerges and develops in liberal and developed market economies. This thesis aims to fill this gap, by examining the origins of the oligarchy rise, the key actors involved in the process of 'oligarchisation', and the modalities through which oligarchs are distinguished from other wealthy actors. In particular, this work illuminates the critical role of the state in the formation and modus operandiof the oligarchy, which, in return, has substantial influence on the decision-making process and the political economy as a whole. The term 'oligarchy' in this thesis refers to a set of institutional, political, and social linkages and dynamics, whose interests are to some extent converged and are increasingly counterpoised to the interests of the 'traditional' economy. My analysis develops on the basis of a critical engagement with theories examining concentration of wealth and power in national political economies, together with data collected from various governemental and non-governmental sources and fieldwork, examining the facets of this concentration in Israel. My study reveals that the corpus of ideas and assessments of oligarchy points to a cohesive power structure, which, in the Israeli case, can be identified as an informal political institution.
Books on the topic "JA Political science (General)"
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Jessica, Kuper, ed. Political science and political theory. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1987.
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A, Chapman Richard, and Sheehan Michael, eds. Elements in political science. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1999.
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Lamothe, Pedro. Epistemocracia: Primer tratado general de ingeniería política. México: EDAMEX, 1998.
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Kyllönen, Vesa, and Mika Pekkola. Väen tunto: Kirjoituksia estetiikasta ja politiikasta. Hamina: Idiootti, 2012.
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J, Robinson T., ed. The place of ideology in political life. London: Croom Helm, 1985.
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Allen, Peterson Mark, Toops Stanley, and Hey Jeanne A. K, eds. International studies: An interdisiplinary approach to global issues. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 2015.
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International studies: An interdisciplinary approach to global issues. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2012.
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Senator Pete Domenici's Legacy: The Proceedings From the 2012 Pete V. Domenici Public Policy Committee. Los Ranchos, New Mexico: Rio Grande Books, 2012.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "JA Political science (General)"
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Corning, Peter A. "Evolution and Political Control a Synopsis of a General Theory of Politics." In Evolutionary Theory in Social Science, 127–69. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-009-4005-5_6.
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Maricchiolo, Fridanna, Augusto Gnisci, and Marino Bonaiuto. "Political Leaders’ Communicative Style and Audience Evaluation in an Italian General Election Debate." In Lecture Notes in Computer Science, 114–32. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-41545-6_10.
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Simenti-Phiri, Easton D., Philip C. Harris, and David Perrin. "The Americanisation of Southern African Political Campaigns: A Comparative Study of Malawi and South Africa General Elections." In Developments in Marketing Science: Proceedings of the Academy of Marketing Science, 506–15. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-10951-0_186.
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von Braun, Joachim, Kaosar Afsana, Louise O. Fresco, Mohamed Hag Ali Hassan, and Maximo Torero. "Food System Concepts and Definitions for Science and Political Action." In Science and Innovations for Food Systems Transformation, 11–17. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-15703-5_2.
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AbstractThe United Nations with its Food Systems Summit 2021 and member countries seek to alter food systems to be healthier, safer, more sustainable, efficient and equitable. This chapter informs about concepts and definitions of food systems and the determinants of their change. To foster a clear understanding of food systems, especially regarding the UN Food Systems Summit and potential follow up to it, we first present a general food systems concept. We then introduce a concept based on science that provides a definition that the UN Food Systems Summit could use with the five goal-oriented Action Tracks (serving SDG2) and their interlinkages. We suggest a food system definition that encompasses food systems thinking and the broad set of actors and drivers, embedding the concept of sustainability within it.
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Quelal, Andres, Juan Brito, Mateo S. Lomas, Jean Camacho, Argenis Andrade, and Erick Cuenca. "Identifying the Political Tendency of Social Bots in Twitter Using Sentiment Analysis: A Use Case of the 2021 Ecuadorian General Elections." In Communications in Computer and Information Science, 184–96. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-18347-8_15.
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Tausch, Arno. "Introduction: What This Study Is Not and What It Aspires to Be." In Political Islam and Religiously Motivated Political Extremism, 1–5. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-24854-2_1.
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AbstractThis study, financed by the Austrian “Dokumentationsstelle Politischer Islam”, attempts an analysis of what can be said about the phenomenon of “political Islam” in the Arab world and what can be said about religiously motivated political extremism (hereafter abbreviated RMPE) in an international comparison from the perspective of international, empirically oriented social sciences. We use open, internationally accessible data from the Arab Barometer and the World Values Survey to analyse these two phenomena. In this chapter, we describe the general outline of our study. We emphasise that we follow the example of Cammett et al. (2020), in attempting to present our own empirical data from recognised social science surveys on political Islam. In doing so, the focus is on a tradition influenced by the mathematical logic and analytical philosophy of the Vienna Circle through Rudolf Carnap (1988), of relying on the extension of a contested concept. In our case—of “political Islam”—the research of the Arab Barometer as well as Francois Burgat, but also Jocelyne Cesari, John Esposito, Gilles Kepel and Oliver Roy have in any case very clearly outlined which important value patterns the adherents of political Islam represent (five items from the Arab Barometer) and which political movements and governments of countries can be assigned to the extension of the phenomenon, such as the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, Sudan and Jordan, Jamaat-i-Islami in South Asia, the Refah Party in Turkey, the Islamic Salvation Front in Algeria, al Nahda in Tunisia, Hizballah in Lebanon, Hamas and Islamic Jihad in the Palestinian territories and Gamaa Islamiyya and Jihad in Egypt. It is certainly also legitimate, in the light of the above literature, to describe the current AKP government in Turkey and the Islamist regime in Iran as “political Islam in power”. Our measurement of “political Islam” thus adopts this perspective without “ifs” and “buts” and 1:1. After all, according to the “Arab Barometer” team, “political Islam” occurs whenever the following opinions are held in the region: It is better for religious leaders to hold public office Religious leaders should influence government decisions Religious leaders are less corrupt than civilian ones Religious leaders should influence elections Religious practice is not a private matter.
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Tausch, Arno. "Discussion and Conclusions of This Study in the Context of the Empirical Results Obtained." In Political Islam and Religiously Motivated Political Extremism, 77–81. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-24854-2_6.
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AbstractWe have emphasised in this chapter that our findings do not fit into any simple political template of thinking that has existed for many years on the topic of “Islam” and “migration”. Our findings show that surveys authoritatively designed by Arab social science clearly measure “political Islam”, but that the phenomenon is less pronounced in the population that says it wants to emigrate to the West than in the Arab population as a whole. We have also clearly pointed out that the RMPE cannot be separated from the climate of lawlessness that many observers unfortunately now see rampant, especially in Western industrialised countries, and secondly, that the drivers of the key variables of the RMPE are rooted in such patterns of thought and values as the demand for a redistributive state, the apolitical young generation, the rejection of the neoliberal market economy, corruption and lawlessness as well as racism and xenophobia. The best blockades against the RMPE are feminism and secularism. An honest examination of the phenomenon of RMPE will also not be able to ignore the fact that especially in Catholic countries, where the decay of traditional values is progressing particularly fast, not only the acceptance of corruption but also of political violence is on the rise again. This problem also arises in countries with a confessional orientation towards Eastern religions. The rejection of free-market competition (competition is harmful) is also clearly linked to a higher acceptance of political violence, according to the World Values Survey. The results of our study on political Islam in the Arab world certainly also have some very shocking aspects that cannot simply be swept under the carpet. Weighted by population, the Arab Barometer data show that more than 70% of Arabs have a (sympathetic) understanding of the anti-American terror that culminated in 9/11 in Manhattan. More than 44% of Arabs favour Sharia with corporal punishment, more than 37% want the rights of non-Muslims in society to be less than those of Muslims, and more than 34% also want Sharia to restrict the rights of women. We finally highlight that following the late Harvard economist Alberto Alesina (1957–2020), social trust is an essential general production factor of any social order, and the institutions of national security of the democratic West would do well to make good use of this capital of trust that also exists among Muslims living in the West.
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Xhindi, Nevila, and Blerjana Bino. "Removing Political Barriers to Engagement: The Advisory Roles of Political Scientists in Albania." In The Advisory Roles of Political Scientists in Europe, 67–83. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-86005-9_4.
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AbstractThis chapter analyzes Albania’s policy advisory system focusing on the advisory roles of political scientists. Albania’s political science discipline is relatively new, as it has mainly developed since the turn of the century. After exploring how the policy development process happens and how different factors may hinder the demand for Albania’s policy advice, this chapter considers political scientists’ role within the national context. Political barriers limit the role of political scientists in the policy process. In general, Albanian political scientists do engage in policy advice, but not in a structured and well-organized way. Mostly it is informal and based on a network of connections. Also, in the Albanian system, they have little incentives for such engagement external to their university work. Political scientists engage in policy advice more with societal actors than directly with legislative or executive institutions and officials. Future research may include the demand side of policy advice to understand the role of political scientists better and provide clues for their future engagement.
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Molnár, Gábor Tamás. "Coping with a Closed and Politicized System: The Advisory Roles of Political Scientists in Hungary." In The Advisory Roles of Political Scientists in Europe, 181–203. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-86005-9_9.
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AbstractThis chapter provides a first look at the policy advisory system of an illiberal-populist democracy, Hungary, asking how can we explain the low level of advisory engagement of Hungarian political scientists? and how can we apply our theoretical framework to describe the patterns of policy advisory activities of Hungarian political scientists? Based on an overview of Hungarian policymaking, we expect a closed, politicized policy advisory system dominated by the central government and its externalized structures of advice. Access is expected to be selective, based on personal connections. We find that policy advice is neither especially restricted nor incentivized by professional norms and academic career considerations, but there is a general lack of fit between knowledge demand from policymakers and traditional areas of political science. The decisive factor in explaining the low level of engagement in Hungary seems to be demand from the potential recipients and the selective access to the policymaking process. Advice is institutionalized outside of academia and the internal governmental arena, with (consulting) firm membership being the strongest predictor of advisory engagement and think tanks being the most frequent recipient. The advisory strategies observable are often highly informal, while those lacking personal connections utilize alternative, more formal means.
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Hawkins, Benjamin, and Kathryn Oliver. "Select Committee Governance and the Production of Evidence: The Case of UK E-cigarettes Policy." In Integrating Science and Politics for Public Health, 187–208. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-98985-9_9.
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AbstractThis chapter examines the process of evidence use within the Westminster select committee system and the potential this offers for health-harming industries to influence the evidentiary content of policy debates. It introduces these issues through the example of the regulatory debate on electronic cigarettes and the 2018 Science and Technology enquiry into their regulations. Through this we identify a more general set of issues around the governance of select committees, and their generation and promotion of policy-relevant evidence, which is under-explored in the current research literature. The currently opaque accountability mechanisms create a significant opportunity for well-resourced policy actors, including trans-national corporations, to shape the evidentiary content of policy debates, via committee evidence gathering and synthesis processes and the potentially influential reports generated from this. Studies of the tobacco and other health-harming industries identify a long-standing strategy of seeking to ‘capture’ apparently independent bodies to generate research amenable to their underlying policy objectives. Such outputs are particularly valuable to corporate political actors, as they have the appearance of separation from the industry and enjoy the kudos associated with entities at the heart of the body politic. As such, it raises important questions about the oversight of evidence production by government bodies.
Conference papers on the topic "JA Political science (General)"
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Kadir, Andi Gau, Dr Nurlinah, and Mr Rahmatullah. "Political Socialization Media of Selayar Islands General Election." In Unhas International Conference on Social and Political Science (UICoSP 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/uicosp-17.2017.4.
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Mazurenko, A. P. "Problems of law-making policy." In General question of world science. L-Journal, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18411/gq-30-11-2020-06.
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The main problems of the development of law-making policy in modern Russia are analyzed. The views of various scientists regarding the content and nature of this political and legal phenomenon are considered. The author's definition of law-making policy is proposed, and the goals of such a policy for the foreseeable future and possible means of achieving them are highlighted.
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Kovaleva, M. V., and O. V. Mikhailov. "Search for Ways to overcome the Crisis by Representatives of Russian Religious Thought." In General question of world science. Наука России, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18411/gq-31-03-2021-61.
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The crisis at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries affected different countries and different aspects of social life, which was inevitable both due to geographical proximity and cultural, economic, political and other intersections. Addressing the topic of the sociocultural crisis was characteristic of both Russian and Western European philosophers of the early 20th century. The author in the article refers to the understanding of its features and ways to overcome it in the context of the ideas of Russian religious philosophers. An integral feature of Russian philosophical thought in the context of assessing the ongoing social changes and the search for ways out of a crisis situation is an understanding of the special purpose of Russia and an awareness of its role in human history. The works of Russian philosophers are full of anxiety about the future of mankind, about the fate of Russia, a premonition of possible death, therefore it is no coincidence that the appeal to the theme of the Apocalypse, the impending catastrophe, the end of history is perceived as a real threat to the existence of mankind. With all the diversity of approaches to assessing the sociocultural crisis, Russian thinkers are united by common philosophical roots, religion, national and cultural traditions. In the context of understanding the crisis processes of the early twentieth century, Russian religious thinkers raise the question of the role and significance of a person in the transformation of life, thereby actualizing the moral and anthropological problems.
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Yuhandra, Erga, Haris Budiman, and Suwari Akhmaddhian. "Legal and Political Consequences of Threshold Application in The General Election System in Indonesia." In Proceedings of the 1st Universitas Kuningan International Conference on Social Science, Environment and Technology, UNiSET 2020, 12 December 2020, Kuningan, West Java, Indonesia. EAI, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.12-12-2020.2305137.
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Plummer, Matthew, Marco A. Palomino, and Giovanni L. Masala. "Analysing the Sentiment Expressed by Political Audiences on Twitter: The Case of the 2017 UK General Election." In 2017 International Conference on Computational Science and Computational Intelligence (CSCI). IEEE, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/csci.2017.253.
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Xiye, Xu. "Discussion on innovation of ideological and political theory course teaching at higher vocational schools based on the concept combination of general education and professional education." In 2014 International Conference on Economic Management and Social Science (ICEMSS 2014). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/emss-14.2014.36.
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Montgomery, D. C. "COLLABORATIONS IN CONCLUDE CRAMPED DUPLICATE: LOGICAL AFFAIR AND AN APPLICATION TO PERSONAL VOTE-EARNING ATTRIBUTES." In SCIENCE AND INNOVATION IN THE XXI CENTURY: CURRENT ISSUES, DISCOVERIES AND ACHIEVEMENTS - II. INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC AND CURRENT RESEARCH CONFERENCES, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/iscrc-intconf09-01.
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There is some disarray in political theory, and the sociologies in general ,about the significance and translation of connection impacts in duplicate with non-interval ,non-ordinary result factors. Frequently these terms are nonchalantly tossed into a duplicate pecification without seeing that their essence in a general sense changes the interpretation of the subsequent coefficients. This article clarifies the restrictive idea of reported coefficients in duplicate with associations, characterizing the essentially extraordinary interpretation required by summed up direct duplicate.
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Engel, Joachim, and Adalbert Wilhelm. "Data and Statistics as basis for political decisions: lessons to be learnt from the COVID-19 pandemic." In IASE 2021 Satellite Conference: Statistics Education in the Era of Data Science. International Association for Statistical Education, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.52041/iase.qctta.
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The Covid-19 crisis has impressively raised the general awareness that our social coexistence and political decisions are essentially based on data, the weighing of risks and thus on probability estimates. This places high demands on the ability of health authorities, policy makers and the media to communicate statistical information as well as on the ability of citizens to understand these messages. In this paper we reflect on the role of scientific evidence in democratic societies and analyze selected illustrative examples of communicating evidence via visualizations and simulation, media reports, and expert’s statements. We identify venues and formats of communicating statistical information about the pandemics to the public that seems to be effective contrasting less helpful formats. We conclude by presenting recommendations for stakeholders in politics, media and statistics agencies on how to communicate empirical evidence to the public efficiently, released by the Deutsche Arbeitsgemeinschaft Statistik, an umbrella organization of statistical associations in Germany.
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Prizevoite, Ilze, and Gunta Grinberga-Zalite. "Remuneration system elements' impact on the performance of the teachers of general education institutions in the regions of Latvia." In 22nd International Scientific Conference. “Economic Science for Rural Development 2021”. Latvia University of Life Sciences and Technologies. Faculty of Economics and Social Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22616/esrd.2021.55.018.
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The authors of the article present the results of a study on the evaluation of the remuneration and performance of teachers in general education institutions in the regions of Latvia, which is a topical issue in the implementation of education system reforms. The aim of the study was to find out the opinion of teachers working in general education institutions about the factors influencing work performance, paying special attention to the regional aspects of this problem. The study used quantitative research methods through an extensive online survey. The questionnaire identified the following factors influencing teachers' performance: financial remuneration, non-financial remuneration, organizational culture and politics. The opinion of teachers was analysed in depth by regions of Latvia. The results show that in all regions of Latvia the performance of teachers is most significantly influenced by financial remuneration, non-financial remuneration and organizational culture are also important, but political presence plays an insignificant role. The results also revealed that in all regions (least in Riga and Pieriga) the increase of the minimum monthly wage rate of teachers or the wage is not the determining factor that would increase the performance of teachers. Key words: education performance, regional development, regional disparities.
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Marsh, Cecille. "Gender Diversity in Computing: An Environmental Perspective." In InSITE 2008: Informing Science + IT Education Conference. Informing Science Institute, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.28945/3248.
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Previous research conducted by the author investigated the socio-political backgrounds of two groups of female students studying computer-related university programmes. They came from distinctly different backgrounds and were enrolled at two institutions with very different legacies. The author found that socio-political factors, in particular the role of a dominant female household head and aggressive governmental affirmative action, had a significant effect on the girls’ levels of confidence and subsequently on their decision to study computer-related courses. Based on this insight, the researcher undertook to look further into gender diversity with respect to self-perceived general computer confidence and self-perceived ability to program a computer. A sample of both female and male Information T echnology students from very similar disadvantaged socio-economic backgrounds was surveyed. The sample of 204 students was drawn from all three years of the National Diploma in Information Technology. The author considered the following research questions: (i) Do males and females studying computer-related courses have differing computer selfefficacy levels? (ii) Do males and females studying computer programming have differing attitudes towards their ability to program? (iii) Do males and females differ in their attitudes towards the programming learning environment?
Reports on the topic "JA Political science (General)"
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Racu, Alexandru. The Romanian Orthodox Church and Its Attitude towards the Public Health Measures Imposed during the COVID-19 Pandemic: Too Much for Some, Too Little for Others. Analogia 17 (2023), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/17-3-racu.
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This paper discusses the religious dimension of the public debate concerning the public health measures adopted by the Romanian authorities during the pandemic and focuses on the role played by the Romanian Orthodox Church within this context. It delineates the different camps that were formed within the Church in this regard and traces their evolution throughout the pandemic. It contextualizes the position of the Church in order to better understand it, placing it within the broader context of the Romanian society during the pandemic and integrating it within the longer history of post-communist relations between the Romanian Orthodox Church, the Romanian state and the Romanian civil society. It analyses the political impact of the public health measures and the role of the Church in shaping this impact. Finally, starting from the Romanian experience of the pandemic and from the ideological, theological and political disputes that it has generated within the Romanian public sphere, it develops some general conclusions regarding the relation between faith, science and politics whose relevance, if proven valid, surpasses the Romanian context and thus contributes to a more ecumenical discussion regarding the theological, pastoral and political lessons that can be learned from an otherwise tragic experience.
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Mehta, Goverdhan, Alain Krief, Henning Hopf, and Stephen A. Matlin. Chemistry in a post-Covid-19 world. AsiaChem Magazine, November 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.51167/acm00013.
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The long-term impacts of global upheaval unleashed by Covid-19 on economic, political, social configurations, trade, everyday life in general, and broader planetary sustainability issues are still unfolding and a full assessment will take some time. However, in the short term, the disruptive effects of the pandemic on health, education, and behaviors and on science and education have already manifested themselves profoundly – and the chemistry arena is also deeply affected. There will be ramifications for many facets of chemistry’s ambit, including how it repositions itself and how it is taught, researched, practiced, and resourced within the rapidly shifting post-Covid-19 contexts. The implications for chemistry are discussed hereunder three broad headings, relating to trends (a) within the field of knowledge transfer; (b) in knowledge application and translational research; and (c) affecting academic/professional life.
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Lees, Shelley, and Mark Marchant. Key Considerations: Cross-Border Dynamics Between Uganda and Tanzania in the Context of the Outbreak of Ebola, 2022. Institute of Development Studies, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/sshap.2022.046.
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This brief summarises key considerations concerning cross-border dynamics between Tanzania and Uganda in the context of the outbreak of Ebola (Sudan Virus Disease, SVD) in Uganda. It is part of a series focusing on at-risk border areas between Uganda and four high priority neighbouring countries: Rwanda; Tanzania; Kenya and South Sudan. The current outbreak is of the Sudan strain of Ebola (SVD). SVD is used in this paper to refer to the current outbreak in East Africa, whereas outbreaks of Zaire Ebolavirus disease or general references to Ebola are referred to as EVD. The current outbreak began in Mubende, Uganda, on 19 September 2022, approximately 240km from the Uganda-Tanzania border. It has since spread to nine Ugandan districts, including two in the Kampala metropolitan area. Kampala is a transport hub, with a population over 3.6 million. While the global risk from SVD remains low according to the World Health Organization, its presence in the Ugandan capital has significantly heightened the risk to regional neighbours. At the time of writing, there had been no cases of Ebola imported from Uganda into Tanzania. This brief provides details about cross-border relations, the political and economic dynamics likely to influence these, and specific areas and actors most at risk. It is based on a rapid review of existing published and grey literature, previous ethnographic research in Tanzania, and informal discussions with colleagues from the Tanzania’s Ministry of Health, Community Development, Gender, Elderly and Children (MoHCDGEC), Tanzania National Institute for Medical Research (NIMR), Uganda Red Cross Society, Tanzania Red Cross Society (TRCS), International Organization for Migration (IOM), IFRC, US CDC and CDC Tanzania. The brief was developed by Shelley Lees and Mark Marchant (London School of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine) with support from Olivia Tulloch (Anthrologica) and Hugh Lamarque (University of Edinburgh). Additional review and inputs were provided by The Tanzania Red Cross and UNICEF. The brief is the responsibility of the Social Science in Humanitarian Action Platform (SSHAP).
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Hillestad, Torgeir Martin. The Metapsychology of Evil: Main Theoretical Perspectives Causes, Consequences and Critique. University of Stavanger, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.224.
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The purpose of this text or dissertation is to throw some basic light on a fundamental problem concerning manhood, namely the question of evil, its main sources, dynamics and importance for human attitudes and behaviour. The perspective behind the analysis itself is that of psychology. Somebody, or many, may feel at bit nervous by the word “evil” itself. It may very well be seen as too connected to religion, myth and even superstition. Yet those who are motivated to lose oneself in the subject retain a deep interest in human destructiveness, malevolence and hate, significant themes pointing at threatening prospects for mankind. The text is organized or divided into four main ordinary chapters, the three first of them organized or divided into continuous and numbered sections. A crucial point or question is of cause how to define evil itself. It can of cause be done both intentional, instrumental and by consequence. Other theorists however have stated that the concept of evil exclusively rests on a myth originated in the Judean-Christian conception of Satan and ultimate evil. This last argument presupposes evil itself as non-existent in the real rational world. It seems however a fact that most people attach certain basic meaning to the concept, mainly that it represents ultimately bad and terrible actions and behaviour directed toward common people for the purpose of bringing upon them ultimate pain and suffer. However, there is no room for essentialism here, meaning that we simply can look “inside” some original matter to get to know what it “really” is. Rather, a phenomenon gets its identity from the constituted meaning operating within a certain human communities and contexts loaded with intentionality and inter-subjective meaning. As mentioned above, the concept of evil can be interpreted both instrumental and intentional, the first being the broadest of them. Here evil stands for behaviour and human deeds having terrifying or fatal consequences for subjects and people or in general, regardless of the intentions behind. The intentional interpretation however, links the concept to certain predispositions, characteristics and even strong motives in subjects, groups and sometimes political systems and nations. I will keep in mind and clear the way for both these perspectives for the discussion in prospect. This essay represents a psychological perspective on evil, but makes it clear that a more or less complete account of such a psychological view also should include a thorough understanding or integration of some basic social and even biological assumptions. However, I consider a social psychological position of significant importance, especially because in my opinion it represents some sort of coordination of knowledge and theoretical perspectives inherent in the subject or problem itself, the main task here being to integrate perspectives of a psychological as well as social and biological kind. Since humans are essential social creatures, the way itself to present knowledge concerning the human condition, must be social of some sort and kind, however not referring to some kind of reductionism where social models of explanation possess or holds monopoly. Social and social psychological perspectives itself represents parts of the whole matter regarding understanding and explanation of human evil. The fact that humans present, or has to represent themselves as humans among other humans, means that basically a social language is required both to explain and describe human manners and ways of being. This then truly represents its own way or, more correctly, level or standard of explanation, which makes social psychology some sort of significant, though not sufficient. More substantial, the vision itself of integrating different ontological and theoretical levels and objects of science for the purpose of manifesting or make real a full-fledged psychological perspective on evil, should be considered or characterized a meta-psychological perspective. The text is partially constructed as a review of existing theories and theorists concerning the matter of evil and logically associated themes such as violence, mass murder, genocide, antisocial behaviour in general, aggression, hate and cruelty. However, the demands of making a theoretical distinction between these themes, although connected, is stressed. Above all, an integral perspective combining different scientific disciplines is aimed at.
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African Open Science Platform Part 1: Landscape Study. Academy of Science of South Africa (ASSAf), 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/assaf.2019/0047.
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This report maps the African landscape of Open Science – with a focus on Open Data as a sub-set of Open Science. Data to inform the landscape study were collected through a variety of methods, including surveys, desk research, engagement with a community of practice, networking with stakeholders, participation in conferences, case study presentations, and workshops hosted. Although the majority of African countries (35 of 54) demonstrates commitment to science through its investment in research and development (R&D), academies of science, ministries of science and technology, policies, recognition of research, and participation in the Science Granting Councils Initiative (SGCI), the following countries demonstrate the highest commitment and political willingness to invest in science: Botswana, Ethiopia, Kenya, Senegal, South Africa, Tanzania, and Uganda. In addition to existing policies in Science, Technology and Innovation (STI), the following countries have made progress towards Open Data policies: Botswana, Kenya, Madagascar, Mauritius, South Africa and Uganda. Only two African countries (Kenya and South Africa) at this stage contribute 0.8% of its GDP (Gross Domestic Product) to R&D (Research and Development), which is the closest to the AU’s (African Union’s) suggested 1%. Countries such as Lesotho and Madagascar ranked as 0%, while the R&D expenditure for 24 African countries is unknown. In addition to this, science globally has become fully dependent on stable ICT (Information and Communication Technologies) infrastructure, which includes connectivity/bandwidth, high performance computing facilities and data services. This is especially applicable since countries globally are finding themselves in the midst of the 4th Industrial Revolution (4IR), which is not only “about” data, but which “is” data. According to an article1 by Alan Marcus (2015) (Senior Director, Head of Information Technology and Telecommunications Industries, World Economic Forum), “At its core, data represents a post-industrial opportunity. Its uses have unprecedented complexity, velocity and global reach. As digital communications become ubiquitous, data will rule in a world where nearly everyone and everything is connected in real time. That will require a highly reliable, secure and available infrastructure at its core, and innovation at the edge.” Every industry is affected as part of this revolution – also science. An important component of the digital transformation is “trust” – people must be able to trust that governments and all other industries (including the science sector), adequately handle and protect their data. This requires accountability on a global level, and digital industries must embrace the change and go for a higher standard of protection. “This will reassure consumers and citizens, benefitting the whole digital economy”, says Marcus. A stable and secure information and communication technologies (ICT) infrastructure – currently provided by the National Research and Education Networks (NRENs) – is key to advance collaboration in science. The AfricaConnect2 project (AfricaConnect (2012–2014) and AfricaConnect2 (2016–2018)) through establishing connectivity between National Research and Education Networks (NRENs), is planning to roll out AfricaConnect3 by the end of 2019. The concern however is that selected African governments (with the exception of a few countries such as South Africa, Mozambique, Ethiopia and others) have low awareness of the impact the Internet has today on all societal levels, how much ICT (and the 4th Industrial Revolution) have affected research, and the added value an NREN can bring to higher education and research in addressing the respective needs, which is far more complex than simply providing connectivity. Apart from more commitment and investment in R&D, African governments – to become and remain part of the 4th Industrial Revolution – have no option other than to acknowledge and commit to the role NRENs play in advancing science towards addressing the SDG (Sustainable Development Goals). For successful collaboration and direction, it is fundamental that policies within one country are aligned with one another. Alignment on continental level is crucial for the future Pan-African African Open Science Platform to be successful. Both the HIPSSA ((Harmonization of ICT Policies in Sub-Saharan Africa)3 project and WATRA (the West Africa Telecommunications Regulators Assembly)4, have made progress towards the regulation of the telecom sector, and in particular of bottlenecks which curb the development of competition among ISPs. A study under HIPSSA identified potential bottlenecks in access at an affordable price to the international capacity of submarine cables and suggested means and tools used by regulators to remedy them. Work on the recommended measures and making them operational continues in collaboration with WATRA. In addition to sufficient bandwidth and connectivity, high-performance computing facilities and services in support of data sharing are also required. The South African National Integrated Cyberinfrastructure System5 (NICIS) has made great progress in planning and setting up a cyberinfrastructure ecosystem in support of collaborative science and data sharing. The regional Southern African Development Community6 (SADC) Cyber-infrastructure Framework provides a valuable roadmap towards high-speed Internet, developing human capacity and skills in ICT technologies, high- performance computing and more. The following countries have been identified as having high-performance computing facilities, some as a result of the Square Kilometre Array7 (SKA) partnership: Botswana, Ghana, Kenya, Madagascar, Mozambique, Mauritius, Namibia, South Africa, Tunisia, and Zambia. More and more NRENs – especially the Level 6 NRENs 8 (Algeria, Egypt, Kenya, South Africa, and recently Zambia) – are exploring offering additional services; also in support of data sharing and transfer. The following NRENs already allow for running data-intensive applications and sharing of high-end computing assets, bio-modelling and computation on high-performance/ supercomputers: KENET (Kenya), TENET (South Africa), RENU (Uganda), ZAMREN (Zambia), EUN (Egypt) and ARN (Algeria). Fifteen higher education training institutions from eight African countries (Botswana, Benin, Kenya, Nigeria, Rwanda, South Africa, Sudan, and Tanzania) have been identified as offering formal courses on data science. In addition to formal degrees, a number of international short courses have been developed and free international online courses are also available as an option to build capacity and integrate as part of curricula. The small number of higher education or research intensive institutions offering data science is however insufficient, and there is a desperate need for more training in data science. The CODATA-RDA Schools of Research Data Science aim at addressing the continental need for foundational data skills across all disciplines, along with training conducted by The Carpentries 9 programme (specifically Data Carpentry 10 ). Thus far, CODATA-RDA schools in collaboration with AOSP, integrating content from Data Carpentry, were presented in Rwanda (in 2018), and during17-29 June 2019, in Ethiopia. Awareness regarding Open Science (including Open Data) is evident through the 12 Open Science-related Open Access/Open Data/Open Science declarations and agreements endorsed or signed by African governments; 200 Open Access journals from Africa registered on the Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ); 174 Open Access institutional research repositories registered on openDOAR (Directory of Open Access Repositories); 33 Open Access/Open Science policies registered on ROARMAP (Registry of Open Access Repository Mandates and Policies); 24 data repositories registered with the Registry of Data Repositories (re3data.org) (although the pilot project identified 66 research data repositories); and one data repository assigned the CoreTrustSeal. Although this is a start, far more needs to be done to align African data curation and research practices with global standards. Funding to conduct research remains a challenge. African researchers mostly fund their own research, and there are little incentives for them to make their research and accompanying data sets openly accessible. Funding and peer recognition, along with an enabling research environment conducive for research, are regarded as major incentives. The landscape report concludes with a number of concerns towards sharing research data openly, as well as challenges in terms of Open Data policy, ICT infrastructure supportive of data sharing, capacity building, lack of skills, and the need for incentives. Although great progress has been made in terms of Open Science and Open Data practices, more awareness needs to be created and further advocacy efforts are required for buy-in from African governments. A federated African Open Science Platform (AOSP) will not only encourage more collaboration among researchers in addressing the SDGs, but it will also benefit the many stakeholders identified as part of the pilot phase. The time is now, for governments in Africa, to acknowledge the important role of science in general, but specifically Open Science and Open Data, through developing and aligning the relevant policies, investing in an ICT infrastructure conducive for data sharing through committing funding to making NRENs financially sustainable, incentivising open research practices by scientists, and creating opportunities for more scientists and stakeholders across all disciplines to be trained in data management.