Journal articles: 'Jaca (Spain) Civil War, 1936-1939'

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Mulligan, Maureen. "The Spanish Civil War Described by Two Women Travelers." Journeys 19, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 67–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jys.2018.190104.

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This article contrasts two accounts by women written between 1936 and 1939 describing their experiences of Spain during the Spanish Civil War. The aim is to question how far travel writers have a political and ethical relation to the place they visit and to what extent they deal with this in their texts. The global politics of travel writing and the distinction between colonial and cosmopolitan travel writers affect the way a foreign culture is articulated for the home market through discursive and linguistic strategies. The texts are Kate O’Brien’s Farewell Spain (1937) and Gamel Woolsey’s Death’s Other Kingdom: A Spanish Village in 1936 (1939). The conclusions suggest women adopt a range of positions toward the Spanish conflict, depending on their personal commitment and their contact with local people, but their concern to articulate the experience of others in time of crisis has a strong ethical component.

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Ottanelli, Fraser. "Spain in Our Hearts: Americans in the Spanish Civil War, 1936–1939." Journal of American History 104, no. 2 (September 2017): 528. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jax253.

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Fouquet, Patricia Root, and Robert H. Whealey. "Hitler and Spain: The Nazi Role in the Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939." American Historical Review 95, no. 5 (December 1990): 1528. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2162750.

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Robinson, R. "The Splintering of Spain: Cultural History and the Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939." English Historical Review CXXI, no. 492 (June 1, 2006): 883–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cel136.

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Greene, Nathanael. "The Splintering of Spain: Cultural History and the Spanish Civil War, 1936–1939." History: Reviews of New Books 34, no. 3 (March 2006): 93–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2006.10526884.

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Keyserlingk, Robert H., and Robert H. Whealey. "Hitler and Spain: The Nazi Role in the Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939." German Studies Review 14, no. 1 (February 1991): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1430206.

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ROHR, ISABELLE. "The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939 - By Anthony Beevor." History 93, no. 309 (January 21, 2008): 151–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.2008.416_57.x.

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Marco, Jorge. "Rethinking the Postwar Period in Spain: Violence and Irregular Civil War, 1939–52." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 3 (June 25, 2019): 492–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009419839764.

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There is a consensus among scholars regarding the slow transformation of ‘hot-blooded terror’ into ‘cold-blooded terror’ during the Civil War and the postwar period in Spain. This article challenges this framework in two ways. First, it argues that the Spanish Civil War did not end in 1939, but lasted until 1952, divided in three stages: symmetric nonconventional warfare (July 1936 – February 1937), conventional civil war (February 1937 – April 1939), and irregular civil war (April 1939–52). Second, it argues that the narrative of ‘cold-blooded terror’ after 1939 has obscured the complexity of the political violence imposed by the Franco dictatorship. The author argues that throughout the three stages of the Civil War the Francoists implemented a process of political cleansing, but that from April 1939 two different logics of violence were deployed. These depended on the attitude of the vanquished – resignation or resistance – after the defeat of the Republican army. The logic of violence directed against the subjugated enemy was channelled through institutional instruments. In contrast, the logic of counterinsurgency directed against the guerrilla movement, alongside instruments such as military courts and the prison system, imposed a wide repertoire of brutal practices and massacres against civilians and combatants.

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Peck, Mary Biggar. "Red Moon over Spain: Canadian Media Reaction to the Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939." Labour / Le Travail 23 (1989): 396. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143215.

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Jensen, Geoffrey. "The Splintering of Spain: Cultural History and the Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939 (review)." Journal of Military History 70, no. 4 (2006): 1154–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2006.0251.

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Ratz, Sergey V. "Secret services of the USSR in Spain and their role in the military and political conflict of 1936–1939." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Philosophy and Conflict Studies 36, no. 2 (2020): 356–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2020.212.

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The article is dedicated to the activities of the Soviet intelligence agencies in Spain during the Civil War of 1936–1939. By June 1936, diplomatic relations between USSR and Spain were absent. Due to the putschist revolt and the appeal of the legitimate government of Spain to the USSR, the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party (Bolshevik) made a decision to establish diplomatic, military, and trade delegations in Spain. The intelligence agencies of the USSR planned operation ‘X’ for military assistance to Spain. As part of this operation, a Soviet advisory staff concerning military and foreign intelligence was formed. The author brings to light the goals of the secret service authorities of the Soviet Union, including such particular ones as the removal of Spain’s gold reserve and the creation of the 14th Partisan Corps. The article analyses the activities of the advisory staff, their role in the development of the largest military operations during the Spanish Civil War, and traces the fate of the conflict’s most active participants. Based on the analysis of new data introduced into the historical discourse in recent years, the author concludes that the secret services of the USSR played a large role in this conflict. The Soviet advisors and specialists obtained unique experiences, including conducting large-scale operations; military equipment was tested in actual battle activities; intelligence specialists enlisted information sources with great potential. Many military specialists tried and trained in Spain in 1936–1939 later played an invaluable role in the victory of the USSR in the Great Patriotic War.

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Hughes, Richard, and Andrew Hakes. "Book Review of Spain in Our Hearts: Americans in the Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 43, no. 2 (February 11, 2019): 54–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.43.2.54-56.

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Acciai, Enrico. "Albanian Transnational Fighters: From the Spanish Civil War to the European Resistance Movements (1936–1945)." War in History 27, no. 3 (July 5, 2019): 346–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344519829777.

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This article investigates the trajectories of a small group of Albanian veterans of the Spanish Civil War after leaving Spain, in early 1939. By focusing on the way in which Albanian veterans reached the European resistance movements between 1941 and 1943, we both enhance and problematize our understanding of the European resistance movement as a transnational phenomenon with its roots in the Spanish Civil War. This article aims to contribute further to a better understanding of the longue durée of the anti-fascist fight between 1936 and the end of the Second World War.

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Sánchez León, Pablo. "Overcoming the Violent Past in Spain, 1939–2009." European Review 20, no. 4 (September 4, 2012): 492–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798712000063.

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Although part of a wider cultural and political phenomenon in world democracies, the revival movement on memory from traumatic past events has in the case of Spain strong contextual bearings. Drawing on the concept of ‘regimes of memory’, this article discusses two successive patterns of supply and demand of discourse and policies on memory from the end of the 1936–1939 Civil War to the beginning of the twenty-first century. Describing the rhetoric of ‘total victory’ under Franco's dictatorship, and later of ‘collective and shared guilt’ under democracy, it outlines a dialectics between hegemonic and non-hegemonic discourses on collective trauma that helps explain the rise and decline of regimes of memory in general, as well as the current orientation of public debates in Spain towards a new regime of memory based on a claim for ‘instituted remembrance’ of the traumatic past.

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Nelson, Sioban, Paola Galbany-Estragués, and Gloria Gallego-Caminero. "The Nurses No-One Remembers: Looking for Spanish Nurses in Accounts of the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939)." Nursing History Review 28, no. 1 (September 1, 2019): 63–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/1062-8061.28.63.

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Accounts of Spanish nursing and nurses during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) that appear in the memoirs and correspondence of International Brigade volunteers, and are subsequently repeated in the secondary literature on the war, give little indication of existence of trained nurses in country. We set out to examine this apparent erasure of the long tradition of skilled nursing in Spain and the invisibility of thousands of Spanish nurses engaged in the war effort. We ask two questions: How can we understand the narrative thrust of the international volunteer accounts and subsequent historiography? And what was the state of nursing in Spain on the Republican side during the war as presented by Spanish participants and historians? We put the case that the narrative erasure of Spanish professional nursing prior to the Civil War was the result of the politicization of nursing under the Second Republic, its repression and reengineering under the Franco dictatorship, and the subsequent national policy of “oblivion” or forgetting that dominated the country during the transition to democracy. This policy silenced the stories of veteran nurses and prevented an examination of the impact of the Civil War on the Spanish nursing profession.

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Alcalde, Ángel. "War Veterans and Fascism during the Franco Dictatorship in Spain (1936–1959)." European History Quarterly 47, no. 1 (December 16, 2016): 78–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691416674417.

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This article argues that analysis and contextualization of the history of the Francoist veterans of the Spanish Civil War (1936–39) leads to an understanding of Franco’s dictatorship as a fascist regime typical of the late 1930s and early 1940s. It reveals the congruence of the regime with the phenomenon of neo-fascism during the Cold War era. Drawing on a large range of archival and published sources, this article examines the history of the main Francoist veterans’ organization, the Delegación Nacional de Excombatientes (DNE) of the Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las JONS (FET-JONS), between 1939 and 1959. The evolution of the Francoist veterans’ organizational structures and political discourses can be understood as part of a process of fascistization and defascistization, which provides rare insights into the overall relationship between fascism and war.

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Макарин, А. В., and С. В. Рац. "МЕСТО И РОЛЬ СССР ПО РАЗРЕШЕНИЮ ВОЕННО-ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОГО КОНФЛИКТА В ИСПАНИИ (1936–1939)." Konfliktologia 15, no. 1 (April 27, 2020): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31312/2310-6085-2020-15-1-66-73.

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Nowadays, there is a strong need for the multidimensional socio-political comprehension of the Russia’s modern stage development. This stage allows us making a research on the reforms’ results in the context of the state institutions. The process of the certain results and meaning rethinking of these changes both on the post-soviet space en bloc and in Russia in particular. This article in this sense is aimed at the investigation of the state’s role and place in the historical dimension. The permanent interest to the state’s role and place as well as the variety of its interactions with other countries is caused in the modern world by the modern states’ crisis. The article in this case is very topical and does cover the military political conflict in Spain and the participation of the USSR in it throughout 1936–1939. The main reason of the republicans’ defeat, according to the authors’ opinion, was the change in the USSR’s foreign policy line and as a result the cease of the economic and military help to the republicans government, the remoteness of the civil war combat fields in Spain and also the all-round military and economic help of the fascist coalition which did take part in the direct intervention on the Iberian peninsula. Alongside with this during the period since august 1939 until march 1939 USSR by lending the military and economic help to Spain did clearly demonstrate its priorities which were the fight against the international fascism and trotskyism, militarism and the unhidden aggression against the republic. The military counselors under the conditions of the modern state war did gain the experience in the planning and participation in the big-scale strategic operations. Lastly, on the threshold of the World War ΙΙ the civil war in Spain is considered to be the largest military political conflict of the mid-30s in the 20th century. The subjects of this conflict was from one side the Spanish republic and from the other one the united forces of the coupists and their allies whereas the object of the conflict was all the absoluteness of the political power.

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Pacheco, José M. "Mobility and Migration of Spanish Mathematicians during the Years around the Spanish Civil War and World War II." Science in Context 27, no. 1 (February 6, 2014): 109–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889713000409.

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ArgumentThis paper considers some aspects of the reception and development of contemporary mathematics in Spain during the first half of the twentieth century, more specifically between 1910 and 1950. It analyzes the possible influence of scientists’ mobility in the adoption of newer views or theories. A short overview of key points of the social and scientific background in nineteenth-century Spain locates the expounded facts in an appropriate context. Three leading threads are followed. First is the consideration of the mobility of some Spanish mathematicians during a period including World War I and World War II – when Spain was a theoretically neutral country – and the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939). Second, the emergence and socio-political behavior of a dominant mathematical group gathered around Julio Rey Pastor between 1915 and 1936 is also accounted for, as well as its continuity after the Civil War into the 1940s. Third, attention is paid to the migration or interior exile of a number of mathematicians as a consequence of the Civil War. The paper is organized around nine Tables containing information on mobility of mathematicians, doctorates awarded in the mathematical sciences, and mathematical production in Spain during this period, accompanied by statistical résumés and comments on interesting entries. The main conclusions drawn are: 1) a number of integrants of the Rey group, himself included, officially traveled to Austria, France, Germany, Italy, and Switzerland – usually after having obtained doctorates and fixed positions – imported mathematical knowledge into Spain; 2) the group also managed to dominate the mathematical panorama from both the scientific and the sociological viewpoint; 3) social usages in Spanish mathematical affairs established in Spain in the years prior to the Civil War present a clear continuity under the Franco regime once the war was over.

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Marco, Jorge, and Mercedes Yusta Rodrigo. "Irregular War, Local Community and Intimate Violence in Spain (1939–1952)." European History Quarterly 49, no. 2 (April 2019): 231–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691419833612.

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Spain was the first country where the anti-fascist resistance manifested itself through the violence of arms, in response to the military coup of 1936 which triggered a bloody civil war. It was also the last to lay down arms in the 1950s after a long post-war period when groups of armed opponents continued the struggle against dictatorship, especially in the countryside. This contribution analyses the specificities of the violence experienced after the official end of the war, as well as that of the groups of resistance and the repression of a large part of the rural population, suspected by the authorities of helping the armed movement. The notion of ‘intimate violence’ accounts for the way this violence was practised most of the time from within the communities, making the internal fractures opened by the war even deeper. Hence, it can also be shown that the reconstruction of a peaceful national community was never an objective of the dictatorship, which on the contrary sought to crush dissent by violence.

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McLauchlin, Theodore, and Álvaro La Parra-Pérez. "Disloyalty and Logics of Fratricide in Civil War: Executions of Officers in Republican Spain, 1936-1939." Comparative Political Studies 52, no. 7 (May 14, 2018): 1028–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414018774373.

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Violence within armed groups in civil wars is important and understudied. Linking literatures on civil war violence and military politics, this article asks when this fratricidal violence targets soldiers who try to defect, and when it does not. It uses a unique data set of executions of officers on the Republican side of the Spanish Civil War. The article finds that while much of the violence appeared to target those who actually tried to defect, many nondefectors were likely shot too, due most likely to a pervasive stereotype that officers in general were disloyal to the Republic. This stereotype was used as an information shortcut and was promoted by political actors. Accordingly, unlikely defectors were likelier to be shot in locations in which less information was available about loyalties and in which political forces that were suspicious of officers as a group were locally stronger.

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Yanes-Mesa, Julio Antonio. "The propaganda of the Spain national radio in the Canaries during the Civil War, 1936–1939." Anàlisi, no. 41 (February 11, 2011): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.7238/a.v0i41.1194.

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Douglas Hilt. "Hitler and Spain. The Nazi Role in the Spanish Civil War 1936-1939 (review)." Biography 14, no. 1 (1991): 70–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bio.2010.0659.

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Payne, Stanley G. "Hooton, E. R. Spain in Arms: A Military History of the Spanish Civil War 1936–1939." History: Reviews of New Books 48, no. 4 (July 3, 2020): 100–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2020.1774303.

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Kruizinga, Samuël. "Struggling to Fit in. The Dutch in a Transnational Army, 1936–1939." Journal of Modern European History 16, no. 2 (May 2018): 183–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944-2018-2-183.

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Struggling to Fit In. The Dutch in a Transnational Army, 1936-1939 The Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) possessed a transnational resonance that echoed far beyond the borders of the country in which it was fought. It drew thousands of foreign fighters to Spain where, as many believed, the future of Europe would be decided. Most of them fought on the side of the embattled Republican government against an uprising supported by international Fascism. Given the foreign fighters’ similar socio-economic backgrounds and shared anti-Fascist sentiment, historians have suggested that the «International Brigades», formed out of these foreign fighters, constitute a true transnational army. This article suggests, however, that many of these foreign fighters had real trouble forging a transnational connection with their fellow fighters. Focusing on Dutch Interbrigadiers, it further highlights how the specificities of Dutch political culture and the legal regime created in the Netherlands combined to create a unique set of circumstances that impeded Dutch foreign fighters’ abilities to effectively work together with their German colleagues in Spain and their post-Spanish Civil War efforts to resist the Nazi occupation of the Netherlands. This article suggests, therefore, that the International Brigades do not possess a single, distinctive and collectively transnational identity. Rather, they are made up of different identity layers that can, but need not, be mutually exclusive, and are linked to elements of different national and/or military cultures.

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Barceló Bauzà, Gabriel. "Photography and school culture in post-war Spain (1939-1945). A look at Majorca." Encounters in Theory and History of Education 17 (November 29, 2016): 93–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/eoe-ese-rse.v17i0.6289.

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This article forms part of more extensive research on the changes that took place in school culture during the Fascist dictatorship in the years following the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). That research is limited to the island of Majorca and draws from a variety of different sources, including photographs. The present paper focuses on analyzing the sources of such photographs, although other testimonies and sources are also taken into account when the conclusions are drawn. The elements featured here provide material for furthering the debate on the possibilities photography offers in detecting the changes and continuities in school culture at a time of radical political transformation.

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Malay, Vera V., Svetlana U. Krupskaya, Marina S. Orehova, Andrey P. Urivskii, and Nickolay N. Fomichev. "The Civil War in Spain, 1936-1939 and the Image of Enemy in the British Fascist Press." Journal of History Culture and Art Research 6, no. 4 (September 30, 2017): 315. http://dx.doi.org/10.7596/taksad.v6i4.1176.

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Willis, Elizabeth A. "Medical responses to civil war and revolution in Spain, 1936–1939: international aid and local self-organization." Medicine, Conflict and Survival 24, no. 3 (July 2008): 159–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13623690802169852.

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LaPrade, Douglas. "Spain in Arms: A Military History of the Spanish Civil War 1936–1939 by E. R. Hooton." Hispania 103, no. 3 (2020): 427–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hpn.2020.0077.

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Tilley-Lubbs, Gresilda A. "Fear and Silence Meet Ignorance." Ethnographic Edge 3 (December 4, 2019): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.15663/tee.v3i1.53.

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When I studied in Spain in 1969 and 1970, I knew about the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939), briefly mentioned in my Spanish history books; General.simo Francisco Franco declared victory. I knew Spain through my graduate studies in Spanish literature and through Michener’s book Iberia (1968). In 2000, I met Jordi Calvera, a Catal.n whose post-war stories conflicted with that idyllic Spain. I returned to Spain in 2013, still with no idea of the impact of the totalitarian dictatorship based on fear and silence through which Franco ruled until his death in 1975, leaving a legacy of fear and silence. In Barcelona, I met a group of adults in their eighties who shared Jordi’s experience. My intrigue with these stories led me to learn more about the war, the dictatorship and the aftermath by interviewing people whose lives had been touched by those years. Through a layered account, I present some of the stories and examine my oblivion. Keywords: Critical autoethnography, autoethnography, ethnography, Spanish Civil War, Franco’s totalitarian dictatorship

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Anduaga, Aitor. "Towards a New Sphere of Practices and Knowledge: The Militarization of Meteorology in Francoist Spain." Science in Context 26, no. 1 (February 11, 2013): 31–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889712000282.

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ArgumentThis paper analyzes the concept of militarization in both senses of the word, that of mobilization for war and that of social control exercised by military forces. During the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939), the role and nature of meteorology was transformed by the rebel band on the basis of the mythification of a Service model that was supported by victory and that would be projected as a paradigm for the postwar years. The new Servicio Meteorológico Nacional reflected the social control exerted by the Franco regime and its aeronautical and military interests. The “amphibianism” – or quality of being both civil and military simultaneously – is one of the main features of this transformation. Interestingly, this dual (civil and military) condition of meteorologist appears to be intrinsic to the construction of a new “sphere of practices and knowledge” in Francoist Spain.

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Poy Castro, Raquel. "Vencedoras y vencidas: las educadoras leonesas ante la Guerra Civil Española." Cuestiones de género: de la igualdad y la diferencia, no. 6 (December 15, 2011): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/cg.v0i6.3772.

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A comienzos del siglo XX un notable número de educadoras españolas tuvieron una importante presencia pública. El artículo examina las tensiones entre el hecho de ser educadora y mujer en la España de 1936-1939 en la ciudad de León. Concluye que este periodo conflictivo impulsó a las educadoras a la acción política apoyando el movimiento de reformas en Educación o, en el lado opuesto, el tradicionalismo conservador. El trabajo relaciona las causas por las que recibieron represión física y política durante y después de la Guerra civil española.In the early 20th century, large numbers of Spanish women teachers had an important public presence. This article examines the tensions between being a woman and a teacher in the Spain of 1936-1939 in the city of León. It concludes that conflicting times propelled women teachers to political action on key issues such as the support for the reformist movement on education or, in the opposite direction, the conservative traditionalism. The work relates the reasons why they received political and physical repression during and after the Spanish Civil War. Keywords:

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Lemesle, Hervé. "The Battle for Spain is ours: Croatia and the Spanish Civil War, 1936–1939, written by Vjeran Pavlaković." Southeastern Europe 41, no. 1 (March 1, 2017): 85–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-04101009.

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Balibrea, Mari Paz. "The Splintering of Spain: Cultural History and the Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939, and: Documenting Spain: Artists, Exhibition Culture, and the Modern Nation, 1929-1939 (review)." Modernism/modernity 14, no. 1 (2007): 174–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mod.2007.0002.

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Bandrés, Javier, and Rafael Llavona. "Pavlov in Spain." Spanish Journal of Psychology 6, no. 2 (November 2003): 81–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1138741600005230.

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Reflexology has been present throughout Spanish science since the last third of the nineteenth century and its importance can be seen in the works of authors such as Martín Salazar, Ramón y Cajal, Gómez Ocaña, Simarro and Turró. The most important research in Reflexology in Spain takes place a) at the Schools of Neurophysiology and Psychology in Barcelona and Madrid, b) with a group of authors specializing in pathological medicine and c) in the Military's Health Department. Pavlov's work was received in Spain with special interest. Fernández-España, who could be considered the “first Spanish Pavlovian,” emphasized Pavlov's work in a series dedicated to the study of objective psychology which was published between 1914 and 1924. Planelles was the first investigator to develop a program in Pavlovian experimentation, presenting his results in 1935. The Civil War (1936-1939) ended these and many other Spanish projects in psychology. After the war, interest in Reflexology and Pavlov's theories slowly rose again, first through psychosomatic medicine and then in the 60's because of the works of such authors as Monserrat-Esteve, Rof Carballo and Colodrón. The progressive inclusion of psychology in the Schools of Philosophy and Arts after 1968 marked the beginning of a new era.

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Guilat, Yael, and Antonio B. Espinosa-Ramírez. "The Historical Memory Law and its role in redesigning semiotic cityscapes in Spain." Linguistic Landscape. An international journal 2, no. 3 (December 23, 2016): 247–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ll.2.3.03gui.

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In its Historical Memory Law (October 2007), Spain recognized victims on both sides of its 1936–1939 Civil War and established entitlements for victims and descendants of victims of the war and the Franco regime that followed (1939–1975). The law requires authorities to remove Francoist symbols and signs from public buildings and spaces, rename streets and squares, and cleanse the public space of monuments and artifacts that glorify or commemorate the regime. By allowing exceptions on artistic, architectural, or religious grounds, however, the law triggered persistent public struggles over monuments, memorials, and outdoor sculptures. This article examines the implementation of the law in the city of Granada, via a case study relating to the removal of a sculpture honoring the founder of the Spanish Fascist movement, José Antonio Primo de Rivera. The controversy over the statue sparked a debate in Granada about the implementation of the law in the public space and raised questions about the role of text, material and visual culture in redesigning Linguistic Landscape by articulating contested memories.

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Hernández Huerta, José Luis. "Extensions of schooling environments into the local community, and social construction of democracy in Spain (1931-1939). Contributions made by the Freinet pedagogical movement." Cadernos de História da Educação 18, no. 1 (March 29, 2019): 122–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.14393/che-v18n1-2019-7.

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This article highlights the social nature of the Freinet movement in Spain during the period of the Second Republic (1931-1936) and the Civil War (1936-1939), and investigates the community-based aspect of its schooling practices. To begin with, we examine a number of aspects of Spain’s Freinet movement which help to see it as a social movement as well as a pedagogical one. Then, we study a) the main strategies employed by teachers to facilitate the social building of democracy through the schooling system, and b) the most significant extensions of the school into the local community, which helped break down the physical and symbolic barriers separating schooling institutions from the framework of ordinary citizens’ daily existence.

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Lannon, Frances. "Women and Images of Women in the Spanish Civil War." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 1 (December 1991): 213–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679037.

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At the end of the Spanish Civil War in the spring of 1939, General Franco celebrated his victory by decreeing that full military honours be accorded to two statues of the Virgin Mary. The first was Our Lady of Covadonga, patron of the first great reconquest of Spain through the expulsion of Islam in the middle ages. Now, after removal by her enemies ‘the Reds’ during the Civil War, she had been restored to her northern shrine in Asturias, marking the completion of what the decree described as the second reconquest. The other statue was of Our Lady of the Kings (de los Reyes) in Seville, invoked—so the decree ran—during the battle of Lepanto against the Turks in 1571 and the battle of Bailén agaínst the French in 1808, and invoked once more in the first desperate days of the military rising in July 1936, when a victory for the ‘Red hordes’ in Seville might have changed the whole course of the war. In Covadonga and Seville, in the undefeated stronghold of the Virgin of the Pillar in Zaragoza, and across the length and breadth of the country, the Virgin Mary had saved Spain and deserved every honour and tribute. It was equally true that from far north to far south, Franco and his armies and his Nazi, Fascist, and Islamic allies had made Spain safe for the Virgin Mary. There would be no more desecrated churches, no more burned statues, no more banned processions, just as there would be no more socialists, anarchists, communists or democrats. Spain would be Catholic and authoritarian, and Spanish women could concentrate their energies on emulating Mary, and being good wives and mothers or nuns.

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Каримов, О. В., and О. В. Пумпянская. "Fates of Ryazan Citizens Participating in the Spanish Civil War." Вестник Рязанского государственного университета имени С.А. Есенина, no. 2(67) (July 23, 2020): 46–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.37724/rsu.2020.67.2.005.

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Последние несколько лет богаты для нашей страны различными юбилейными датами, в первую очередь связанными с военной историей Отечества, в частности с оказанием военной и экономической помощи республиканцам в годы Гражданской войны в Испании (1936–1939), началом и окончанием Великой Отечественной войны (1941–1945). Цель настоящей статьи — установление личностей и судеб уроженцев Рязанской губернии (в территориальных границах до Октябрьской революции), принимавших участие в обеих войнах. За 2,5 года пребывания в Испании советские военнослужащие и гражданские специалисты способствовали тому, что у республиканцев в кратчайшие сроки появились авиация, полевая и зенитная артиллерия, танковые части, службы их обеспечения. В Испании в качестве общевойсковых советников, зенитчиков, танкистов, летчиков, моряков, работников оборонных предприятий, переводчиков, врачей находились 46 уроженцев земли Рязанской. Почти все они были награждены орденами и медалями за мужество и героизм в этой первой схватке с фашизмом, а затем в Великой Отечественной войне. Судьбы добровольцев сложились по-разному, некоторые из них не вернулись с фронта, разным был и вклад их в общую победу, однако каждый из них защищал от фашизма и свое Отечество, и другие страны. Предлагаемое исследование может быть использовано для патриотического воспитания граждан Российской Федерации как в уважении к Отечеству и его защитникам в целом, так и в воспитании гордости за свою малую Родину — Рязанскую землю. Recent years have seen many important dates closely associated with Russian military history, such as military and economic assistance to Spanish republicans during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) and the Great Patriotic War (1941–1945). The aim of the article is to investigate the fates of Ryazan citizens (we take into consideration the territory of the Ryazan province as it was before the Great October Revolution) who took part in both wars. With the help of Soviet militaries and civilians, who spent 2.5 years in Spain, Spanish republicans managed to acquire aviation, field and anti-aircraft artillery, tank divisions, maintenance teams. 46 Ryazan-born citizens worked in Spain as military advisors, antiaircraft gunners, tankmen, pilots, seamen, employees of defense enterprises, translators and interpreters, doctors. Almost all of them were awarded orders and medals for gallantry and bravery in battle against fascism during the Spanish Civil War and later during the Great Patriotic War. The volunteers had different fates. Some of them never returned from the war, they contributed differently to the victory over fascism, yet every one of them defended their motherland and the world against the fascist threat. The present research can be used for patriotic education of citizens of the Russian Federation. It can help teach people to respect their motherland and its defenders and to feel proud of their home region of Ryazan.

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Molodiakov, V. E. "Against Anarchy and Hitler: French Nationalism and Spanish Civil War." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 12, no. 4 (December 12, 2019): 166–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2019-12-4-166-182.

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Combination of internal political and social crisis with armed conflict in the neighbour country behind the less dangerous frontier without any possibility of obtaining fastly any real aid from allies is one of the worst possible political scenarios in the time of peace. France faced such a situation in 1936 after her Popular Front’s electoral victory and the beginnig of military mutiny in Spain provoqued by further escalation of internal political struggle. Mutiny developed into civil war that, beeing local geographically, became a global political problem because it troubled many great powers and first of all France. This article depicts and analyzes position and views on Spanish civil war and its antecedents of French nationalist royalist movement «Action française» leaded by Charles Maurras (1868–1952) and her allies in next generations of French nationalists – philosopher and political writer Henri Massis (1886–1970) and novelist Robert Brasillach (1909–1945). All of them from the first day hailed Spanish Nationalist cause and were sure in her final victory so took side against any French help, first of all military, to Spanish Republican government, propagated Franco’s political program, denounced Soviet intervention into Spanish affairs and “Communist threat”. Staying for Catholic and Latin unity French nationalists were anxious to prevent Franco’s rapprochement with Nazi Germany that they regarded as France’s “hereditary emeny” notwithstanding of political regime. Trips of Maurras and Massis to Spain in 1938 and theirs meetings with Franco were aimed to demonstrate this kind of unity with silent but clear anti-German overtone. Brasillach’s “History of War in Spain” (1939) became the first French overview of the events from Nationalist point of view.

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Alary, Viviane. "The Spanish Tebeo." European Comic Art 2, no. 2 (June 1, 2009): 253–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/eca.2009.5.

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It seems difficult to speak about comic art in Spain without considering what tebeos mean to Spaniards. This term is not simply a Spanish translation of bande dessinée. It refers to a special kind of comic strip aimed at children, which appeared in the late 1920s. Tebeos were the only available mass medium in Spain after the Civil War (1936-1939). In this contribution we want to analyse tebeos as an editorial, social and cultural phenomenon, with the aim of demonstrating that 'tebeo-culture' survived even after the collapse of the 'tebeo-industry' in the 1970s and 1980s. In addition, we will examine the question of the cultural legitimacy of comic art in Spanish society.

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Medina Rojo, Óscar. "La política al margen de la política (Julián Besteiro, 1936 – 1938) = Politics Outside Politics (Julian Besteiro, 1936 – 1938)." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie V, Historia Contemporánea, no. 32 (June 23, 2020): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfv.32.2020.27081.

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Julián Besteiro es un político clave para entender la España que transita desde la crisis de 1917 hasta la Guerra Civil, y como tal ha sido ampliamente estudiado por la historiografía. Sin embargo, su figura se nos presenta algo desdibujada desde finales de 1935, cuando deja de publicarse Democracia (principal órgano de expresión de su corriente socialista), hasta su participación en el golpe de estado contra Negrín de marzo de 1939. El presente artículo intenta mostrar que este periodo de su vida no fue de total inactividad política, ya que aun desde fuera de los puestos de responsabilidad, intentó ejercer su influencia dentro del socialismo español; en concreto se analiza su actuación en dos momentos clave: el semestre anterior al estallido de la Guerra Civil, y la crisis socialista de 1938. Para algunos de sus contemporáneos, la opción Besteiro existió en diferentes momentos y para diferentes puestos, tales como presidente de la República en 1936, o presidente del PSOE y miembro de un Gobierno de la paz en 1938.AbstractJulián Besteiro is a key politician to understand Spain from the crisis of 1917 until the Civil War, and as such he has been widely studied by the historiography. But there is a period less known in Besteiro’s life: the years running from the closure of Democracia (the main publication of his wing of Spanish socialism) at the end of 1935, to his involvement in the coup d’etat that would overthrow Negrin’s government in March 1939. This article attempts to show that this period in Besteiro’s life was not of total political inactivity: even from outside the positions of responsibility, he tried to exert his influence within Spanish socialism; in particular, this article analyses Besteiro’s stand in two key moments: the semester prior to the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War, and the crisis of the socialist party in 1938. For some of his contemporaries, the Besteiro option existed at different moments and for different roles, namely as President of the Republic in 1936, President of PSOE and member of a government to negotiate peace in 1938.

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Munton, Alan. "Wyndham Lewis and the Meanings of Spain." Journal of English Studies 5 (May 29, 2008): 245. http://dx.doi.org/10.18172/jes.131.

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Wyndham Lewis (1882-1957) visited Spain at least five times. The impact of these visits on his work was very significant. His novel The Revenge for Love (1937) is partly set in Spain, and is an important political novel of the 1930s; his painting The Siege of Barcelona (1936-37) is a significant statement about Spanish history and the Civil War. Less happy is the polemical essay Count Your Dead: They are Alive! (1937), which takes sides against the legitimate government. (He changed his mind the following year.) This discussion is based on themes apparent in Lewis’s understanding of Spain: his experience at the centre and on the margins; his overcoming of well-known clichés about Spain; his grasp of the importance of Spanish Anarchism; his recognition of the gaze or mirada as an element in life; and a final discussion of The Siege of Barcelona – which after 1939 was renamed The Surrender of Barcelona. That significant change indicates the seriousness of Lewis’s understanding of Spain.

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De la Fuente de Pablo, Pablo, and Cezary Taracha. "“Under the Pacifying Arms of the Cross.” The Valley of the Fallen: a Place of Imprisonment, Reconciliation and Social Reintegration in Spain (1940-1959)." Kościół i Prawo 10, no. 1 (July 21, 2021): 227–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/kip21101-12.

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The Valley of the Fallen is the monument that boasts the largest Christian cross in the world. Buried at its feet are tens of thousands of those who fought and fell during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). They rest in the Basilica of the Holy Cross together without any designation as to on which side they fought. The article focuses on the vicissitudes of the penitentiary colony made up mainly of Republican prisoners sentenced for serious crimes committed during the war. This monument, a symbol of atonement and reconciliation, has become the target of a relentless political onslaught carried out by the socialist and communist government and fuelled by a series of myths analysed in the article.

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Sola, Carlos, and José Luis González. "Entre España y México, la libertad. El embajador Félix Gordón Ordás y su evocación de la figura del navarro Javier Mina en el marco de la guerra civil española." Príncipe de Viana, no. 276 (October 20, 2020): 79–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.35462/pv.276.3.

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RESUMEN En septiembre de 1936, cuando España ya era el cruento escenario de una guerra civil, el republicano Félix Gordón Ordás, en su condición de embajador de España en México, hizo una particular evocación de la figura de Javier Mina con motivo de la redacción de un prólogo para un libro de Rafael Ramos Pedrueza escrito sobre este héroe nacional mexicano, en clave marxista. Dada la importancia semántica del manuscrito, el objetivo del presente artículo es analizar la propuesta narrativa de nuestro prologuista y hacer una interpretación de los fundamentos que avalaron su narrativa hagiográfica sobre este guerrillero e insurgente navarro, convertido por el autor en símbolo ecuménico de la libertad. LABURPENA 1936ko irailean, Espainia gerra zibilaren ankerkeriak jasaten hasia jada, Javier Mina ekarri zuen gogora Espainiaren Mexikoko enbaxadoreak, Félix Gordón Ordás errepublikazaleak, liburu baten hitzaurrean. Rafael Ramos Pedruezak Minari buruzko liburu bat idatzi zuen, ikuspegi marxista oinarri zuela, eta Gordón Ordásek, berriz, Mexikoko heroi nazional horren gorazarrezko hitz batzuk. Eskuizkribu haren garrantzi semantikoa dela-eta, gure hitzaurregilearen narrazioa aztertzea da artikulu honen xedea, eta interpretatzea idazleak askatasunaren ikur ekumeniko bihurtutako Nafarroako gerrillari-matxino haren hagiografiaren oinarriak. ABSTRACT In September 1936, when Spain was already the scene of a bloody civil war, the republican Félix Gordón Ordás, in his capacity as ambassador of Spain to Mexico, made a particular evocation of the figure of Javier Mina on the occasion of the writing of a prologue to a book by Rafael Ramos Pedrueza written about this Mexican national hero, in a Marxist key. Given the semantic importance of the manuscript, the objective of this article is to analyze the narrative proposal of our prologuist and to make an interpretation of the foundations that supported his narrative hagiography about this guerrilla and insurgent from Navarre, made by the author into an ecumenical symbol of freedom.

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Pagès, Maria. "The shift to national Catholicism and the Falange in the Second World War: The case of Garbancito de la Mancha (1945)." Journal of Visual Political Communication 6, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 81–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jvpc_00004_1.

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This article analyses the political undercurrents running through the first European hand-drawn animated feature-length film, which was made in Barcelona in 1945. It was titled Garbancito de la Mancha and will be analysed at discursive, iconic and visual levels. The goal is to establish whether political events during the Second World War years as well as the early years (1939‐45) of the Franco dictatorship are reflected in the film. After the Spanish Civil War (1936‐39), two main political parties struggled to control the nation. One of them was the Spanish version of fascism (the Falange); the other was the Catholic Party (National-Catholicism). The end of the Second World War was to mark a showdown between the two parties for political hegemony. The outcome set the tone for the regime until its demise in 1975 with Franco’s death. Given that the film was made by key political figures of the period, the ideology of the film will be revealed by visualizing the myths and values for the period spanning from 1939 to 1951 when Spain pursued autarky (self-sufficiency).

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Palfreeman, Linda. "The Development of Blood Transfusion in Spain during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939): The Contribution of British Doctor, Reginald Saxton." Bulletin of Spanish Studies 96, no. 8 (August 27, 2019): 1251–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14753820.2019.1647996.

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MARTÍNEZ-SOTO, ÁNGEL PASCUAL, and SUSANA MARTÍNEZ-RODRÍGUEZ. "Granaries (pósitos): a source of finance for Spain's small farmers, 1900–1950." Continuity and Change 30, no. 2 (August 2015): 251–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416015000247.

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ABSTRACTUnder the Ancien Régime in Spain local granaries (in Spanish, pósitos) acted as welfare institutions designed to help small farmers in times of crisis. During the first third of the twentieth century they were subject to an intense reorganisation in Spain and this transformed them into the only microfinance institution to which a significant part of the country's rural population had access. However, as the granaries were beginning to get their finances in order, the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) and the ensuing change in political regime meant that from 1950 onwards they found themselves relegated to the financial margins. The longevity of the granaries makes them an interesting example of a type of financial institution that was able to adapt to different political regimes by changing the way they operated while maintaining their core objective of supporting small farmers.

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Pérez-Agote, Alfonso. "Les trois vagues de la sécularisation des consciences en Espagne." Social Compass 56, no. 2 (May 27, 2009): 189–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0037768609103353.

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The process of the secularization of consciences in Spain evolved in three stages. The first of these began in the 19th century and lasted until the Civil War (1936—1939). This stage was characterized by the growth of a series of movements that opposed the Catholic Church's presumptive monopoly on truth. The second wave corresponded to the spread of consumerism and lasted from the 1960s to the end of the 1980s. In this second stage, we see a loss of interest in the Catholic Church and religion. Spain, traditionally a Catholic country, steadily became a country of Catholic culture; this translated into a progressive decline in the ability of the Church to control social behaviour. A third wave began in the 1990s, since when the majority of the younger generation has been losing all contact with the Catholic Church and religion.

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Coni, Nicholas. "The best of leaders at the worst of times: medical scientist and war premier." Journal of Medical Biography 28, no. 3 (November 14, 2017): 147–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967772017727977.

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Professor Juan Negrín López was Prime Minister of the democratically elected left-wing government of Spain for the latter two-and-a-half years of the three-year Civil War which ravaged the country between 1936 and 1939. The side loyal to the government lost, partly because of the generous aid received by their opponents from Germany and Italy, partly because of the Anglo-French agreement, observed by most countries but ignored by Germany and Italy, to outlaw arms supplies to either side, partly because of internal dissent, and partly because of the greater military capability of the enemy. Negrín led the country with tenacity and wisdom, but is remembered with ambivalence in Spain, and hardly at all elsewhere, although he spent the years of his post-war exile in the UK and France. This paper draws attention to a member of the medical profession who achieved both academic and political distinction, but whose career ended in a disaster which he was powerless to prevent. Among his admirable qualities, he should be remembered for his courage. Like most wars, the Spanish Civil War had its share of psychopaths and villains – but also its share of heroes, and Juan Negrín belongs among their number.

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Lunev, S. M. "The Image of Great Britain in the Soviet Press in the Context of the Spanish Civil War (1936‒1939)." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 13, no. 1 (April 7, 2021): 196–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2021-13-1-196-222.

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The developments of the Spanish Civil War in 1936–1939, including its international aspects, have been thoroughly studied both in foreign and in Russian historiography. However, the introduction of new research approaches, in this case imagology, allows us to revisit even the well-established views. The paper examines the сreation and subsequent development of the image of Great Britain in the Soviet press in the context of the Spanish Civil War. The research draws on publications in the Soviet ‘Pravda’ and ‘Izvestiya’ newspapers, as well as in the ‘Ogoniok’, ‘Za rubezhom’ and ‘Agitator’s Sputnik’ magazines. The study reveales a rather ambiguous position of the Soviet press in relation to the British policy in Spain. Several topics played a key role in creating the image of the ‘Foggy Albion’ in the Soviet press. The leitmotif of publications of the Soviet journalists was the image of the empire in decline. In this regard, the Soviet press emphasized the acquiescence of the British government faced with aggressive actions from Francoists backed by Germany and Italy, as well as its inability to protect national interests of its own state. Parallel to this, the image of Great Britain as a split society was created. The Soviet journalists stressed that passivity of the government caused mounting criticism from both political left and right. At the same time, they praised the work of the civil society and volunteers in support of the republic. Finally, the Soviet media bashed London for its gradual drift from non-intervention towards appeasement and even direct inducement of aggressors. The author concludes that the image of Great Britain created in the Soviet press was intended to convince the Soviet public opinion in the fallacy of the British policy. In the face of an impending global war, London was portrayed as an unreliable ally, prone to concessions to aggressors.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Jaca (Spain) Civil War, 1936-1939'

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