Journal articles: 'Jacob Zuma'

1

Meldrum, Andrew. "South Africa on Trial." Current History 105, no. 691 (May 1, 2006): 209–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2006.105.691.209.

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Mangcu, Xolela. "A Fresh Start for South Africa?" Current History 117, no. 799 (May 1, 2018): 194–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2018.117.799.194.

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Southall, Roger. "Donald Trump and Jacob Zuma as charismatic buffoons." Safundi 21, no. 4 (October 1, 2020): 382–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17533171.2020.1832799.

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Dos Santos, Renata De Paula, and Rozinaldo Antonio Miani. "A derrocada política de Jacob Zuma no traço de Zapiro." Fronteiras 20, no. 35 (August 22, 2018): 68–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.30612/frh.v20i35.8634.

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O presente artigo analisa algumas charges que representam a historiografia recente da África do Sul, a partir do traço de Jonathan Shapiro. O profissional, mais conhecido como Zapiro, se destaca entre os artistas do traço mais influentes do seu país. Os argumentos, verificados a partir da análise do discurso chárgico, apresentam características pessoais e políticas do ex-presidente do país, Jacob Zuma. Ele renunciou ao cargo em fevereiro de 2018, após pressões de seu próprio partido. Zuma acumula mais de 800 denúncias de corrupção e, em 2006, foi a julgamento, acusado de ter estuprado uma jovem portadora de HIV. Entre os autores que fundamentam este trabalho, destacam-se Carlin (2009), Romualdo (2000), Santos (2014) e Miani (2005; 2012).

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Phakathi, Mlungisi. "The apology of Jacob Zuma : implications for political trust." AFFRIKA Journal of Politics, Economics and Society 10, no. 1 (March 15, 2020): 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2075-6534/2020/10n1a2.

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Winkelmann, Thorsten, and Jost F. Noller. "Südafrika im Umbruch – von Jacob Zuma zu Cyril Ramaphosa." GWP - Gesellschaft. Wirtschaft. Politik 67, no. 2 (June 6, 2018): 173–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/gwp.v67i2.02.

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Landsberg, Chris. "THE JACOB ZUMA GOVERNMENT’S FOREIGN POLICY: ASSOCIATION OR DISSOCIATION?" AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Relations 1, no. 1 (April 30, 2012): 75–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.22456/2238-6912.27993.

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In an attempt to bring coherence and predictability to South African foreign policy, the government of Jacob Zuma has, since assuming office in May 2009, put emphasis on forging relations with countries and regions, and key international relations issues and concerns. According to policy, the pursuit of the national interest lay at the heart of the Republic’s international strategies, with ‘national interest’ being used as a cement to hold together the edifice of post-Mbeki government’s foreign policy. On paper, the government appears to have gone far in articulating this ambitious foreign policy, however a number of questions arise. Have these policies been put into practice and if so do they follow the stated agenda or are there serious deviations? Has there been association with Mbeki’s policies on paper and dissociation from such policies in practice? How do the various tenets of foreign policy relate to the epicentre of the national interest and to one another? Do they represent a marked shift from the previous Mbeki government’s African Agenda’ or are they a mere copy? This paper seeks to answer these questions, in particular investigating whether a gap has developed between articulated, or stated, policy and how it was pursued in practice, through implementation.

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Pattman, Rob. "Loving and hating Jacob Zuma: some implications for education." Gender and Education 18, no. 5 (September 2006): 557–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09540250600881717.

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9

Southall, Roger. "Family and favour at the court of Jacob Zuma." Review of African Political Economy 38, no. 130 (December 2011): 617–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2011.633829.

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Robins, Steven. "Sexual rights and sexual cultures: reflections on "the Zuma affair" and "new masculinities" in the South Africa." Horizontes Antropológicos 12, no. 26 (December 2006): 149–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0104-71832006000200007.

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The paper is divided into three sections. The first section focuses on the contested nature of the sexual politics that surrounded the Jacob Zuma rape trial. This sexual politics was not simply the background to the "real" politics of the leadership succession battle between pro-Mbeki and pro-Zuma factions. The rise of sexual politics after apartheid, this paper argues, has largely been due to the politicization of sexuality and masculinity in response to HIV/AIDS. Section two examines the ways in which ideas about "traditional" Zulu masculinity were represented and performed in the Zuma trial, introducing the tension between universalistic sexual rights and particularistic sexual cultures. The third section of the paper is concerned with innovative attempts by a group of young men in Cape Town to create "alternative masculinities" (Connell, 1996) in a time of HIV and AIDS.

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Geertsema-Sligh, Margaretha. "FRAMING OF JACOB ZUMA AND POLYGAMY INDIE BURGER(2008–2013)." Communicatio 41, no. 2 (April 3, 2015): 175–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02500167.2015.1054851.

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12

Groenewald, M. "Songs about Zuma: revelations of divisions after democracy." Literator 31, no. 1 (July 13, 2010): 123–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v31i1.40.

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In February 2006, when he was Deputy President of the country, Mr Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma appeared in the Supreme Court in Johannesburg to defend himself against charges of rape. The charge of rape by a woman known only as Khwezi against a powerful politician, popular with many trade unions and many ordinary folk, not only gave rise to one of the major media events in that year in South Africa, but also revealed divisions in society and in politics. While Zuma supporters sang in his defence and to his praise, activists against women abuse criticised Zuma. On the one hand, the supporters of Zuma defended him with reference to his moral integrity; they also stated that he was the popular choice for future president, while they ridiculed the futile actions of his enemies. On the other hand, the activists against women abuse attempted to highlight Zuma’s behaviour as immoral and urged women to speak out against abuse. This opposition revealed new divisions in society at large, as will be shown in the analysis of the songs.

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13

Gunner, L. "Jacob Zuma, the social body and the unruly power of song." African Affairs 108, no. 430 (November 28, 2008): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adn064.

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Karodia, Anis Mahomed, and Paresh Soni. "President Jacob Zuma and South Africa’s Financial Crisis: A Machivellian Debacle." International Business Research 9, no. 7 (May 6, 2016): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ibr.v9n7p24.

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The paper is a continuation of a research article published in the same journal in the month of March, 2016. A new dimension has now entered the equation in terms of the fiscal and economic quagmire and, crisis that, South Africa is confronted with. The paper argues President Jacob Zuma’s (South African President) Machiavellian tendencies in respect of moving from one blunder to another by removing the capable and performing Minister of Finance, Nene and replacing him with a novice in the form of David Desmond van Rooyen, a Parliamentary backbencher, and without any tangible experience. Former Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan was recalled as Finance Minister having served in this position from May 2009 to May 2014. This was a blunder of gigantic proportions. South Africa therefore had three Ministers of Finance within one week. The paper will attempt to unpack these and many other issues in this article which adds to the woes of South Africa’s economic and fiscal crisis. Technically, the paper will argue that the Machiavellian President scorns the economy and, is obsessed with power at any cost.

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15

Landsberg, Chris. "The Concentric Circles of South Africa’s Foreign Policy under Jacob Zuma." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 70, no. 2 (May 29, 2014): 153–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928414524652.

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Shai, Kgothatso B., Tawanda S. Nyawasha, and Emeka A. Ndaguba. "[De] constructing South Africa's Jacob Zuma led ANC: An Afrocentric perspective." Journal of Public Affairs 18, no. 4 (July 18, 2018): e1842. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pa.1842.

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Lannegren, Olivia, and Hiroshi Ito. "The End of the ANC Era: An Analysis of Corruption and Inequality in South Africa." Journal of Politics and Law 10, no. 4 (August 30, 2017): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v10n4p55.

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ANC would always rule in South Africa, the African National Congress (ANC), which has been governing the country since the end of apartheid in 1994, received the worst results ever recorded. The ANC with president Jacob Zuma received 54 percent of the votes, which is a considerable decrease from 62 percent in 2011. This election was a clear sign that the ANC is in trouble towards the 2019 elections. The party seriously needs to rethink its strategies and investigates why the votes are decreasing. Given South Africa being a key player in global governance and in particular a strong leader among the African countries, it is significant to understand this political turmoil, as it may influence the political directions of other countries in that area. With reviews of relevant literature, therefore, this paper analyzes the current political situation in South Africa, focusing on corruption and inequality. The paper suggests connections between corruption, Jacob Zuma, and the potential end of the ANC era. The issues of inequality describes more the difficult situation that South Africans are facing and can be connected to the desire for change. It would be interesting to further analyze whether South Africa would be ready for a multiparty democracy with a peaceful transition of power after the national elections in 2019.

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Langa, Nduduzo, and Kgothatso B. Shai. "The Jacob Zuma era : South Africa’s foreign policy towards Zimbabwe (2009-2018)." Journal of African Foreign Affairs 7, no. 2 (August 15, 2020): 61–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2056-5658/2020/v7n2a4.

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19

Suttner, Raymond. "The Jacob Zuma Rape Trial: Power and African National Congress (ANC) Masculinities." NORA - Nordic Journal of Feminist and Gender Research 17, no. 3 (September 2009): 222–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08038740903117174.

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Gumede, W. M. "South Africa: Jacob Zuma and the Difficulties of Consolidating South Africa's Democracy." African Affairs 107, no. 427 (February 16, 2008): 261–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adn018.

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21

Saunders, Chris. "South Africa and Africa." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 652, no. 1 (January 30, 2014): 222–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716213512986.

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This article examines aspects of the complex relationship between South Africa and the rest of Africa from the presidency of Nelson Mandela through those of Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma, showing how the relationship changed over time and exploring the influences that shaped South Africa’s policy on and toward the continent—a policy that has largely been determined by the presidency rather than the Department of Foreign Affairs/International Relations and Co-operation. To understand the changing relationship between South Africa and the rest of the continent, it is necessary to consider, first, the history before 1994, then the dramatically altered situation that the transfer of power in South Africa brought about, Thabo Mbeki’s interventionist approach to Africa in general, and Jacob Zuma’s ambiguous involvement in continental affairs. The article concludes with some speculative thoughts on the role that South Africa may play on the continent in the future.

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22

Urbaniak, Jakub, and Tshinyalani Khorommbi. "South Africa’s Jacob Zuma and the Deployment of Christianity in the Public Sphere." Review of Faith & International Affairs 18, no. 2 (April 2, 2020): 61–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15570274.2020.1753992.

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23

Zuma, Jacob. "OAU-AU 50^th ANNIVERSARY LECTURE BY ANC PRESIDENT JACOB ZUMA." Africa’s Public Service Delivery and Performance Review 2, no. 2 (June 1, 2014): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/apsdpr.v2i2.49.

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Langa, Nduduzo, and Kgothatso B. Shai. "The pillars of the Jacob Zuma-led South Africa’s foreign policy : an Afrocentric review." African Renaissance 16, no. 3 (September 17, 2019): 105–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2516-5305/2019/v16n3a6.

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25

Hassim, Shireen. "Democracy's Shadows: Sexual Rights and Gender Politics in the Rape Trial of Jacob Zuma." African Studies 68, no. 1 (March 28, 2009): 57–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00020180902827431.

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Santos, Renata De Paula dos. "África do Sul, humor e transgressão: a representação de Jacob Zuma no traço de Zapiro." Domínios da Imagem 7, no. 13 (June 16, 2013): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.5433/2237-9126.2013v7n13p109.

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27

Worthington, Nancy. "Of conspiracies and kangas: Mail & Guardian Online’s construction of the Jacob Zuma rape trial." Journalism: Theory, Practice & Criticism 11, no. 5 (October 2010): 607–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884910373538.

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28

Reddy, Vasu, and Cheryl Potgieter. "'Real men stand up for the truth': discursive meanings in the Jacob Zuma rape trial." Southern African Linguistics and Applied Language Studies 24, no. 4 (November 2006): 511–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2989/16073610609486438.

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Hunter, Mark. "Beneath the “Zunami”: Jacob Zuma and the Gendered Politics of Social Reproduction in South Africa." Antipode 43, no. 4 (February 10, 2011): 1102–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8330.2010.00847.x.

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30

Lechini, Gladys T. "Política exterior de Sudáfrica con especial referencia al gobierno de Zuma. Principios e intereses en la cooperación Sur-Sur con África." CUPEA Cuadernos de Política Exterior Argentina, no. 123 (June 1, 2020): 41–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.35305/cc.vi123.68.

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A poco más de 20 años del triunfo de la democracia multirracial en Sudáfrica, el objetivo de este trabajo es revisar el rol de la cooperación Sur-Sur en la política exterior de los gobiernos de Nelson Mandela y Thabo Mbeki, colocando el énfasis en la gestión de Jacob Zuma, para evaluar el lugar que Sudáfrica le otorga a su región, al África y a las nuevas alianzas trans-regionales. Se sostiene que a pesar de su propia historia de luchas y de manifestar un compromiso solidario y cooperativo con los países del Sur y en particular con los de su región, en su relaciones externas los gobiernos del African National Congress (ANC) han defendido sus intereses nacionales por sobre los africanos.

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B. Shai, Kgothatso. "An Afrocentric analysis of the major incongruities in Jacob Zuma led ANC : implications for other African nations." African Renaissance 16, no. 1 (March 20, 2019): 217–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2516-5305/2019/v16n1a11.

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Mlambo, Daniel N. "Governance and service delivery in the public sector : the case of South Africa under Jacob Zuma (2009–2018)." African Renaissance 16, no. 3 (September 17, 2019): 203–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2516-5305/2019/v16n3a11.

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33

Southall, Roger, and John Daniel. "The South African Election of 2009." Africa Spectrum 44, no. 2 (August 2009): 111–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203970904400206.

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South Africans voted in their country's fourth democratic general election on 22 April 2009. The African National Congress (ANC) again secured a substantial victory. It might seem that the 2009 Elections proved to be “business as usual”. Yet such a conclusion is unjustified, for events had conspired to generate excitement about this particular contest, which rivalled that leading up to the “liberation election” of 1994. The reasons for this were several, but the most important revolved around Jacob Zuma, who had risen to the presidency of the ANC in December 2007, and the formation of a new party of opposition, the Congress of the People (COPE), by dissidents from within the ANC. In the elections, however, the ANC reasserted its dominance. Even so, the results of the 2009 election at national and provincial level indicate change. The ANC has maintained its electoral dominance, yet its grip on the electorate has been somewhat weakened, while the opposition – although remaining very much in the minority – has consolidated.

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34

Mhlongo, Lindelwa. "A Critical Analysis of South Africa’s System of Government: From a Disjunctive System to a Synergistic System of Government." Obiter 41, no. 2 (October 1, 2020): 257–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/obiter.v41i2.9149.

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The right to vote in South Africa is one of the fundamental rights recognised by the Constitution. South Africa ran its sixth election on 8 May 2019. Since the birth of democracy in 1994, it has had four presidents, two of whom did not serve their full term in office. Former President Thabo Mbeki resigned after he was recalled for using the country’s law enforcement system to undermine Jacob Zuma’s chances of succeeding him. He resigned with nine months to go in his second term in office. Mbeki’s successor, former President Jacob Zuma, also resigned from office during his second term with 14 months to go. Several stinging criticisms were levelled against him. For example, he was accused of tribalism and being a “ruralitarian” who lacked urban sophistication to understand and lead a large economy such as South Africa. He was also accused of benefiting his family through creating business opportunities for them and directing development projects to his home village. Furthermore, his government was accused of being weak on corruption, and being easily influenced by the communists. In light of the above, the question that begs for an answer is: does the current South African system of government and electoral system provide for high-level political accountability? In answering this question, further ancillary questions are posed throughout the article. What informed the drafters of the Electoral Amendment Act 73 of 1998 to choose the current electoral system? Is it time for South Africa to review its electoral system? How can South Africa increase the level of political accountability of the President?

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Żukowski, Arkadiusz. "Land Reform in the Republic of South Africa: Social Justice or Populism?" Werkwinkel 12, no. 1 (June 27, 2017): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/werk-2017-0005.

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Abstract In the paper land reform in South African political discourse will be investigated, especially the process of its politicization. How the topic of land reform is used by political forces, especially the ruling party; the African National Congress and current President Jacob Zuma. Does the Republic of South Africa take a populist turn on land reform or is it some kind of social justice after the suppression of the apartheid era and decades before? The political disputes and decisions will be analysed in confrontations with the fundamentals and values of a democratic state as a guarantee of property rights, private ownership and free market principles (dilemma of the problem of willing buyer - willing seller). It will be necessary to present the historical background of land problem in the RSA. The problem will be investigated in connection with the socio-economic situation of the RSA. The study will also tackle the problem of social and economic inequality from the perspective of politics. In the paper, a mix of primary and secondary research methods of data collection and analysing will be used. Theoretical framework will be based on assumptions of political discourse and the paradigm of “classic” land reform.

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36

Landsberg, Chris. "Pax South Africana and the Responsibility to Protect." Global Responsibility to Protect 2, no. 4 (2010): 436–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187598410x519570.

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AbstractThis essay examines the leading role adopted by the South African governments of Nelson Mandela, abo Mbeki, and Jacob Zuma to promote R2P between 1994 and 2010. In response to the sociopolitical oppression and devastation wrought by apartheid between 1948 and 1990, South African governments since 1994 have played an activist role in developing new norms in international affairs. Describing the South African posture on R2P as one of engagement and 'quiet diplomacy', the essay notes that the country has pushed for multilateral institutions to become the major repositories of the R2P norm. Within Africa, South Africa was instrumental in negotiating the continent's shift of position on the R2P norm from one of 'non-intervention' to one of 'non-indifference'. South Africa has also sought to implement R2P through political processes and negotiations rather than through sanctions and the use of force—an engagist stance that the country adopted during its controversial two years on the UN Security Council (2007–2008), contrary to the tougher approach recommended by powerful Western members of the Security Council. Emphasis is placed on the capacity constraints with which South Africa continues to struggle, as it seeks to operationalise its position on R2P.

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Moosa, Fareed. "Protecting taxpayer information from the public protector – A ‘just cause’?" Journal of Corporate and Commercial Law & Practice, The 6, no. 2 (2020): 190–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.47348/jccl/v6/i2a7.

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Under the Tax Administration Act, 2011 (TAA), taxpayers enjoy a right to privacy of information disclosed to the South African Revenue Service (SARS). This note shows that tax officials are obliged to protect the secrecy thereof. It is argued that the Commissioner for the SARS correctly resisted compliance with a subpoena issued by the Public Protector for access to the records of former President Jacob Zuma. If it acquiesced without objection, shock waves would have reverberated through South Africa’s tax community. It is contended that the Commissioner’s decision to maintain taxpayer secrecy under pain of a potential criminal sanction contributed to restoring some of the lost confidence and respect for the SARS which has, in recent times, endured reputational damage owing to internal squabbles which morphed into public scandals. This note hypothesises that CSARS v Public Protector is good authority for the proposition that governmental departments and state institutions not expressly mentioned in s 70 of the TAA do not have statutory rights of access to taxpayer information and must, to gain access, follow due process. This note argues that the judgment in casu is not only a victory for taxpayer rights but also for the rule of law.

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Santos, Renata De Paula dos. "Iconografia e política na África do Sul: a representação de Nelson Mandela, Thabo Mbeki e Jacob Zuma nas charges de Zapiro." Discursos Fotograficos 10, no. 17 (December 29, 2014): 247. http://dx.doi.org/10.5433/1984-7939.2014v10n17p247.

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Corder, Hugh, and Cora Hoexter. "‘Lawfare’ in South Africa and Its Effects on the Judiciary." African Journal of Legal Studies 10, no. 2-3 (December 7, 2017): 105–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17087384-12340017.

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Abstract This article identifies three senses of the term ‘lawfare’ in the South African context. In the first and most standard sense of the term, law was abused by the state during the pre-democratic era in order to construct a racist state. In the second sense, litigation was used in the period 1910–1993 as a weapon of the weak by those excluded from the franchise, in order to resist oppression and rule by law. The third sense of lawfare overlaps with the second but is associated with the judicialisation of politics in the era of constitutional democracy. It refers to the use of litigation to resolve contentious political disputes in spite of the existence of many non-curial constitutional safeguards. Using examples, the article shows that lawfare in this third sense was a feature of the presidency of Jacob Zuma and that it was triggered by the rise of nepotism, corruption and state capture well as the abdication of governance responsibilities to the judiciary. It argues that because the courts have been drawn into the public arena and thrust into a relationship of constant tension with the political branches, the judiciary has become the primary casualty of this barrage of lawfare.

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Bond, Patrick. "South Africa: Exploding with Rage, Imploding with Self-Doubt—but Exuding Socialist Potential." Monthly Review 67, no. 2 (June 2, 2015): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-067-02-2015-06_2.

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The fast-reviving South African left is urgently coming to grips with the most acute national crises of structure and agency the country has experienced since the historic freeing of Nelson Mandela in February 1990 and the shift of the entire body politic in favor of the African National Congress (ANC) and the South African Communist Party (SACP).… The subsequent rise in unemployment, inequality, poverty, and environmental degradation soon reached some of the worst levels in the contemporary world. The consequent social unrest is now so high that President Jacob Zuma…promised increased "public order policing" personnel and the purchase of a new generation of technologically advanced weapons, including sonar canons…. In this conflagration, what survived of the left is now growing by leaps and bounds. Within a decade, it may become a force capable of an electoral challenge to the ANC for state power. But much will depend upon how it regroups amidst shards of splintered radical projects, with myriad questions hotly debated in the movement.<a href="http://monthlyreview.org/index/volume-67-number-2" title="Vol. 67, No. 2: June 2015" target="_self">Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.</a>

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Morrell, Robert, Rachel Jewkes, and Graham Lindegger. "Hegemonic Masculinity/Masculinities in South Africa." Men and Masculinities 15, no. 1 (March 22, 2012): 11–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1097184x12438001.

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The concept of hegemonic masculinity has had a profound impact on gender activism and has been taken up particularly in health interventions. The concept was part of a conceptual gendered vocabulary about men which opened up analytical space for research on masculinity and prompted a generation of gender interventions with men. Academic work focused primarily on relations between men, to the neglect of relations with women, while paradoxically acknowledging the power that men had over women. Interventions that drew on theories of masculinities focused on the content of hegemonic masculinity, identifying hegemony with oppressive attitudes and practices. Hegemonic masculinity was considered singular and universal, with little acknowledgment given to research-based work that argued for a model of multiple hegemonic masculinities. An unintended consequence of efforts to promote gender equity through a focus on men and hegemony has been a recent popular discursive backlash. In this, Jacob Zuma and Julius Malema, presidents of the African National Congress (ANC) and the ANC youth league respectively, have sought to valorize an African masculinity that is race-specific, backward-looking, and predicated on the notion of male superiority. In this article, the authors argue that the concept of hegemonic masculinities retains a utility in both scholarship and activism but that its use needs to be located within a broader gendered understanding of society which in turn needs to confront race and class-based national realities.

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Wöcke, Albert, Morris Mthombeni, and Alvaro Cuervo-Cazurro. "Reputations and corruption: Bell Pottinger in South Africa." Emerald Emerging Markets Case Studies 10, no. 4 (December 3, 2020): 1–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eemcs-04-2020-0109.

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Learning outcomes The case can be used in strategic management, international business or ethics courses. In strategic management courses, students will be able to identify political relationships as sources of a firm’s competitive advantage. Students will also understand the role of ethics in the firm’s competitive advantage. In international business courses, the students will be able to analyze the role that corruption and bribery play in the analysis of a country’s institutions. Students will also understand how corruption in a host country influences a firms’ decision to internationalize. Finally, students will understand the challenges that firms face when serving customers in other countries. In ethics courses, students will understand the nature of state/business corruption, i.e. the abuse of public office for private gain and the concept of state capture, i.e. managers controlling the political system for their advantage. Students will be able to analyze the decision of whether to collaborate with unethical partners or customers. Case overview/synopsis Bell Pottinger Private (BPP) was a British public relations (PR) firm with a successful but questionable reputation of helping famous critical figures and despots improve their public image. In 2016, Lord Tim Bell and the other leaders of BPP were asked to create a PR campaign for the Gupta family. The Guptas were a group of businessmen headed by three brothers who migrated from India to South Africa in the early 1990s. By the 2010s, they had built a business empire allegedly thanks to a corrupt relationship with the President of South Africa, Jacob Zuma and his family. The press and prosecutors were increasing their investigations on these relations. The case has two parts, which address two separate challenges and can be taught as standalone cases or in a sequence in two sessions. Complexity academic level MBA and Executive Education. Supplementary materials Teaching notes are available for educators only. Subject code CSS 5: International business.

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Bond, Patrick. "Blue Economy threats, contradictions and resistances seen from South Africa." Journal of Political Ecology 26, no. 1 (July 21, 2019): 341. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/v26i1.23504.

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South Africa hosts Africa's most advanced form of the new Blue Economy, named 'Operation Phakisa: Oceans.' In 2014, the McKinsey-designed project was formally launched by now-disgraced President Jacob Zuma with vibrant state and corporate fanfare. Financially, its most important elements were anticipated to come from corporations promoting shipping investments and port infrastructure, a new generation of offshore oil and gas extraction projects and seabed mining. However, these already conflict with underlying capitalist crisis tendencies associated with overaccumulation (overcapacity), globalization and financialization, as they played out through uneven development, commodity price volatility and excessive extraction of resources. Together this metabolic intensification of capital-nature relations can be witnessed when South Africa recently faced the Blue Economy's ecological contradictions: celebrating a massive offshore gas discovery at the same time as awareness rises about extreme coastal weather events, ocean warming and acidification (with profound threats to fast-bleaching coral reefs), sea-level rise, debilitating drought in Africa's main seaside tourist city (Cape Town), and plastic infestation of water bodies, the shoreline and vulnerable marine life. Critics of the capitalist ocean have demanded a greater state commitment to Marine Protected Areas, support for sustainable subsistence fishing and eco-tourism. But they are losing, and so more powerful resistance is needed, focusing on shifting towards post-fossil energy and transport infrastructure, agriculture and spatial planning. Given how climate change has become devastating to vulnerable coastlines – such as central Mozambique's, victim of two of the Southern Hemisphere's most intense cyclones in March-April 2019 – it is essential to better link ocean defence mechanisms to climate activism: global youth Climate Strikes and the direct action approach adopted by the likes of Dakota Access Pipe Line resistance in the US, Extinction Rebellion in Britain, and Ende Gelände in Germany. Today, as the limits to capital's crisis-displacement tactics are becoming more evident, it is the interplay of these top-down and bottom-up processes that will shape the future Blue Economy narrative, giving it either renewed legitimacy, or the kind of illegitimacy already experienced in so much South African resource-centric capitalism.Keywords: Blue Economy, capitalist crisis, Oceans Phakisa, resistance, South Africa

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Neumann, Werner. "Zum Sprachbegriff Jacob Grimms." STUF - Language Typology and Universals 38, no. 1-6 (December 1, 1985): 500–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/stuf.1985.38.14.500.

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Warnke, Martin, and Christine Tauber. "Jacob Burckhardts "Cicerone". Eine Aufgabe zum Geniessen." Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 65, no. 3 (2002): 413. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4150713.

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Montesh, M. "A PROPOSED MODEL FOR THE APPOINTMENT AND DISMISSAL OF THE NATIONAL COMMISSIONER OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN POLICE SERVICE: A COMPARATIVE STUDY." Journal of Law, Society and Development 1, no. 1 (September 1, 2014): 68–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2520-9515/875.

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When South Africa’s first democratically elected president was inaugurated on 10 May 1994, South Africans were anxious to see who would be leading the police service. Nelson Mandela followed his heart without bowing to political pressure and appointed seasoned police official Commissioner George Fivaz. Although the Interim Constitution Act 200 of 1993 was silent on the powers of the President to appoint the national commissioners, this appointment was made in terms of section 214(1) of that Act. At the time George Fivaz’s term expired, Mandela was also bowing out of the political limelight. When Thabo Mbeki assumed the presidency in 1999, he appointed Jackie Selebi, a former Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) cadre, who came from the Department of Foreign Affairs without any policing experience. This appointment was made in terms of section 207 of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, read with section 7(1)(a) of the South African Police Service Act 68 of 1995. Section 8(1) of the South African Police Service Act stipulates that ‘if the National Commissioner has lost the confidence of the Cabinet, the President may establish a board of inquiry to inquire into the circumstances that led to the loss of confidence, compile a report and make recommendations.’ After serving his first term, reports of Selebi’s involvement in the criminal underworld began to emerge. As a result of these reports, the then Directorate of Special Operations (the Scorpions) investigated Selebi’s involvement in corrupt activities. In 2007, Selebi was charged inter alia with two counts of corruption; in 2010, he was found guilty of corruption and sentenced to 15 years’ imprisonment. Surprisingly, on 2 August 2009, President Jacob Zuma appointed General Bheki Cele, who also came from an MK background without any policing experience, as the third National Police Commissioner. Within a year, reports of Cele’s involvement in illegal lease deals began to emerge and the office of the Public Protector was called in to investigate the allegations. As a result of its findings of improper conduct and maladministration, he was suspended in 2011 and a commission of inquiry was established in terms of section 8(1) of the South African Police Service Act 68 of 1995 to find out whether the Commissioner was fit to hold office. General Cele was fired for maladministration and corruption and was replaced by General Riah Phiyega, who also did not have any policingexperience. A few months after her taking office, the Marikana incident occurred and all the blame for it has been directed at the National Commissioner, although the commission has not yet finalised its mandate. In view of the above-mentioned incidents, it is clear that there is a problem with the way in which the National Commissioner is appointed. This article seeks to unravel the powers of the president in appointing the National Police Commissioner and discuss the cases of the two former incumbents who bowed out of office in disgrace without completing their terms of office. It also includes a comparative study with countries such as Kenya, Northern Ireland, Uganda, Canada and selected countries from the Caribbean islands. As a way forward, a new model for appointing and dismissing the National Commissioner for South Africa is proposed.

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Belotti, Michael. "Jacob Praetorius - ein Meister des instrumentalen Kontrapunkts." Schütz-Jahrbuch 18 (August 23, 2017): 99–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.13141/sjb.v1996834.

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Der Hamburger Organist Jacob Praetorius (1586-1651), Sohn des Hieronymus Praetorius und Schüler Jan Pieterszoon Sweelincks, genoß bei seinen Zeitgenossen hohen Ruhm als Spieler und Komponist. Wegen seiner profunden Kenntnis des Kontrapunkts wählte ihn Heinrich Schütz zum Lehrer für seinen Zögling Matthias Weckmann. Der Aufsatz versucht, anhand der überlieferten Orgelkompositionen die Stellung Praetorius' im Kontext der norddeutschen Orgelmusik zu bestimmen. Dabei werden besonders die Magnificat-Bearbeitungen, die 1964 in einer fragmentarischen Tabulaturhandschrift auf Schloß Clausholm (Dänemark) gefunden wurden, herangezogen. (Autor)

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Strubel, Robert. "Mario Jacoby zum 70. Geburtstag." Analytische Psychologie 26, no. 4 (1995): 255–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1159/000469761.

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Haenel, T. "Jakob Klaesi zum 120. Geburtstag." Der Nervenarzt 74, no. 5 (May 1, 2003): 471–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00115-002-1464-3.

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Pfisterer, Andreas. "Zum Verhältnis der Fortuna-Messen von Josquin und Obrecht." Die Musikforschung 58, no. 3 (September 22, 2021): 267–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.52412/mf.2005.h3.629.

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Seit langem wird diskutiert, welche der beiden Messen über "Fortuna desperata" von Jacob Obrecht und Josquin Desprez mit Bezugnahme auf die andere komponiert wurde. Versucht wird, diese Frage durch eine genaue Betrachtung der gemeinsamen musikalischen Bausteine und ihrer Umgebung zu klären. Dabei zeichnet sich die Reihenfolge Obrecht, Josquin ab. Diese Deutung wird durch zusätzliche Beobachtungen zum Parodieverfahren in Obrechts Messe gestützt.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Jacob Zuma'

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