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Books on the topic 'Jacobi's identity'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 24 April 2022

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1

An invitation to q-series: From Jacobi's triple product identity to Ramanujan's "most beautiful identity". Singapore: World Scientific Pub Co., 2011.

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2

The Jacobite song: Political myth and national identity. Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press, 1988.

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3

Jacob's voices: Reflections of a wandering American Jew. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1996.

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4

Husu, Cristiano. Extensions of the Jacobi identity for vertex operators and standard Aı⁽¹⁾-modules. Providence, RI: American Mathematical Society, 1993.

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5

Identity and Christian-Muslim interaction: Medieval art of the Syrian Orthodox from the Mosul area. Leuven: Peeters, 2010.

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6

The invention of Scotland: The Stuart myth and the Scottish identity, 1638 to the present. London: Routledge, 1991.

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7

1923-, Şimşek Mehmet, ed. Naum Faik ve Süryani rönesansı: 1968 Diyarbakır/1930 New York. Sultanahmet, İstanbul: Belge Yayınları, 2004.

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8

Pluralism and the idea of the republic in France. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012.

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9

Freedland, Jonathan. Jacob's Gift. Penguin, 2006.

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10

Hoffman, Ian, Sarah Hoffman, and Chris Case. Jacob's New Dress. Albert Whitman & Company, 2020.

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11

Hoffman, Ian, and Sarah Hoffman. Jacob's New Dress. Albert Whitman & Company, 2014.

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12

Kléber, Monod Paul, Pittock Murray, and Szechi D, eds. Loyalty and identity: Jacobites at home and abroad. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.

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13

Linton, Marisa. Terror and Politics. Edited by David Andress. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199639748.013.027.

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In a move away from overarching explanations of the Terror based on ideology, class or a ‘system of Terror’, historians have been investigating the web of connections between politics, ideology, tactics, emotions and the role of individuals. Consequently, a more complex picture of revolutionary politics has begun to emerge. This chapter uses these new approaches to examine the individual experiences of Jacobin leaders. It asks how far we can reconstruct the motives that led individual Jacobin leaders to choose terror. Personal factors, including friendships, influenced political decision-making to a far greater extent than previously acknowledged. Emotions, above all fear, played an integral role in the Terror. The Jacobin leaders needed to maintain their public identity as ‘men of virtue’ or risk being destroyed in the politicians’ terror. The chapter examines the genesis of the politicians’ terror that culminated in the mutual destruction of political factions during the Year II.
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14

Pawielski, Yolonda. Black Female Authors Document a Loss of Sexual Identity: Jacobs, Morrison, Walker, Naylor, and Moody. PublishAmerica, 2004.

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15

Art and Identity in Scotland: A Cultural History from the Jacobite Rising of 1745 to Walter Scott. Cambridge University Press, 2019.

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16

Fontana, Biancamaria. The Advent of Modern Liberty (1795). Princeton University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691169040.003.0006.

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This chapter looks at how Staël claimed that, in order to unify the nation under a republican government, it was necessary to identify the durable interests and aspirations of the majority of the French people. Now, the question of what the majority wanted was defined with greater clarity than in the past. The unity of the nation under the republic must be founded upon the general demand for liberty. Not, however, the patriotic, participative liberty—inspired by the model of ancient republics—that had been revived by the Jacobins with such destructive consequences, but a new kind of liberty, based on the modern needs for security, prosperity, and peace.
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17

Rapport, Mike. Jacobinism from Outside. Edited by David Andress. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199639748.013.029.

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‘Jacobinism’ as perceived and experienced outside France varied between local contexts, the rich diversity of responses to the French Revolution reflecting the ideas, symbols and rhetoric emanating from France, but also pre-existing political and ideological trends, earlier attempts at reform, the specific structures of society and the scale of resistance to change. There were commonalities that included similarities in ideology, rhetoric, symbols and practices, but international Jacobinism was never a coherent ideology or political movement. ‘Jacobins’ outside France were, moreover, usually minorities and everywhere they felt the full force of reactions in defence of tradition and the conservative order. The varieties of ‘Jacobinism’ outside France nonetheless provided an important response to the widespread debates about the nature of freedom and political identity, the shape of which was being fervently disputed around the world.
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18

Pittock, Murray. Invention of Scotland: The Stuart Myth and the Scottish Identity, 1638 to the Present. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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19

Della Rocca, Michael, ed. The Oxford Handbook of Spinoza. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780195335828.001.0001.

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Until recently, Spinoza’s standing in Anglophone studies of philosophy has been relatively low and has only seemed to confirm Friedrich Heinrich Jacobi’s assessment of him as “a dead dog.” However, an exuberant outburst of excellent scholarship on Spinoza has of late come to dominate work on early modern philosophy. This resurgence is due in no small part to the recent revival of metaphysics in contemporary philosophy and to the increased appreciation of Spinoza’s role as an unorthodox, pivotal figure—indeed, perhaps the pivotal figure—in the development of Enlightenment thinking. Spinoza’s penetrating articulation of his extreme rationalism makes him a demanding philosopher who offers deep and prescient challenges to all subsequent, inevitably less radical approaches to philosophy. While the twenty-six essays in this volume—by many of the world’s leading Spinoza specialists—grapple directly with Spinoza’s most important arguments, these essays also seek to identify and explain Spinoza’s debts to previous philosophy, his influence on later philosophers, and his significance for contemporary philosophy and for us.
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20

Brown, David P. Lots Will Vary in the Available City. Edited by Benjamin Piekut and George E. Lewis. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199892921.013.17.

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Michel de Certeau has described our movement about the city as improvisational—as an interaction with a spatial order that not only activates that order’s ensemble of possibilities but transforms and introduces new possibilities for elements comprising that order. However, architecture’s relation to improvisation is not limited to this provision of a fixed context, an offering of material that is the basis of our daily play. A number of writings about architecture and urbanism by Jane Jacobs, Roger Sherman, and Stan Allen identify improvisation in aspects of the design of the city itself. Along with the Available City, a design proposition that explicitly seeks to organize an improvisational production of a new spatial system within the city of Chicago, those writings reveal possibilities for structure that organize improvisational processes as a way of working on the city.
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21

Horn, Gerd-Rainer. The Moment of Liberation in Western Europe. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199587919.001.0001.

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The moment of liberation in Western Europe, 1943-1948, regards the final two years of World War II and the immediate post-liberation period as a moment in twentieth century history, when the shape and contours of postwar Western Europe appeared highly uncertain and various alternatives and conflicting visions were up for grabs. After close to six years of total war, Nazi terror and brutal occupation policies, a growing number of Europeans were no longer content solely to fight for national liberation from fascist control. Having staked their lives in military and civilian resistance to Nazism and Italian fascism across the continent, surviving activists were aiming to ensure that such a political and social catastrophe would never befall Europe again. In the closing moments of World War II, hundreds of thousands of antifascist activists had begun to identify with the famous quote penned by the exiled German social theorists, Max Horkheimer, who had boldly proclaimed in early September 1939: ‘Whoever is not prepared to talk about capitalism should also remain silent about fascism.’ The economic and political elites in prewar societies were increasingly regarded as co-responsible for war, fascism and occupation policies, from which many had benefited significantly and often enthusiastically. There were extensive popular social movements at work in almost every single state which aimed to construct postwar societies in which grassroots democracy and the free association of rank-and-file activists would replace the profit principle and the top-down Jacobin orientation by traditional elites. This book for the first time reconstructs the parameters of this contest over the shape of postwar Western Europe from a consistently transnational perspective.
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