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Journal articles on the topic 'Jacobite Rebellion, 1715'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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1

Blackwood, B. Gordon. "Lancashire Catholics, Protestants and Jacobites During the 1715 Rebellion." Recusant History 22, no. 1 (May 1994): 41–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200001758.

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Historians are generally agreed that Lancashire was the most Catholic and the most Jacobite county in England at the time of the 1715 rebellion. Indeed, final confirmation of this connection would seem to have been established by Professor Paul Kléber Monod. In his book,Jacobitism and the English People 1688–1788,Monod has stated that ‘Lancashire had the largest [Catholic] recusant population in England’ at the end of the seventeenth century, and that of the 688 listed English Jacobite rebels captured at Preston in 1715, 366 were from Lancashire, 227 from Northumberland, 78 from other counties, six from Ireland and eleven from unidentified places. Monod also discovered the religious affiliations of four-fifths of the Lancashire rebels and noted that 76 per cent of them were Roman Catholics. With these vital statistics in our possession it would seem that there is no need for further research on Lancashire Catholicism and Jacobitism in the early eighteenth century. But certain questions, ignored or barely touched on by Monod and other historians, need answering. First, how many Catholics were there in Lancashire in about 1715, what was their geographical distribution and social composition, and how far were they dominated by the gentry? Secondly, what was the social composition of the various Lancashire Catholic groups: the active Jacobites, the passive Jacobites and those of unknown allegiance? Thirdly, how do the Catholic and Protestant Jacobite rebels of Lancashire compare from a social and political standpoint? Finally, and confining ourselves mainly to the Catholic gentry, how strong a link was there in Lancashire between the Royalism of the Civil Wars (1642–48) and the Jacobitism of the 1715 rebellion?

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2

Clark, J. C. D. "1715: The Great Jacobite Rebellion (review)." Catholic Historical Review 93, no. 3 (2007): 666–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2007.0237.

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3

Szechi, Daniel. "Towards an Analytical Model of Military Effectiveness for the Early Modern Period: the Military Dynamics of the 1715 Jacobite Rebellion." Militaergeschichtliche Zeitschrift 72, no. 2 (December 1, 2013): 289–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mgzs-2013-0012.

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Abstract Early modern European rebellions have long been of interest to military historians, yet, with the exception of the 1745 rebellion led by Charles Edward Stuart, the military history of the Jacobite rebellions against the English/British state is little known outside the Anglophone world. Likewise, though there have been many analyses of particular rebellions no analytical model of rebel military capabilities has hitherto been proposed, and thus meaningful comparisons between early modern rebellions located in different regions and different eras has been difficult. This article accordingly offers an analysis of the military effectiveness of the Jacobite rebels in 1715-16 structured by a model adapted from the ›Military Effectiveness‹ framework first advanced by Allan Millett and Williamson Murray. This is with a view to stimulating military-historical interest in Jacobite rebellions other than the ’45, and promoting more systematic discussion of the military effectiveness of early modern European rebel armies.

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4

Abbott, Susannah. "Clerical responses to the Jacobite rebellion in 1715." Historical Research 76, no. 193 (July 15, 2003): 332–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00179.

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Abstract This article examines sermons published by Church of England clergymen and dissenters during the Jacobite rebellion of 1715. It shows that while some clergymen supported Jacobitism, most were determined to create a broad-based opposition to the Stuart Pretender. To achieve this, the clergy carefully selected themes and arguments to ensure that all English Protestants – radical dissenters, low churchmen and high churchmen – could join the campaign against the Pretender. Above all, clergymen used the language of anti-popery and preached the duty of Christian obedience to the king. In the immediate aftermath of the rebellion, however, this consensus began to break down, and divisions between high and low churchmen re-opened.

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5

Kieran German. "1715: The Great Jacobite Rebellion (review)." Scottish Historical Review 87, no. 1 (2008): 159–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/shr.0.0020.

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6

Oates, Jonathan D. "Responses in the North of England to the Jacobite Rebellion of 1715." Northern History 43, no. 1 (March 2006): 77–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/174587006x89285.

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7

Gregg, E. "Jacobite Prisoners of the 1715 Rebellion: Preventing and Punishing Insurrection in Early Hanoverian Britain." English Historical Review CXXIII, no. 500 (February 1, 2008): 216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cem452.

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8

Kizelbach, Urszula. "Влияниe Вальтера Скотта на историческую прозу А.С. Пушкина: „Роб Рой” и „Капитанская дочка”." Studia Rossica Posnaniensia, no. 41 (June 20, 2018): 105–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/strp.2016.41.9.

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This article analyses the influence of Sir Walter Scott’s historical fiction (Rob Roy) on the development of the historical novel in Russia in the first half of the 19th century, based on the example of Pushkin’s The Captain’s Daughter. The author argues that both Scott and Pushkin had a similar approach to their national and local history and collected historical material in the same way (through archival research and by contacting local people who had witnessed the events of the Jacobite Rebellion, 1715, and the Pugachev Rebellion, 1773–1775). A close analysis of both texts presents examples of a similar poetics of the narration, dialectal use of language and dialogue, and the use of local colour and folk elements, such as folk songs or old sayings, which serve as mottos for particular chapters in the novels.

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9

Furgol, Edward M. "Jacobite Prisoners of the 1715 Rebellion: Preventing and Punishing Insurrection in Early Hanoverian Britain (review)." Journal of Military History 70, no. 4 (2006): 1116–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2006.0241.

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10

Nicholls, Andrew D. "1715: The Great Jacobite Rebellion, by Daniel Szechi1715: The Great Jacobite Rebellion, by Daniel Szechi. New Haven, Connecticut, Yale University Press, 2006. xvi, 351 pp. $50.00 US (cloth)." Canadian Journal of History 43, no. 2 (September 2008): 297–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.43.2.297.

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11

Murray Pittock. "Jacobite Prisoners of the 1715 Rebellion: Preventing and Punishing Insurrection in Early Hanoverian Britain (review)." Scottish Historical Review 87, no. 1 (2008): 162–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/shr.0.0014.

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12

Plank, G. "DANIEL SZECHI. 1715: The Great Jacobite Rebellion. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press. 2006. Pp. xvi, 351. $50.00." American Historical Review 112, no. 3 (June 1, 2007): 925–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.112.3.925.

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13

Emerson, Roger L. "Daniel Szechi. 1715: The Great Jacobite Rebellion. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006. Pp. xvi+348. $50.00 (cloth)." Journal of British Studies 46, no. 2 (April 2007): 471–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/514405.

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14

Lenman, Bruce P. "1715: The Great Jacobite Rebellion. By Daniel Szechi. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006. Pp. xvi+351. $50.00." Journal of Modern History 80, no. 2 (June 2008): 413–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/591568.

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15

Grace, Richard J. "1715: The Great Jacobite Rebellion. By Daniel Szechi. (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2006. Pp. xvi, 351. $50.00.)." Historian 69, no. 4 (December 1, 2007): 842–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6563.2007.00197_68.x.

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16

Gooch, L. "‘Incarnate Rogues and Vile Jacobites’: Silvertop V. Cotesworth, 1718–1723." Recusant History 18, no. 3 (May 1987): 277–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268419500020614.

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THE PERPETUAL Curate of Allendale, an active participant in the Jacobite rebellion of 1715 who later turned king's evidence, said of William, fourth Lord Widdrington, a leading rebel, ‘it had been happy for him, and so we thought would have been better for us, if he had stayed at home’.’ The comment referred both to Widdrington's military incompetence and to the ruin of his house consequent upon his attainder. For Widdrington was one of the wealthiest Northumbrian Catholics, with estates in Lincolnshire, Northumberland and Durham, none of which was heavily mortgaged or encumbered with major debt, as so many northern Catholic estates were. Moreover, his estates at Stella and Winlaton (in the north-west Durham parish of Ryton) incorporated coal-bearing lands which were ripe for development. The shallow coal seams in Whickham and Gateshead, east of Ryton, were virtually worked out and, in order to satisfy the increasingly demanding London market, northern coal-owners were about to extend operations. Widdrington's estate in north-west Durham lay in the middle of the expanding coalfield and would undoubtedly yield substantial profits. As a result of his involvement in the, ‘Fifteen, however, Widdrington forfeited what was described by an acquisitive coal-owning competitor as this ‘very improvable estate’, and, of course, any future profits its coal-mines might earn. Widdrington was fortunate, even so, in having agents in Durham who were prepared to do all in their power to ensure that he did not lose everything. Albert Silvertop and Joseph Dunn, fellow-Catholics and experienced colliery managers (or ‘viewers’), rightly supposed that whoever took over the Stella estate would work quickly to exhaust its coal reserves before the property could be restored, for the entailed estate would revert to Widdrington's heir at his death. Silvertop and Dunn therefore embarked on a remarkable campaign to deprive the new ownership of the benefits the estate promised. The struggle that ensued was long, and often bloody; it became a trial of strength between the powerful coal magnates and independent entrepreneurs, but it also developed into a contest between Protestants and Catholics in which the Catholics were conspicuous for their aggression in defence of their property and reckless in their defiance of possible repercussions under the penal laws.

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17

German, Kieran R. "Geoffrey Plank. Rebellion and Savagery: The Jacobite Rising of 1745 and the British Empire. Early American Studies. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006. Pp. 272. $39.95 (cloth). - Margaret Sankey. Jacobite Prisoners of the 1715 Rebellion: Preventing and Punishing Insurrection in Early Hanoverian Britain. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005. Pp. xix+156. $89.95 (cloth)." Journal of British Studies 46, no. 1 (January 2007): 181–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/510948.

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18

Malkin, S. G. "Feudalism and the «Highland Problem» in the Public Sphere of Great Britain (1715–1745)." Izvestiya of Saratov University. History. International Relations 12, no. 3 (2012): 37–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2012-12-3-37-40.

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The article analyses representations on the feudal base of political economy in the Highlands of Scotland in the public sphere of Great Britain between the Jacobite rebellions in 1715–1716 and 1745–1746 in the context of solution of the «Highland Problem» through the appeasement, modernization of the region and strengthening loyalty of the Highlanders to the Hannover dynasty and the government in London.

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19

Klinger, Patrick J. "Weather and the Jacobite Rebellion of 1719." Environment and History 23, no. 2 (May 1, 2017): 197–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.3197/096734017x14900292921752.

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20

Rose, Craig. "‘Seminarys of Faction and Rebellion’: Jacobites, Whigs and the London Charity Schools, 1716–1724." Historical Journal 34, no. 4 (December 1991): 831–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00017313.

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During Queen Anne's reign it was thought noteworthy that, in an age otherwise disfigured by party rancour, the charity school movement had won general acclaim. ‘No colourable Objection has been made against it’, declared the high churchman Andrew Snape in 1711, ‘nor indeed can it meet with Opposition from any, but those who are unwilling that the Empire of the Devil should be weaken'd, that Vice and Immorality should lose any Ground, and who are the declar'd Enemies of God and Goodness’. Charity schools were viewed as a force for unity in a politically divided society. Writing to Robert Harley in August 1710, John Hooke expressed his hope that Harley would lead a non-party ‘Coalition of Honest Men’, and noted universal praise for the charity schools as a sign of optimism for the future. At the 1709 anniversary service of the London charity schools, Samuel Bradford, a whig divine, bemoaned divisions in the body politic, but happily remarked that ‘The design which we are here pursuing has a natural tendency to unite the serious and pious of different persuasions amongst us’ Bradford's joy, though, was tempered with a warning. Just as there was ‘nothing more likely to unite us, than the zealous Prosecution of such a design’, so there was ‘nothing could so effectually defeat our endeavours in this case, as the espousing or promoting any particular Party or Faction’. The Reverend Lord Willoughby de Broke also feared that the charity schools would be dragged into the arena of party conflict. The charity would flourish, he commented in 1712, “if our political Discords do not withhold the Mercy of God from prospering this good work”.

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21

Parry, Mark. "Whigs, Dissenters and Hanoverian Loyalism in Preston during the Jacobite Rebellions of 1715 and 1745." Transactions of the Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire 158 (January 2009): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/transactions.158.2.

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22

"1715: the great Jacobite Rebellion." Choice Reviews Online 44, no. 04 (December 1, 2006): 44–2321. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.44-2321.

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23

McGrath, Charles Ivar. "Anti-Standing Army Ideology, Identity, and Ideas of Union within the British Isles, 1689–1714." Historical Journal, June 22, 2022, 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x22000127.

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Abstract Traditionally, anti-standing army ideology in the 1690s and 1700s has been viewed primarily through an English prism. As a result of the unique contribution of Andrew Fletcher of Saltoun, the place of Scotland has also been examined in this regard, particularly in relation to the ‘paper war’ of 1697–9. However, Ireland also loomed larger than has previously been acknowledged within the associated debates. This was evident both in the arguments advanced and in the writers who advanced them. Several individuals with close connections to Ireland – both Anglo-Irish and English Protestants – figured prominently among the anti-standing army writers, including Robert Molesworth, John Trenchard, Sir Francis Brewster, and Henry Maxwell. That they did so requires explanation, given that the army in Ireland offered the minority Protestant ruling elite the greatest security against a Catholic Jacobite rebellion. The involvement of these men in anti-standing army debates also highlights their engagement in an Irish Protestant context with the idea of a Gothic constitution and the extent to which their writings contributed to the post-Glorious Revolution whig canon. Yet the debates also highlight the limitations of such ideology when faced with the question of Irish identity and confessional allegiance, the constitutional relationship with England, and the presence of a standing army in Ireland. One proposed solution to such limitations was political Union.

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