Academic literature on the topic 'Jama Masjid (Delhi, India)'

In March 1729 ad, the city of Shahjahanabad (Mughal Delhi) was brought to a standstill following a conflict between shoe sellers and state officials. The conflict led to a violent showdown during the Friday congregational prayer in the central mosque of the city (Jami Masjid). The shoe sellers’ riot exposed fissures based on religion, class and politics and posed a challenge to the authority of the Mughal state during the twilight of the Empire. The article is a study of the riot and the riot narratives preserved in three unpublished contemporary works. Together with a discussion of the Ahmedabad riot of 1714 ad, the article examines the nature of conflicts involving civilian population in the cities of Mughal India in the early eighteenth century and the response of political and religious authorities. An important aspect of the incidents studied in the article is the role of religion in organizing group violence even when the cause of the conflict was not necessarily religious. Conversely, cross-community support arising from patronage, class and notions of pride and honour demonstrated that religion was one among many possible forms of identity in Mughal India.

The Qutb complex in Delhi contains the array of early Sultanate Period Muslim monuments that demonstrate the earliest artwork development stage of Muslim monuments from 12 to 13th century especially the architecture style and the stone carving patterns that exists in the monuments of this complex like in masjid Quwat-ul Islam (1191 A.D), Qutab Minar (1202 A.D), Illttutmish Tomb (1235 A.D), Alai Darwaza (1311 A.D). These splendid monuments have a new architectural style in India. Their beautiful carvings in red sandstone and marble that includes the patterns of arabesque style along with Kufic and Naskh calligraphy, the delicate floral and geometric patterns along with some Hindu motifs that depicts the earliest amalgamation of Hindu and Islamic architecture within the subcontinent. This paper not only aim to explore the architectural plan of this Qutb complex under different monarchs but also the decoration of this Qutb complex, its analysis and the aesthetic changes of design after the amalgamation of two different cultures. This complex is famous not only for its architecture but also for varieties of decorative arts. This paper also attempts to discover not only aesthetics but also the traditional and regional logic for using these motifs. This explorative study is from available historical data and literature. In the end concludes that the amalgamated motifs of decoration was excellent experiment and first addition in the design vocabulary of Indo-Muslim art and architecture. These designs provide serenity and majestic feelings to these monuments and in whole to Qutb complex.

AbstractSa'id Sarmad's dargah (saint's tomb) dominates the entryway to Delhi's imposing Jama Masjid. But Sarmad was a Jew, both by birth and affirmation. He was also, according to his Rubaiyat, "a follower of the Furqan (i.e., a Sufi), a (Catholic) priest, a (Buddhist) monk, a Jewish rabbi, an infidel, and a Muslim." Indeed, it is hard to imagine a mystic with a more complex confessional identity. This paper explores both Sarmad's apparently contradictory religious self-identification and the complex religious context which Sarmad found in seventeenth-century North India. It will trace Sarmad's spiritual path as it meandered between Judaism, Islam and Hinduism, as recorded in his poetry and in the hagiographical (taskira) traditions which surround him, and will contribute to the discussion of the relationship between the mystic and his or her religion of birth or adoption.

ImportanceMultidomain interventions in pregnancy and early childhood have improved child neurodevelopment, but little is known about the effects of additional preconception interventions.ObjectiveTo evaluate the effect of a multifaceted approach including health; nutrition; water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH); and psychosocial support interventions delivered during the preconception period and/or during pregnancy and early childhood on child neurodevelopment.Design, Setting, and ParticipantsIn this randomized trial involving low- and middle-income neighborhoods in Delhi, India, 13 500 participants were assigned to preconception interventions or routine care for the primary outcome of preterm births and childhood growth. Participants who became pregnant were randomized to pregnancy and early childhood interventions or routine care. Neurodevelopmental assessments, the trial’s secondary outcome reported herein, were conducted in a subsample of children at age 24 months, including 509 with preconception, pregnancy, and early childhood interventions; 473 with preconception interventions alone; 380 with pregnancy and early childhood interventions alone; and 350 with routine care. This study was conducted from November 1, 2000, through February 25, 2022.InterventionsHealth, nutrition, psychosocial care and support, and WASH interventions delivered during preconception, pregnancy, and early childhood periods.Main Outcomes and MeasuresCognitive, motor, language, and socioemotional performance at age 24 months, assessed using the Bayley Scales of Infant and Toddler Development 3 tool.ResultsThe mean age of participants at enrollment was 23.8 years (SD, 3.0 years). Compared with the controls at age 24 months, children in the preconception intervention groups had higher cognitive scores (mean difference [MD], 1.16; 98.3% CI, 0.18-2.13) but had similar language, motor, and socioemotional scores as controls. Those receiving pregnancy and early childhood interventions had higher cognitive (MD, 1.48; 98.3% CI, 0.49-2.46), language (MD, 2.29; 98.3% CI, 1.07-3.50), motor (MD, 1.53; 98.3% CI, 0.65-2.42), and socioemotional scores (MD, 4.15; 98.3% CI, 2.18-6.13) than did controls. The pregnancy and early childhood group also had lower incidence rate ratios (RRs) of moderate to severe delay in cognitive (incidence RR, 0.62; 98.3% CI, 0.40-0.96), language (incidence RR, 0.73; 98.3% CI, 0.57-0.93), and socioemotional (incidence RR, 0.49; 98.3% CI, 0.24-0.97) development than did those in the control group. Children in the preconception, pregnancy, and early childhood intervention group had higher cognitive (MD, 2.60; 98.3% CI, 1.08-4.12), language (MD, 3.46; 98.3% CI, 1.65-5.27), motor (MD, 2.31; 98.3% CI, 0.93-3.69), and socioemotional (MD, 5.55; 98.3% CI, 2.66-8.43) scores than did those in the control group.Conclusions and RelevanceMultidomain interventions during preconception, pregnancy and early childhood led to modest improvements in child neurodevelopment at 24 months. Such interventions for enhancing children’s development warrant further evaluation.Trial RegistrationClinical Trials Registry–India CTRI/2017/06/008908

TPS497 Background: There are various studies evaluating the role of dual agent chemotherapy like gemcitabine and cisplatin in locally advanced or metastatic gall bladder cancer (1). This has been the standard of treatment up till now. Also there has been a single arm phase II trial of gemcitabine, cisplatin and nab-paclitaxel (triplet therapy) by Shroff et al (2) reporting an impressive data with RR (response rate) of 45 %, median PFS (progression free survival) of 11.8 months (5% CI; 6.0-15.6) and median OS (overall survival) was 19.2 months. This data was promising when compared to historical data of dual agents like gemcitabine and cisplatin. So it would be informative to conduct an RCT comparing doublet chemotherapy in locally advanced or metastatic GBC with triplet regimen chemotherapy. Methods: It is an open label randomized control study conducted in Indraprastha Apollo hospital New Delhi, India in newly diagnosed locally advanced or metastatic gall bladder cancer patients proven histologically and on imaging. The sample size calculated using the appropriate formula is, 27 in each arm that is total of 54 patients, but 60 patients will be enrolled in the study keeping in view 10% drop out rate. For simple randomization, we will use online computer generated random number table and then patients will be assigned in two groups, arms A and B. Arm A receiving two drugs gemcitabine 1,000mg/m2 i.v and cisplatin 25mg/m2 i.v on Day 1 and Day 8 of 21-day cycle and arm B receiving three drugs gemcitabine, 1,000 mg/m2, cisplatin, 25 mg/m2, and nab-paclitaxel, 125 mg/m2, on days 1 and 8 of 21-day cycle. Primary end point was response rates based on radiological response as per RECIST or PRECIST. Secondary end points were to determine median progression free survival and median overall survival and to evaluate the toxicities according to NCI-CTC v 4.0.Then response [on basis of RECIST or PRECIST criteria] will be seen after 3 and 6 cycles of chemotherapy are completed and at follow up of every 6 months for 2 years period for assessment of primary and secondary end points of the study. Statistical analysis for correlation between clinical and laboratory features and treatment outcomes will be done using the SPSS software. Till now we have enrolled 1 patient in each arm. CTRI/2021/09/036362. References: Valle J, Wasan H, Palmer DH, et al. Cisplatin plus gemcitabine versus gemcitabine for biliary tract cancer. N Engl J Med 2010;362:1273-81. Shroff RT, Javle MM, Xiao L, et al. Gemcitabine,Cisplatin, and nab-Paclitaxel for the Treatment of Advanced Biliary Tract Cancers: A Phase 2 Clinical Trial JAMA Oncol 2019. Clinical trial information: CTRI/2021/09/036362.

For over two millennia, physicians have been aware of the morbidity and mortality linked to overweight and obesity. Various definitions of obesity, as outlined by the World Health Organization (WHO) and the Centers for Disease Control & Prevention (CDC), utilize the Body Mass Index (BMI) to characterize these conditions. Screening for high-risk patients is crucial for guiding lifestyle changes, treatment decisions, and risk reduction strategies.1,2 The assessment involves clinical and laboratory studies to categorize the type and severity of obesity, forming the foundation for effective management. Globally, the prevalence of obesity in 2015 exhibited a rising trend in females compared to males. Between 1980 and 2015, the prevalence surged from 11.1% to 38.3% for males aged 25 to 29 in low to middle-income countries.3 Pakistan ranks tenth among 188 countries, with half of its population classified as overweight or obese. Alarming projections from the World Obese Federation estimate that 5.4 million Pakistani school-aged children will grapple with obesity by 2030, emphasizing the dual challenges of overnutrition and poor nutrition.4,5 World Health Organization data indicates that 58.1% of Pakistanis are overweight, with 43.9% classified as obese. Asian cutoffs, though not globally recognized, suggest that 72.3% of Pakistanis are overweight, with obesity affecting 58.1% of the population. Research by Danielle H. Bodicoat et al. suggests an obesity threshold of 25 kg/m2 for South Asian individuals, coupled with a very high Waist Circumference (WC).6 A WC ≥ 31 inches (80cm) in Asian females and ≥ 35 inches (90cm) in Asian males is considered abnormal. The primary rationale for managing obesity is to mitigate morbidity, including conditions like diabetes, hypertension, dyslipidemia, heart disease, stroke, sleep apnea, and cancer, ultimately reducing mortality. The initial step in managing obesity involves screening to determine the degree of overweight using BMI and waist circumference measurements. However, studies reveal that only 6% of individuals receive ongoing care for weight management, such as prescriptions for obesity medication or referrals to dieticians.7,8 BMI classifications, primarily based on cardiovascular disease (CVD) risk, may underestimate risks for conditions like diabetes in the Asian population. Beyond BMI, measuring waist circumference is essential for identifying adults at increased risk for morbidity and mortality, especially in the BMI range of 25 to 35 kg/m2.9 In addition to physical examinations, measurements of fasting glucose (or glycated hemoglobin [A1C]), thyroid-stimulating hormone (TSH), liver enzymes, and fasting lipids should be conducted.10 Investigating the causes of obesity involves ruling out a sedentary lifestyle, increased caloric intake, and secondary factors. Medical history should include inquiries about medications that cause weight gain and smoking cessation. Weight loss interventions are recommended for those with a BMI exceeding 25 kg/m2, aiming to prevent, treat, or reverse complications associated with obesity. In conclusion, managing obesity in the Pakistani population requires a comprehensive approach involving clinical and laboratory assessments by physicians. This includes evaluating height, weight, BMI, waist circumference, blood pressure, serum triglycerides, serum HDL, cholesterol, fasting blood sugar/HbA1C, history of sleep apnea, medication history, physical activity, and etiological factors. Moreover, physicians should possess knowledge of dietary goals and medications promoting weight loss and consider bariatric surgery if non-responsive to other interventions. References World Health Organization. Obesity. Accessed December 12, 2023. Available at: https://www.who.int/health-topics/obesity#tab=tab_1 Defining adult overweight & obesity. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Updated June 7, 2021. Accessed May 24, 2023. cdc.gov/obesity/adult/defining.html GBD 2015 Obesity Collaborators. Health effects of overweight and obesity in 195 countries over 25 years. N Engl J Med. 2017 Jul 6;377(1):13-27. Curry SJ, Krist AH, Owens DK, Barry MJ, Caughey AB, Davidson KW, et al. Behavioral weight loss interventions to prevent obesity-related morbidity and mortality in adults: US Preventive Services Task Force recommendation statement. JAMA. 2018;320(11):1163-71. The Global Atlas on childhood obesity. World Obesity Federation. Accessed December 12, 2023. Available at: https://www.worldobesity.org/membersarea/global-atlas-on-childhood-obesity Bodicoat DH, Gray LJ, Henson J, Webb D, Guru A, Misra A, et al. Body mass index and waist circumference cut-points in multi-ethnic populations from the UK and India: the ADDITION-Leicester, Jaipur heart watch and New Delhi cross-sectional studies. PloS One. 2014;9(3):e90813. Perreault L, Suresh K, Rodriguez C, Dickinson LM, Willems E, Smith PC, et al. Baseline characteristics of PATHWEIGH: a stepped-wedge cluster randomized study for weight management in primary care. Ann Fam Med. 2023;21(3):249-55. Kaplan LM, Golden A, Jinnett K, Kolotkin RL, Kyle TK, Look M, et al. Perceptions of barriers to effective obesity care: results from the national ACTION study. Obesity. 2018;26(1):61-9. Prospective Studies Collaboration. Body-mass index and cause-specific mortality in 900 000 adults: collaborative analyses of 57 prospective studies. Lancet. 2009;373(9669):1083-96. Tsai AG, Wadden TA. In the clinic: obesity. Ann Intern Med. 2013;159(5):ITC3-16.

The pandemic of COVID-19 has afflicted every individual and has initiated a cascade of directly or indirectly involved events in precipitating mental health issues. The human species is a wanderer and hunter-gatherer by nature, and physical social distancing and nationwide lockdown have confined an individual to physical isolation. The present review article was conceived to address psychosocial and other issues and their aetiology related to the current pandemic of COVID-19. The elderly age group has most suffered the wrath of SARS-CoV-2, and social isolation as a preventive measure may further induce mental health issues. Animal model studies have demonstrated an inappropriate interacting endogenous neurotransmitter milieu of dopamine, serotonin, glutamate, and opioids, induced by social isolation that could probably lead to observable phenomena of deviant psychosocial behavior. Conflicting and manipulated information related to COVID-19 on social media has also been recognized as a global threat. Psychological stress during the current pandemic in frontline health care workers, migrant workers, children, and adolescents is also a serious concern. Mental health issues in the current situation could also be induced by being quarantined, uncertainty in business, jobs, economy, hampered academic activities, increased screen time on social media, and domestic violence incidences. The gravity of mental health issues associated with the pandemic of COVID-19 should be identified at the earliest. Mental health organization dedicated to current and future pandemics should be established along with Government policies addressing psychological issues to prevent and treat mental health issues need to be developed. References World Health Organization (WHO) Coronavirus Disease (COVID-19) Dashboard. 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Deepa Mehta first attempted to shoot her film Water in the year 2000, in Varanasi, a holy city hanging on the edge of the Ganges in East-Central India. A film about the anguish of widows in 1930’s India, where widowhood was in many parts of the country taken to be a curse, an affliction that the widow paid penance for by living in renunciation of laughter and pleasure, Water points not only to the suffering of widows in colonial India but to the widow-house that still exists in Varanasi and houses poor widows in seclusion and disgrace, away from the community. The film opens the lens to the prostitution and privation experienced by many widows, as well as Gandhi’s efforts to change the laws that affected “widow remarriage.” The international filming crew was forced to shut down production after one day of shooting, following a violent uproar in the Varanasi community. These riots were fueled by the same political party coalition that was responsible for the destruction of the Babri Masjid in 1992, a Muslim religious site dating from the sixteenth-century, that was smashed to rubble when Hindu Nationalists alleged that it was the original site of a Rama temple and hence a Hindu, rather than a Muslim, site of worship. While the Water crew had permission (after a few censorship negotiations) from the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting to shoot the film in Varanasi, following the riots lead by these fundamentalist political parties—the BJP, the KSRSS and the VHU—the Indian government (lead by the BJP) strode in to shut down, or at the very least delay (which given the tight budget of the film amounted to the same thing), the shooting of this film. It apparently caused too much local upheaval. A few years later, Mehta managed to surreptitiously shoot this last film of the controversial trilogy in Sri Lanka, fielding and ignoring letters from the Indian government that implied that the content of the film was not very flattering to India and showed India in a poor light to the international community. The film was released worldwide in 2005. I would like to place this astringent argument that was put forward by government officials and political rioters in a historical light by locating it within anti-colonial nationalist discourse of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. This desire to mask the face of Indian oppressive patriarchy and assert moral uprightness and the ‘reform’ of women is neither new nor original, and dates back to colonial India. The British colonial government had a tendency to zero-in on instances of female oppression by Indian men to justify the fact of colonial power and domination. British rulers denounced the moral degradation and lack of initiative of Indian men as two of the reasons to continue their control of the land in face of the mounting opposition, both in India and in other parts of the world, which was rising up against colonialism and later fascism. Chatterjee analyses this facet of the nationalist movement and suggests that female emancipation was a question of importance at the turn of the century in colonial India, as Indian men defended their right to ‘protect’ their women from oppressive orthodox practices. They repeatedly asserted their ability to rule their own country, and adopt modernity, both through ‘reform’ movements and rebellious uprising. Spivak too addresses this question as it centres on the Sati debate. The immolation of widows on the funereal pyres of husbands is often cited as an example of abusive Indian patriarchy. However, even at its height in the nineteenth century, as both Spivak and Narayan point out, this custom was practiced only in one location in India, and not nationwide as is popularly believed in the West. Debates around widow immolation were an easy answer both for the British to assert moral superiority and for Indian men to claim that they would ‘reform’ the lot of their women, and carve a new, more enlightened nation. The question of ‘widow remarriage’, along with dowry and Sati, became popular issues at various times in the last hundred years when the nation wished to champion the uprightness of Indian masculine morality, and its ability to protect its women. This fretfulness by the government and other political parties over the picture of Indian women that is revealed in Water is an anxiety over the portrayal of India as backward and unenlightened, a plodding place seeped in orthodox traditions and bubbling with religious fundamentalism. It a picture that puts the West at ease in the face of the growth of economic and telecommunications power in the region, and a Western-media-driven picture that often collects self-fulfilling data, while ignoring contradictory evidence. It also points an easy finger that quells and controls the frightening Other. It is really interesting, however, that the very political parties in India who are most active in generating this criticism of the film are in fact the most strongly fundamentalist of all, and are, in a seeming contradiction, also the coalition responsible for speeding open-door economic policies along their way in the second half of the nineties in India. While the nationalist Hindutva coalition quivers at this, one could say “Orientalist” description of Indian women in Water as always-oppressed, always-victims of Indian male chauvinism, it is also this coalition that assisted economic liberalisation policies by indigenising and Orientalising Western products so that they could find an easier market within the Indian population. It seems in fact that the versions of the Indian past that can be made public with lavish additions of Orientalist signs are the ones that are marketable, like yoga, cheap booze, and tantric sex. Add to these the very exportable Indian textiles and jewelry, Indian software engineers and Indian masala films, and you have a sizzling avenue for foreign trade and investment. The versions of the Indian past that are not marketable, however, even if depicted with courage and sensitivity, like the issue of middle-class patriarchal abuse of women and lesbian relationships in Mehta’s Fire (1996), or widow-houses in Water, do not advertise a mecca for tourists or investors, and hence are beaten into oblivion by Hindu fundamentalists. While these fundamentalists wish to change the names of cities from British colonial names to ‘authentic’ Indian ones, or protest against the hosting of the Miss World pageant in India in 1995, they do, however, wish to bring in increasing amounts of foreign investment in the media, in consumer products, and in the service sector to bring new lifestyles and ideologies to the rapidly growing middle-class. While films about widows are inappropriate and apparently show India in a poor light, films about prostitutes (like Devdas released in 2002), as long as they romanticize the courtesan and act as a lure to tourists and diasporic Indians nostalgic for an ‘authentic’ Indian spiritual experience, are entirely acceptable. For fundamentalist political parties that wish to maintain or regain power it seems like an easy step to incite local populations to rise against religious minorities, homosexuals, and filmmakers who wish to document instances of abuse, so that Western imperialism can quietly slide in through the back door. Water points to the inequality between men and women, remarking on the traditional practice of an arranged match between a man in his forties or fifties with a young pre-pubescent girl. It looks closely at the custom of sending widows to live in isolation, lifelong chastity, and renunciation of ‘worldly desires’, while as little nine year old widowed Chuiya in the film points out, there is no such house for widowers. It also, however, talks about the change in laws in the late 1930’s that allowed widows to marry again after the death of their husband, and banned child marriage. It sets the film in the historic struggle of a nation trying to find its feet between Hindu nationalist traditions and British colonial ideologies, Indian aspirations for education and emancipation, and fear of cultural annihilation. Maybe if Mehta romanticized the widows’ struggle, and added a few more song and dance sequences, made the film more marketable and set it in exotic Goa, and allowed the widows to frolic in the streets decked in Indian block prints and marketable kundan jewels, fundamentalist Hindus would not find it quite as disturbing. References Bhabha, Homi. The Location of Culture. London: Routledge, 1994. Chatterjee, Partha. The Partha Chatterjee Omnibus. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1999. Corbridge, Stuart, and John Harriss. Reinventing India. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2000. Levy, Emanuel. “Mehta Water”. May 2006 http://www.emanuellevy.com/article.php?articleID=2300>. Mazzarella, William. Shoveling Smoke: Advertising and Globalization in Contemporary India. Durham: Duke University Press, 2003. Meduri, Avanti. Woman, Nation, Representation. Dissertation. 1996 Narayan, Uma. “Contesting Cultures.” In The Second Wave: A Reader in Feminist Theory. Ed. Linda Nicholson. New York: Routledge, 1997. Said, Edward. Orientalism. Revised ed. New York: Vintage Books, 1994. Spivak, Gayatri. “Can the Subaltern Speak?”. In Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture. Eds. Carl Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988. Yuen-Carrucan, Jasmine. “The Politics of Deepa Mehta’s Water” April 2000. May 2006 http://www.brightlightsfilm.com/28/water.html>. Films Devdas. Directed by Sanjay Leela Bhansali. Nayyar, Mishra and Shah. 2002. Fire. Directed and Produced by Deepa Mehta. 1996. Water. Directed by Deepa Mehta. David Hamilton. 2005. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Nijhawan, Amita. "Damning the Flow: Deepa Mehta’s Water." M/C Journal 9.4 (2006). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0609/3-nijhawan.php>. APA Style Nijhawan, A. (Sep. 2006) "Damning the Flow: Deepa Mehta’s Water," M/C Journal, 9(4). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0609/3-nijhawan.php>.

Abstract Gull Mohammad is shifted to a madrasa in Muzaffarnagar, as the maulvis all are too nervous of being accused of keeping a Kashmiri ‘terrorist’ boy in their madrasa in New Delhi. In Muzaffarnagar, he witnessed rioting and the torching of Muslim homes and bastis. The survivors were surviving in the most difficult situations. He starts dishwashing in a roadside dhaba but was kicked out because of his ‘Kashmiri’ name and features! A local Muslim, erstwhile zamindar, sees his plight and of several other children, stuffs them in his jeep, undertakes a long road journey and shifts them to Lucknow . . . He tells these boys that the Babri Masjid demolition and the subsequent rioting impacted him to a great extent.

Abstract Chapter I, Founding of an Institution and Its Journey, is about the founding of the institutions on the campus of Madrasa Ghaziuddin. The establishment of the Anglo Arabic School in 1872 and its growth till 1947 has been explored. The chapter discusses in brief about the founder of the madrasa, Ghaziuddin Khan, the establishment of the Delhi College and its shutting down to give way to the establishment of a college at Lahore. The setting up of the school in 1872 and its shifting to the campus at Ajmeri gate is discussed. The chapter goes on to discuss the controversy around the shias and sunnis at the college and the Itimaduddaulah fund. Progress of the school and the performance of the students provide interesting information. Appointment of C. Eyre Walker as the principal, the growth of the institution to a degree college and the setting up of a girls’ school with an endowment made by a resident of Meerut, Mohammed Ahmad. There is a brief discussion on the relationship of the school with institutions like the Jama Masjid and the Fatehpuri Mosque committees and the financial support extended by them to the school in times of need. The inauguration in 1938 of a new ‘Anglo Arabic College and Schools Society’ and the passing of the control of the schools and college in the hands of the Muslim community of Delhi.

Abstract This chapter delineates key patterns of Muslim marginalization in contemporary New Delhi within the context of rising Hindu majoritarianism in India. Since the controversial demolition of the historic Babri Masjid, a mosque in Ayodhya, Uttar Pradesh (1992), and the communal riots that followed, Muslim ghettoization has deepened through systematic exclusion from mixed-religion neighborhoods. The chapter thus proposes that Islamophobia be understood as a gradual material process of peripheralization, infrastructural exclusion, and municipal disconnection alongside its more spectacular forms. It further explores the spatial predicates of a three-month-long sit-in led by the women in the Muslim-majority locality of Shaheen Bagh. This protest was triggered by the Citizenship Amendment Act (2019). In examining how Shaheen Bagh emerged as a site of protest against both exclusionary national citizenship and legacies of urban exclusion, the chapter draws linkages between infrastructures of Muslim exclusion and the new terrains of national and urban citizenship upon which the struggle against Islamophobia plays out in contemporary India.

Bayana and its region preserves monuments of the Ghurid conquerors of India, among them Muḥammad ibn Sām’s army commander Bahāʾ al-dīn Ṭughrul. The Chaurasī Khamba Mosque at Kaman and the Ukhā Mandīr Mosque (the Jāmiʿ of Bayana, now converted to a temple) and the ʿĪdgāh – the earliest surviving prayer wall in India – where the army or whole town could congregate are surveyed and the concept of the ʿīdgāh or namāzgāh in the Iranian world (Khurāsān) is discussed with examples from Amul, Shiraz, Bukhara, Yazd, Isfahan, Bust, Turuq and Mashhad as well as in India at Nagaur, Badaon, Delhi, Rapri and Jalor. The extension of the Jāmiʿ in the Khaljī period (the Ukhā Masjid) as well as the Tughluq remains outside the town are surveyed and illustrated, and the development of technology from trabeate to arcuate elements is discussed, along with how purpose-built elements were favoured over temple spoil once power was established.