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Journal articles on the topic 'Jamal Khashoggi'
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1
Radfar, Zakir Hussain, Dadang Sudana, and Wawan Gunawan. "Gricean Maxim Violation(s) in the Murder Case of Jamal Khashoggi." NOBEL: Journal of Literature and Language Teaching 11, no. 2 (September 30, 2020): 162–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/nobel.2020.11.2.162-177.
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The murder of Jamal Khashoggi in the consulate of Saudi Arabia in Turkey is still controversial. The judgment relies on valid and reliable evidence. This study is vital due to investigating a murder case based on pragmatic meanings as language evidence broadcasted in media. This research employs Grice’s conversational implicature to investigate the murder of Jamal Khashoggi by analyzing the exposed recorded tapes of Jamal Khashoggi and the accused inside the consulate, the utterances of Khadija Changiz, the fiancée of Jamal Khashoggi, and Adel al Jubeir’s statements, the foreign minister of Saudi Arabia as a representative of the Saudi Arabian. The design of this research is a case study, and content analysis is used to analyze the data based on Mayring’s (2000) qualitative content analysis. Based on the findings of the study, the recorded tapes of Jamal Khashoggi and the accused are outlined as ambiguous language. Saudi Arabia denied the murder by saving face, misleading the hearer, and skipping the questions, but later on, affirmed the murder and promised to bring justice. Hence, the results of this study will affect the verdict on the judicial decree, and the accusations will be prosecuted, and justice will be served to Jamal Khashoggi.
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Al-Rawi, Ahmed. "Disinformation under a networked authoritarian state: Saudi trolls’ credibility attacks against Jamal Khashoggi." Open Information Science 5, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 140–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opis-2020-0118.
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Abstract This paper deals with a case study that provides unique and original insight into social media credibility attacks against the Saudi journalist and activist, Jamal Khashoggi. To get the data, I searched all the state-run tweets sent by Arab trolls (78,274,588 in total), and I used Cedar, Canada’s supercomputer, to extract all the videos and images associated with references to Khashoggi. In addition, I searched Twitter’s full data archive to cross-examine some of the hashtag campaigns that were launched the day Khashoggi disappeared and afterwards. Finally, I used CrowdTangle to understand whether some of these hashtags were also used on Facebook and Instagram. I present here evidence that just a few hours after Khashoggi’s disappearance in the Saudi Consulate in Istanbul, Saudi trolls started a coordinated disinformation campaign against him to frame him as a terrorist, foreign agent for Qatar and Turkey, liar.... etc. The trolls also emphasized that the whole story of his disappearance and killing is a fabrication or a staged play orchestrated by Turkey and Qatar. The campaign also targeted his fiancée, Hatice Cengiz, alleging she was a spy, while later they cast doubt about her claims. Some of these campaigns were launched a few months after Khashoggi’s death. Theoretically, I argue that state-run disinformation campaigns need to incorporate the dimension of intended effect. In this case study, the goal is to tarnish the reputation and credibility of Khashoggi, even after he died, in an attempt to discredit his claims and political cause, influence different audiences especially the Saudi public, and potentially reduce sympathy towards him.
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Apriliyanto, Migel, and Made Maharta Yasa. "Khashoggi Case and the Issue of Human Rights Protectionof Journalists." Kertha Patrika 40, no. 3 (December 31, 2018): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.24843/kp.2018.v40.i03.p01.
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Jamal Khashoggi is known for his very sharp critics to Saudi Arabian Governments. He was murdered at the Consulate facility of Saudi Arabia in Istanbul- Turkey. The case has become a concern of international society, put the questions of freedom of expression and press as well the security of journalist. This article is a normative legal research that is aimed to analyze the international human rights law’s protection to the journalist's activities and to discuss the case of Khashoggi, specifically on the issue which authorities that have obligations to impose legal sanctions to the alleged perpetrators. The research suggests that there have been international human rights norms and principles that protect journalist activities. In addition, it suggests that Turkey has jurisdiction to launch an investigation and prosecute the perpetrators who involve in the murder of Jamal Khashoggi.
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Firnanda, Rahmat. "Perspektif Kritis Jamal Khashoggi dalam artikel Washington Post terhadap kebijakan Arab Saudi." Kalam: Jurnal Agama dan Sosial Humaniora 8, no. 2 (April 19, 2021): 61–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.47574/kalam.v8i2.93.
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A critical perspective of Jamal Khashoggi towards the Saudi Arabia policy is part of the free expression which Khashoggi expected can be implemented in his homeland Saudi. The dispute in defining a narration between the Saudi government and Khashoggi toward to some policy Saudi took caused of his departure to Washington DC and started to voice his critics and opinions by writing articles in Washington Post from 2017 until 2018. The issues which he touched on were about free expression, the Yemen war, corruption, and Ikhwanul Muslimin. This paper attempts to understand the problem Saudi faces which he wants to criticize on Saudi moves whether it is a domestic or foreign policy through qualitative narrative. This paper attempts to answer what are the big issues Khashoggi tries to deliver in the Washington Post articles he wrote. It can be found there are many detailed issues which Khashoggi has a different opinion to what Saudi has done under MBS. The reform that Saudi promise only applied to infrastructure. Ironically it is not followed by reform in free expression, free speech, and political rights for Saudi citizens as equality before the law.
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Milanovic, Marko. "The Murder of Jamal Khashoggi: Immunities, Inviolability and the Human Right to Life." Human Rights Law Review 20, no. 1 (March 2020): 1–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hrlr/ngaa007.
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Abstract On 2 October 2018, Jamal Khashoggi, a dissident Saudi journalist residing in the United States of America, where he was a columnist for the Washington Post newspaper, was murdered in the Saudi consulate in Istanbul. This article analyses Khashoggi’s killing from the standpoint of the human right to life. It examines not only the obligation of Saudi Arabia to respect Khashoggi’s right to life, but also the obligations of Turkey and the United States to protect Khashoggi’s right to life from third parties, and to ensure respect through an effective investigation of his killing and mutual cooperation for the purpose of that investigation. It also looks at the extraterritorial scope of these various obligations. Finally, the article examines possible norm conflicts between state obligations under human rights law and their obligations under diplomatic and consular law, such as the inviolability of diplomatic and consular premises, agents and means of transportation.
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KARATAŞ, İbrahim. "Suudi Medyasının Cemal Kaşıkçı Cinayetini Veriş Şekli: Arab News Gazetesi Örneği." İstanbul Gelişim Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi 9, no. 2 (October 30, 2022): 599–611. http://dx.doi.org/10.17336/igusbd.840718.
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Evidences show that Saudi agents killed prominent journalist Jamal Khashoggi in Saudi Arabia’s Istanbul consulate on October 2, 2018. As the Crown Prince Muhammad Bin Salman was blamed for the murder, Arab News newspaper took a defensive position to defend the crown prince and the Saudi regime through news reports and columns. This study has analyzed 36 articles of ten columnists of Arab News to learn how Saudi journalists defended their regime and the Saudi officials charged for the murder. This research indicates that they received the concerning statements of the Saudi regime as true and tried to justify them in their columns. On the other hand, columnists blamed Turkey, Qatar, and other critics for clamping down Saudi Arabia. When columnists’ attitudes are examined, it can be seen that they look furious, closed to opposite views, and biased. Their columns also give some idea about the press freedom in Saudi Arabia. This study is expected to reveal how media operates in Saudi Arabia via the content analysis of columns of Arab News regarding Khashoggi’s murder.
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Salameh, Rasha A. "Al-Jazeera’s Talk Shows Treatment of the Saudi Journalist. Jamal Khashoggi’s Case." Žurnalistikos Tyrimai 13 (December 20, 2019): 46–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/zt/jr.2019.2.
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This paper attempts to evaluate Al-Jazeera Arabic Channel talk shows’ treatment of the Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi’s case by posing two main questions: the first deals with the amount of coverage granted to this issue. One of the research hypotheses arises here, namely that the coverage was remarkably intense, which may be explained by Al-Jazeera’s dedicated position on the issue. This is explored in this paper through analysis of content and by interviewing the director of news at Al-Jazeera channel, Asif al-Humaidi, and by surveying previous studies that have linked Al-Jazeera’s previous positions to Qatar’s official stand, particularly that the Khashoggi incident took place in the midst of the Qatari-Saudi political crisis. The research samples include four talk shows: “Without Borders,” “Beyond the News,” “Rest of the Story” and “Scenarios,” over the course of a month since Khashoggi’s disappearance. The analysis shows that Khashoggi’s case received 93% of the total coverage of the four programs during the monitoring period.
The second question deals with several items in the professionalism category, in terms of balancing time granted to the guests, and the degree of objectivity shown by the presenters during the dialogue. It was found that the rate of the presenters’ interventions during guests’ presentation was 57%, in addition to temptations utilized during the dialogues. Another question arises regarding the extent of hate speech in these talk shows, which amounts to 69.4%, by analyzing several items, most notably emotional mobilization, which rated 40.7%.
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Fodol, Mohamed Zakaria, and Hassanuddeen Bin Abdul Aziz. "THE IMPACT OF UNANTICIPATED POLITICAL EVENTS ON STOCKS MARKET RETURNS: EMPIRICAL EVIDENCES FROM SAUDI ARABIA." International Journal of Islamic Business Ethics 4, no. 2 (September 30, 2019): 659. http://dx.doi.org/10.30659/ijibe.4.2.659-675.
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Abstract:This study aims to identify the effect of unexpected political-events on Saudi stock market returns based on the efficient market hypothesis (EMH) assumptions.� The disappearance of the Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi in Turkey is the political event has been determined in this study.� The data collected from ten companies traded in the Saudi stock market which accounted for more than 62 percent of the total market capitalization. However, this paper applied the Event Study Methodology. The results showed that the Saudi stock market initially reacted to the event and tried to absorb the information received but could not correct itself in most of the window event period. It seems that the market did not get the relevant news quickly or clearly. So, the information that flow among traders was not readily available for the investors at the same level and time. Ultimately, the Saudi stock market is described as a weak-form market (inefficient).Keywords: Unanticipated political events, the stock market, expected returns, abnormal returns, cumulative returns, event study methodologyAbstract: This study aims to identify the effect of unexpected political-events on Saudi stock market returns based on the efficient market hypothesis (EMH) assumptions.� The disappearance of the Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi in Turkey is the political event has been determined in this study.� The data collected from ten companies traded in the Saudi stock market which accounted for more than 62 percent of the total market capitalization. However, this paper applied the Event Study Methodology. The results showed that the Saudi stock market initially reacted to the event and tried to absorb the information received but could not correct itself in most of the window event period. It seems that the market did not get the relevant news quickly or clearly. So, the information that flow among traders was not readily available for the investors at the same level and time. Ultimately, the Saudi stock market is described as a weak-form market (inefficient).Keywords: Unanticipated political events, the stock market, expected returns, abnormal returns, cumulative returns, event study methodology.
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Terry, Paul E. "Untangling Truth, Facts, and Opinions: Why Simple Tenets of Science Have Become Uneasy." American Journal of Health Promotion 33, no. 3 (February 19, 2019): 337–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0890117119831864.
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TIME magazine selected “The Guardians and the War on Truth” as their 2018 “Person of the Year.” Journalists everywhere urge us to remember writer Jamal Khashoggi’s murder as a harsh testament to the risks of speaking truth to power. But Khashoggi was a perceived threat to a totalitarian government, surely truth is more respected in America, right? Suggest that to the Columbia University School of Law who built a “silencing science tracker” to document “government attempts to restrict or prohibit scientific research, education or discussion.” In this editorial, I argue that researchers who publish their scientific findings in peer-reviewed journals must also embrace the role of “guardians” against the growing assaults on science. In an era where the majority of Americans get their health information via social media, our challenge as scientists is to transcend our basic calling as truth seekers and truth tellers. Closely aligned with this truth guardian’s work in health promotion is the True Health Initiative, a cohort of renowned scientists dedicated to offering “clarity over confusion”; they “work to spread the fundamental evidence and consensus-based truths about lifestyle as medicine.” When purveyors of falsehoods have such unfettered channels as they do today, my hope for scientists and for this journal is that we grow our ambitions relating to curating facts, authoritative dissemination, and persuasive communications alongside our usual work of learning and teaching.
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Samir El-Falaky, May. "Murder in the Consulate: The Grammar of Transitivity in the Headlines of News Reports about Jamal Khashoggi." Advances in Language and Literary Studies 10, no. 3 (June 30, 2019): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.alls.v.10n.3p.11.
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The present study explicates the nature of the lexicogrammatical choices made in journalistic discourse about the death of the Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi. The case is internationally represented in the mostly circulated newspapers. The online versions of the four newspapers Arab News (Kingdom of Saudi Arabia), Hürreyat Daily News (Turkey), New York Times (United States of America) and Tehran Times (Iran) are selected for the study. Proceeding within the framework of the transitivity system, the paper intends to expound how the four newspapers express the stances and viewpoints about the case. The analysis positions the newspapers writing technique within an ideological bifurcation of the legitimized US and the delegitimized THEM. The use of the transitivity system as an approach for analysis of the headlines unveils how journalists’ attitudes steer readers toward the opinions preferred by the national policies of their countries.
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Raza, Syed Sami. "Introduction Vol 4 Issue 1." Review of Human Rights 4, no. 1 (August 30, 2019): i—iii. http://dx.doi.org/10.35994/rhr.v4i1.92.
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In this issue we have a set of diverse articles. They are diverse in their academic fields, research methods, and geographic areas. There is one article that comes from critical cultural studies and discusses the relationship between human rights and Asian cultural values in the Far East countries. Another is based in critical legal studies and focuses on procedural rights of the accused in criminal justice system of Pakistan. Yet another is based in international law and discusses how international human rights law has yielded grounds to the principle of diplomatic immunity in the case of Jamal Khashoggi. There is also an article from humanities field that throws light on human rights violations in Kashmir at the hands of Indian law enforcement agencies. Finally, we have one article that comes from peace and conflict studies, and it discusses the aspect of human security in modern counter-insurgency policy and practice.
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Hernández-Martínez, David. "Turquía y Arabia Saudí: frenemies en Oriente Medio. La relación entre potencias regionales en un contexto de rivalidad." Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterráneos, no. 33 (December 19, 2022): 144–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.15366/reim2022.33.006.
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Turquía y Arabia Saudí son dos de las grandes potencias de Oriente Medio. En las principales crisis y conflictos surgidos en la región en la últimos años, ambos países han asumido un papel destacado y determinante. Las políticas exteriores de Turquía y Arabia Saudí han tenido que adaptarse a un nuevo período caracterizado por la convulsión y la incertidumbre. Las estrategias desarrolladas por los dos Estados evidencian cierta incompatibilidad en la consecución de intereses y objetivos. Las relaciones bilaterales quedan marcadas por la rivalidad en distintos puntos del entorno, con dos acontecimientos relevantes: el bloqueo sobre Qatar en 2017 y el asesinato del periodista Jamal Khashoggi en 2018. El artículo analiza las relaciones entre Turquía y Arabia Saudí desde el marco conceptual de frenemy y en el período entre 2017-2021, donde priman tanto los espacios de tensión y confrontación, como los de cooperación entre los países.
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Gamawa, Yusuf Ibrahim. "United States, Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Middle East Politics After Khashoggi’s Murder." American International Journal of Humanities, Arts and Social Sciences 1, no. 1 (January 24, 2019): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.46545/aijhass.v1i1.42.
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There is no doubt that the murder of Jamal Khashoggi has brought about dramatic changes in the politics of the Middle East, and the key players; U.S., Saudi Arabia and Turkey are all playing different roles in shaping opinion in the region in the aftermath of the murder. While Turkey continues to push for justice for the murder of the journalist, the U.S. is seen to be divided between support for Saudi Arabia and call for justice, and Saudi Arabia on its part is pushing hard to see that it overcomes all attempts to undermine its government and leadership. This article argues that the murder of the journalist has pushed Saudi Arabia into taking steps that would ensure its survival and dominance in the region. The Saudi regime appears to be stepping up its power in the region and has reached out to neighbors and renewed its ties with its Gulf partners and wider Middle East, including Syria to neutralize all attempts by Turkey to undermine its regime.
DOI: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3376365
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Ruys, Tom. "Legal Standing and Public Interest Litigation— Are All Erga Omnes Breaches Equal?" Chinese Journal of International Law 20, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 457–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/chinesejil/jmab030.
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Abstract Public interest litigation over erga omnes breaches is commonly associated with abuses that are widespread or systematic, such as cases of genocide or crimes against humanity. By contrast, the prospect of such litigation over more isolated breaches causing harm to specific individuals is mostly ignored. Imagine, however, inter-State proceedings over (proven or alleged) human rights abuses in highly politicized and mediatized cases involving figures such as Julian Assange or Jamal Khashoggi. An alluring prospect to some; lex horrenda for others? The present paper tackles two questions that arise in this context. First, are such proceedings subject to the same admissibility requirements as applicable to the exercise of diplomatic protection (as the ILC has suggested in the past)? Second, is or should public interest litigation be limited to serious and widespread breaches, to the exclusion of more “isolated” ones? With regard to the first question, it is argued that the duty to exhaust local remedies applies mutatis mutandis to public interest litigation, but that the nationality requirement does not. As to the second question, the analysis concludes that a negative answer is in order.
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Carr, Paul R. "Shooting Yourself First in the Foot, then in the Head: Normative Democracy Is Suffocating, and then the Coronavirus Came to Light." Postdigital Science and Education 2, no. 3 (June 10, 2020): 722–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s42438-020-00142-3.
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Abstract This text starts with the premise that ‘normative democracy’ has rendered our societies vulnerable and burdened with unaddressed social inequalities. I highlight three central arguments: (1) Social media, and, consequently, citizen engagement are becoming a significant filter that can potentially re-imagine the political, economic, and social worlds, which increasingly bleed over to how we might develop and engage with ‘democracy’; to this end, I introduce a brief case study on the nefarious interpretation of the killing of Jamal Khashoggi in 2018 to underscore the tension points in normative democracy; (2) Capitalism, or neoliberalism, needs to be more fully exposed, interrogated, and confronted if ‘normative, representative, hegemonic, electoral democracy’ is to be re-considered, re-imagined, and re-invented; the perpetuation of social inequalities lays bare the frailty of normative democratic institutions; (3) Covid-19 has exposed the fault lines and fissures of normative democracy, illustrating here the ‘common sense’ ways that power imbalances are sustained, which leaves little room for social solidarity; I present herein the case of the economic/labor dynamic in Quebec during the coronavirus. Ultimately, I believe the quest to re-imagine a more meaningful, critically engaged democracy, especially during a context that is imbued with a political, economic, and public health crisis, cannot be delayed much longer.
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Ozturk, Ahmet Erdi. "Turkey and Saudi Arabia Relations in the Twenty-First Century: Power, State Identity and Religion." Border Crossing 12, no. 2 (October 31, 2022): 85–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/bc.v12i2.2423.
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During the first two decades of the Twenty-First century, we have begun — and will continue to — experience a new dimension in the political roles of power, state identity and religion in different ways. One can read this situation as the concentration of these notions at the core of global politics implemented by political leaders who have been transforming their countries appearances and perceptions worldwide. Furthermore, we will also be experiencing an increase in the intersectionality between domestic and foreign policy that are covered by power, state identity and religion. Within this framework, Muslim majority countries in the Middle East, which are underdeveloped in terms of liberal democracy, have been engaging in a global struggle over state identity and power that stretches from different part of the world, and this has been affecting both the regional dynamics and beyond via global Muslim diasporas. Among many different examples two of these countries have become quite visible: Turkey, under the leadership of Recep Tayyip Erdogan, and Saudi Arabia with its crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman. The two countries have long been in a problematic relation and this has been intensified after Saudi agents murdered journalist Jamal Khashoggi at the kingdom's Istanbul consulate in 2018. But, how did their relations come to this point and how do power, state identity and religion play different roles? To answer this question, this article argues that not directly religion, but also international power struggles and differences between state identities could play different roles into the relations between states, but the positions of the states could not be stable and can be changeable according to their interests.
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Yousaf, Abida, and Fozia Bibi. "The Power Projection of Turkey in Middle East: (From 2000-2020)." Global Foreign Policies Review IV, no. I (June 30, 2021): 12–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2021(iv-i).02.
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Turkey is an important power of Middle East and has a glorious past. On the basis of its victorious history, Turkey is aspiring to become a regional power of the region. In this regard, the domestic environment of Turkey (such as stable political system, democratic norms, economic development and political leadership) is playing significant role on one hand. On the other hand, the regional and global environment is also providing some opportunities and challenges to pursue its ambitions actively. Turkey's foreign policy in 21st century can be divided in two main phase; first decade of 21st century in which Turkey mostly relies on the use of soft power. However, in second decade, Turkey has used soft and hard power to gain its goals. Turkey's foreign policy towards Saudi Arabia, Iran and Syria are the key focus of this study. Previously, Turkey avoids supporting Iran and Saudi Arabia against each other. However, now Turkish leadership is actively trying to regain the historical influence of Turkey especially in Muslim world. Turkey's relations with Iran and Saudi Arabia are revolving around cooperation Vs competition paradigm. On one hand, Turkey's support for Qatar (2017) and the killing of Jamal Khashogi (October, 2018) has deteriorated the Saudi-Turkey's relations.
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Seroshtanov, Kirill V. "Political Dimensions of Military Technical Cooperation Between Russia and Saudi Arabia." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 468 (2021): 161–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/468/18.
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The role of Russia in the Middle East region has been increasing since the start of operation in Syria. This forces not only Russia, but also the Middle East countries including Saudi Arabia to adjust their politics according to the current situation. Both Russia and Saudi Arabia actively use military technical cooperation to develop relations with other countries, so it is essential that in their interstate relations this instrument should be applied. In this article, the military technical cooperation between Russia and Saudi Arabia is under consideration. The article aims to determine the dependence of military technical cooperation between the countries on politics. There is a lack of literature on the issue; the main part of it covers military technical cooperation between Russia and the Middle East countries and also the interstate relations with them in general. Due to the specific character of the arms trade sphere, the volume of sources is also insufficient. However, it is possible to carry out an analysis that allows forming the general image of the military technical cooperation between Russia and Saudi Arabia and its reason on the basis of related mass media publications and SIPRI data. The analysis of the Russia-Saudi Arabia military technical cooperation development shows that its expansion is in correlation with the growing role of Russia in the Middle East. In the middle of the 2010s, a number of contracts were concluded and performed. The following reasons of this expansion can be mentioned: problems in interstate relations between Saudi Arabia and the Western countries caused by the conflict in Yemen and Jamal Khashoggi's killing, the Arms Trade Treaty limitations for trade with Saudi Arabia for Western countries, Saudi Arabia's diversification of arms suppliers, search of Russia for new arms markets, etc. Nevertheless, these reasons cannot be assumed as reasons of crucial importance: the Western countries maintain their positions on the Saudi Arabia arms market despite all the limitations and issues in interstate relations, Saudi Arabia is not the key arms market for Russia; moreover, the integration of Russian arms systems into Saudi Arabia's armed forces formed by the Western military standard is quite complicated. Taking into account all the limitations related to the military technical cooperation between the countries, it can be stated that neither Russia nor Saudi Arabia has crucial economical or technical reasons for its start. Therefore, the following conclusion can be made: military technical cooperation between these countries is not a single process; it is caused by a whole direction of interstate relations, and it is only an instrument to boost them.
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Goel, Mehak, Suraj Subramanian, Uday Bhatia, and Utkarsh Mishra. "Murder of Jamal Khashoggi: An International Law Perspective." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3704213.
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Abrahams, Alexei, and Andrew Leber. "Framing a murder: Twitter influencers and the Jamal Khashoggi incident." Mediterranean Politics, April 1, 2020, 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2019.1697089.
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"Congress Signals Concern Over U.S. Role in Aiding Saudi Arabia's Activities in Yemen." American Journal of International Law 113, no. 1 (January 2019): 159–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ajil.2018.114.
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As the conflict in Yemen continues, congressional concern over U.S. support for the Saudi-led coalition fighting in the region has grown. The objects of these concerns include thousands of civilian casualties, a cholera epidemic, and a country on the brink of famine. In October 2018, relations between the United States and Saudi Arabia became further complicated by the brutal death of Jamal Khashoggi, a prominent journalist and outspoken critic of the Saudi government.
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Bosch, Shannon. "Understanding Diplomatic and Consular Inviolability—Learning from the Jamal Khashoggi Tragedy." Comparative and International Law Journal of Southern Africa 54, no. 1 (August 3, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2522-3062/8740.
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The tragic killing of Jamal Khashoggi in the Saudi Consulate in Turkey has once again exposed the potential for abuse of privileges afforded diplomatic and consular missions. This incident, which involves torture and murder, occurred at a time when there was, and still is, a growing body of international jurisprudence that demands accountability for breaches of international law. These trends have seen a dilution in head-of-state immunity and increased calls for state responsibility in such instances. Understanding and interpreting the 1961 Vienna Conventions on consular and diplomatic inviolability, in light of these trends, will help to retain their relevance, foster growing accountability, and prevent breaches of international law. This is a piece of doctrinal legal research.
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Milanovic, Marko. "The Murder of Jamal Khashoggi: Immunities, Inviolability and the Human Right to Life." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3360647.
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Alexander, Atul, and Maya VENKITESWARAN. "Callamard Report on the Murder of Jamal Khashoggi: Has the Car Left the Garage." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.4025250.
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"Biden Administration Launches Reset in Relations with Saudi Arabia, Withdraws Support for Saudi-Led War in Yemen." American Journal of International Law 115, no. 3 (July 2021): 545–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ajil.2021.29.
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The Biden administration has undertaken to reset U.S. relations with Saudi Arabia, making early moves to break with the Trump administration's policy toward the country on several key fronts. White House officials have shifted the locus of diplomatic contact between the two countries from Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, who enjoyed a close relationship with the Trump administration, to his father, King Salman. U.S. officials publicly released an intelligence report accusing Prince Mohammed of ordering the 2018 killing of Saudi dissident and Washington Post columnist Jamal Khashoggi and levied travel sanctions against seventy-six Saudi nationals in the crown prince's orbit. President Biden has also taken steps to end U.S. support for the Saudi-led coalition fighting in Yemen's civil war, revoking the terrorist designation assigned to the Houthi rebels in the final days of the Trump administration and initiating a review of U.S. arms sales.
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Zeid, Nour, Thomas Frissen, and Sebastian Scherr. "جمال_خاشقجي# #JamalKhashoggi: Unraveling multilingual Twitter sentiment dynamics in a longitudinal comparative analysis of tweets in Arabic and English." New Media & Society, November 23, 2022, 146144482211370. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14614448221137016.
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In 2018, Jamal Khashoggi, a Saudi journalist who wrote for the Washington Post, was last seen alive entering the Saudi Consulate in Istanbul. Confirmed news of his murder ignited a heated and polarized public debate on Twitter. We use agenda melding as a theoretical lemma and argue that Twitter sentiment flourishes within multilingual, ad hoc public spheres contributing to an emotional agenda. We examined the Twitter sentiment from 2018 to 2021 by looking at the most popular hashtags used in both the Arabic-and-English language spheres. The daily sentiment analysis of 3,278,464 tweets revealed that both languages had a predominantly negative sentiment; however, the English sphere was more extreme in their emotional expression. An additional analysis of external media URLs found in a subsample of tweets highlighted distinct references to media discourse, emphasizing an East–West divide. Implications for global communication are discussed.
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Talhami, Ghada Hashem. "On Humanitarian Law and the U.S. Double Standard." Arab Studies Quarterly 44, no. 1 (2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.13169/arabstudquar.44.1.0018.
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U.S. criticism of its client/ally Saudi Arabia regarding the killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi immediately diminished the kingdom’s ability to secure funds for its latest mega development project, the Neom convention center. U.S. intelligence pinned the crime on aides to Crown Prince Muhammad Bin Salman (MBS). At the same time, a seemingly unauthorized operation, later attributed to former president Donald Trump, killed a top Iranian commander, Qasem Suleimani, by a drone strike. Congress was not involved and the UN protested this as a violation of Article 51 of its Charter, emphasizing that this was justified in a case of imminent threat, undertaken only by a state. Encouraged by drone technology, the U.S. found it easy to locate the target and minimize collateral damage. International lawyers and military experts are still debating the legitimacy of such action. The U.S. is persisting in claiming that it upholds the standards of international humanitarian law which sometimes sanctions targeted killing. A number of international law professors continue to deride U.S. action as illegal, while the latter continues to describe its actions as defensive in nature. Organizations such as Human Rights Watch lament the reluctance of previous U.S. presidents to define targeted killing.
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Phuong, Hoang Thi Mai. "SOME HIGHLIGHTS IN SAUDI ARABIA–US RELATIONSHIP IN THE PERIOD 2011-2020." VNU Journal of Foreign Studies 37, no. 2 (April 30, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.25073/2525-2445/vnufs.4703.
Full textAbstract:
Saudi Arabia - US relationship has long been known as a strategic alliance, despite the differences between a monarchy and a constitutional republic. So far, Saudi Arabia has been one of the closest allies, the strongest economic partner and an important strategic partner of the US in the Middle East. Even so, the relationship between Saudi Arabia and US has also experienced such ups and downs as the 1973 oil embargo, the terrorist event in the US on 11st September or the political and social crisis in the North Africa - Middle East region that took place in late 2010 and early 2011 (also known as the "Arab Spring"), the assassination of journalist Jamal Khashoggi at the Saudi Embassy in Turkey and the attack on the oil field in Saudi Arabia on 14th September, 2019, enormous impacts on the Middle East - North Africa and the world situation. The article briefly summarizes some prominent issues in the Saudi-US relationship between 2011 and 2020. Besides, the article also analyzes the factors that are likely to affect the Saudi-US relationship and some forecasts for the development direction of this relationship in the coming time. The article uses the international relations research methods, analytical methods to synthesize and evaluate, case study method, system-structured method, forecast and evaluation method to objectively evaluate this relationship.