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1

Questier, Michael. "The Politics of Religious Conformity and the Accession of James I." Historical Research 71, no. 174 (February 1, 1998): 14–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00051.

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Abstract The issue of conformity in religion is crucial for historians who want to describe how religion worked politically in the English Church during the period of the Reformation. This article takes one aspect of conformity—the struggle by self‐consciously Protestant authorities to force Catholics in the North of England to conform before and after the accession of James'VI in their country. It appeared to some Protestants (as well as to some Catholics) that James's accession might lead to changes in the established order of religion in England. Some papists in the North were very enamoured of James. Protestants tried to cool their ardour in part by using statutory conformity to emasculate their political activism. Yet some Catholics who expressed their hatred of the Elizabethan regime by and in separation from its Church became less determined to stand out against conformity when James's accession seemed assured. The very mechanism by which papists were to be controlled no longer worked as Protestant activists intended. In short, the politics of conformity explains many of the puzzling features of Catholicism (particularly of ‘church papistry’) at this time and in this region—why some people moved between nonconformity and compliance, and why strict recusancy might not always be an article of faith even for the most belligerent of Roman dissidents.
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2

Gibbs, Denis. "Sir Alexander Fleming in Stained Glass: St James's Church, Sussex Gardens." Journal of Medical Biography 5, no. 3 (August 1997): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096777209700500309.

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3

Perry, Alan T. "General Synod of the Hong Kong Sheng Kung Hui." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 22, no. 1 (December 31, 2019): 98–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x1900187x.

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The Eighth General Synod of Hong Kong Sheng Kung Hui (‘Holy Catholic Church of Hong Kong’) met from 23 to 25 June 2019 at St James's Church in the Wan Chai district of Hong Kong. The Synod had been scheduled to meet from 23 to 27 June but concluded its business two days early. It normally meets every three years.
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4

MACDONALD, ALAN R. "JAMES VI AND I, THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, AND BRITISH ECCLESIASTICAL CONVERGENCE." Historical Journal 48, no. 4 (December 2005): 885–903. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0500484x.

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Recent historiography has argued that the British ecclesiastical policies of James VI and I sought ‘congruity’ between the different churches in Scotland, England, and Ireland, rather than British ecclesiastical union or the anglicanization of all the churches. It is argued here that the asymmetry of the changes he sought in Scotland and England has been underplayed and that this has masked his choice of a fundamentally Anglican model for the British churches. Through allowing the archbishop of Canterbury to interfere in Scottish ecclesiastical affairs, undermining the presbyterian system, promoting episcopal power and liturgical reform, anglicanization of the Church of Scotland was the goal of James VI and I, and one which he pursued until his death. The motivation for King James's persistent desire for the fulfilment of this policy is to be found in his rapid assimilation to the Church of England after 1603 and, moreover, in his goal of the reunification of Christendom as a whole, on the Anglican model.
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5

Fincham, Kenneth, and Peter Lake. "The Ecclesiastical Policy of King James I." Journal of British Studies 24, no. 2 (April 1985): 169–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385831.

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In a sermon preached at Hampton Court on September 30, 1606, John King proclaimed that “our Solomon or Pacificus liveth.” James I had “turned swords into sithes and spears into mattocks, and set peace within the borders of his own kingdoms and of nations about us.” His care for the “Church and maintenance to it” was celebrated. All that remained was for his subjects to lay aside contentious matters and join “with his religious majesty in propagation of the gospel and faith of Christ.” The sermon was the last in a series of four preached—and later printed—at the king's behest before an unwilling audience of Scottish Presbyterians. The quartet outlined James's standing as a ruler by divine right and laid down the conceptual foundations of the Jacobean church. A godly prince, exercising his divinely ordained powers as head of church and state, advised by godly bishops, themselves occupying offices of apostolic origin and purity, would preside over a new golden age of Christian peace and unity. A genuinely catholic Christian doctrine would be promulgated and maintained; peace and order would prevail. James I was rex pacificus, a new Constantine, a truly godly prince. As he himself observed in 1609, “my care for the Lord's spiritual kingdom is so well known, both at home and abroad, as well as by my daily actions as by my printed books.”
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6

Holland, S. M. "George Abbot: ‘The Wanted Archbishop’." Church History 56, no. 2 (June 1987): 172–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3165501.

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Historians and biographers of George Abbot traditionally have viewed King James's appointment of the forty-eight year old bishop of London to the archbishopric of Canterbury on 4 March 1611 as both unexpected and unpopular. Although Fuller conceived him to be “of a more fatherly presence than those who might have been his fathers for age in the Church of England,” there was a significant body of opinion that held he was unfit for such an important post for two major reasons.
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7

Myllykoski, Matti. "James the Just in History and Tradition: Perspectives of Past and Present Scholarship (Part I)." Currents in Biblical Research 5, no. 1 (October 2006): 73–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1476993x06068700.

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James the Just, the brother of Jesus, is known from the New Testament as the chief apostle of the Torah-obedient Christians. Up to the last quarter of the twentieth century, Jewish Christianity was regarded as an unimportant branch of the early Christian movement. Correspondingly, there was remarkably little interest in James. However, in the past two decades, while early Christianity has been studied as a form of Judaism, the literature on James has grown considerably. Now some scholars tend to assume that James was a loyal follower of his brother right from the beginning, and that his leadership in the church was stronger than traditionally has been assumed. Fresh studies on Acts 15 and Galatians 2 have opened new questions about the Christian Judaism of James and social formation of the community which he led. Part II of this article, to be published in a later issue of Currents, will treat the rest of the James tradition—James's ritual purity, martyrdom and succession, and his role in the Gnostic writings and later Christian evidence. It will conclude with reflections concerning James and earliest Jewish-Christian theology.
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8

Morgan, John. "Henry Jacob, James I, and Religious Reform, 1603–1609: From Hampton Court to Reason-of-State." Church History 86, no. 3 (September 2017): 695–727. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640717001305.

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At the beginning of James I's reign, a petition campaign, the Hampton Court conference, numerous tracts, and considerable effort in Parliament all failed to overcome the king's adamant defense of the forms and practices of his episcopal church. In a milieu of deprivations and perception of declension, Henry Jacob, one of the organizers of the petitioning, denounced the illegitimacy and dangers of prelatical church government in several tracts between 1604 and 1609, advocated congregationalism, and outlined the basis for a second conference to bring continuing religious disputes to a close. In 1609, having achieved no success, Jacob turned away from scriptural arguments for reform and instead boldly adopted the novel reason-of-state political language to request “toleration” for politically loyal nonconforming Protestants. Jacob relied on “axioms of pollicie” and recent examples to demonstrate that necessity sometimes determined that toleration, while unpalatable, was the most prudent political course (as the new language had it). James's handwritten marginalia on this tract reveal his continuing antipathy toward any reform he believed derogated from his monarchical “interest.” The variety of arguments Jacob employed illustrates both the difficulties facing early Jacobean reformers and the often-unrecognized degree of flexibility and development in their thought and tactics. In asking for toleration as a royal favor, Jacob also illustrates the seventeenth-century nonconformist dilemma of achieving desired ends through doubtful means.
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9

RASMUSSEN, JOEL D. S. "DEMOCRATIC TENDENCIES: LIBERAL PROTESTANTISM AND THE GROWTH OF AMERICAN PLURALISM." Modern Intellectual History 15, no. 3 (April 5, 2017): 893–908. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147924431700004x.

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In a recent collection of essays assessing the thought of William James in transatlantic perspective, Berkeley historian emeritus David Hollinger opened his contribution by recounting two memorable exchanges: The sermon at William James's funeral on 30 August 1910 was preached by the Reverend George A. Gordon, a name recognized today only by religious history specialists, but in 1910 a pulpiteer so prominent that he was sometimes described as “the Matterhorn of the Protestant Alps” . . . Gordon, a close friend of James, was the minister of Boston's Old South Congregational Church. When the great philosopher died on 26 August, his widow immediately selected Gordon to perform the service. Mrs. James made clear to Gordon why she wanted him. You are “a man of faith,” which “is what [William] was.” About this she was firm, apprising Gordon that she wanted at this funeral service “no hesitation or diluted utterance” in speaking about faith.Mrs. James had good reason to say these things. Her late husband had been candid about his feelings of spiritual solidarity with Gordon. “You and I seem to be working . . . towards the same end (the Kingdom of Heaven, namely),” James had written to his clergyman friend not long before, although [he claimed Gordon did] this “more openly and immediately” than [he did].
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10

MacCulloch, Diarmaid. "The Myth of the English Reformation." Journal of British Studies 30, no. 1 (January 1991): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385971.

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The myth of the English Reformation is that it did not happen, or that it happened by accident rather than design, or that it was halfhearted and sought a middle way between Catholicism and Protestantism; the point at issue is the identity of the Church of England. The myth was created in two stages, first in the middle years of the seventeenth century, and then from the third decade of the nineteenth century; and in either case it was created by one party within the church, largely consisting of clergy, with a particular motive in mind. This was to emphasize the Catholic continuity of the church over the break of the Reformation, in order to claim that the true representative of the Catholic church within the borders of England and Wales was not the minority loyal to the bishop of Rome, but the church as by law established in 1559 and 1662. In the seventeenth century the group involved was called Arminian by contemporaries, and in later days it came to be labeled High Church, or Laudian, after its chief early representative William Laud. In the nineteenth century the same party revived was known variously as Tractarian, Oxford Movement, High Church, Ritualist, and, most commonly in the twentieth century, Anglo-Catholic. Here are two characteristic quotations from one of the most distinguished of this nineteenth-century group, John Henry Newman, before his departure for Rome and a cardinal's hat. First, when defending himself against the charge of innovation: “We are a ‘Reformed’ Church, not a ‘Protestant’ … the Puritanic spirit spread in Elizabeth's and James's time, and … has been succeeded by the Methodistic. …We, the while, children of the Holy Church, whencesoever brought into it, whether by early training or after thought, have had one voice, that one voice which the Church has had from the beginning." Second, introducing the characteristic Anglican expression of the idea of continuity, the notion of the via media: “A number of distinct notions are included in the notion of Protestantism; and as to all these our Church has taken a Via Media between it and Popery.
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11

Meyer, Susan. "Imagining the Jews Together: Shared Figures in Edith Wharton and Henry James." Prospects 29 (October 2005): 231–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300001757.

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In October of 1904, when Edith Wharton was writing The House of Mirth and Henry James, having recently arrived in America after a twenty-two-year absence, was collecting the impressions that were to make up The American Scene, James paid a two-week visit to Wharton at the Mount, her country house in Lenox, Massachusetts. The visit consolidated their friendship and literary relationship. In the mornings, both wrote. In the afternoons, Wharton and James “motored” together, enjoying the beauty of a Western Massachusetts autumn, and they conversed deep into the evenings (Benstock, 144–45; Edel, 598). The claim that Wharton's fiction is heavily influenced by James's, frequently reiterated ever since Wharton began her career, has become a critical commonplace (Lewis, 131). But reading passages side by side from the works both writers were in the process of creating in the fall of 1904, The House of Mirth and The American Scene, yields as much evidence of Wharton's influence on James as of James's influence on Wharton, an influence established probably for the most part through their conversations. In this essay, I contend that the shared imagery in the work of the two writers — involving roses, skyscrapers, and Trinity Church, and centering on the figure of the Jew — makes most sense when the two writers are read in conjunction. Read together, the shared imagery in James and Wharton passages suggests that the two together imagined the Jew as the figure for a commercialized, industrialized, modern America, and for the impossibility of art in such an America — and that they found a mutual consolation in doing so. Wharton's later novels, two of which I consider in this essay (The Glimpses of the Moon [1922] and Hudson River Bracketed [1929]) demonstrate that her conversations about these matters with James, and their shared understanding of the Jews, remained important to her for a quarter of a century. Toward the end of her career, she attempted to forge a similar bond of shared aesthetic sensibility and mutual anti-Semitism with the younger writer F. Scott Fitzgerald, but without success.
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12

Smuts, R. Malcolm. "The Court and Its Neighborhood: Royal Policy and Urban Growth in the Early Stuart West End." Journal of British Studies 30, no. 2 (April 1991): 117–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385977.

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The early Stuart period witnessed a startling transformation in the physical environment of the royal court. At James I's accession, Whitehall and the great courtier's palaces along the Strand still lay in an essentially rural landscape. To the south, Westminster was a compact town of perhaps 6,500 people, while to the north and east, the three Strand parishes of St. Martin's-in-the-Fields, St. Mary le Savoy, and St. Clement Danes contained another 6,000, mostly concentrated in a narrow ribbon along the Strand itself. North of the Strand, the landscape remained open except for a thinner ribbon along High Holborn. Covent Garden was a pasture and orchard, containing a number of fine timber trees, St. Martin's church was still literally “in the fields“ and Lincoln's Inn Fields comprised over forty acres of open land. Dairying and market gardening were going concerns over much of what soon became the West End. Only a few years before, St. Martin's parish had experienced an enclosure riot.On the eve of the Civil War, a continuous urban landscape extended from Temple Bar as far as Soho, and ribbons of development spread along both sides of St. James's Park, as far as Knightsbridge and Picadilly. The population of old Westminster had increased by about 250 percent, while the Strand area grew even more rapidly, with St. Martin's-in-the-Fields experiencing more than a fivefold increase to as many as 17,000 people. Had they been independent settlements, all three of the large West End parishes of St. Margaret's Westminster, St. Martin's-in-the-Fields, and St. Clement Danes would have ranked among the half dozen largest English provincial cities. In all, the western suburbs' population probably stood between 40,000 and 60,000.
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13

Elkins, Kathleen Gallagher, and Thomas M. Bolin. "Boundaries, Intersections, and the Parting of Ways in the Letter of James." Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 74, no. 4 (October 2020): 335–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020964320936401.

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The letter of James reveals long embedded anti-Semitic elements at work in the articulation of the distinction between Judaism and Christianity. However, careful examination of the text and the history of the early synagogue and church challenges us to rethink how (and whether) Judaism and Christianity have parted ways. James’s use of biblical traditions is not simply an embrace of torah piety or “works righteousness,” but rather a careful juxtaposition of wisdom and prophetic traditions aimed to call the letter’s first readers, and us, to move toward the margins of our ecclesial, academic, and wider communities.
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14

Loomie, S.J., Albert J. "London's Spanish Chapel Before and After The Civil War." Recusant History 18, no. 4 (October 1987): 402–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268419500020687.

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IN THE mid-seventeenth century the chapel of the Spanish embassy caused considerable concern to the authorities at Whitehall since they were frustrated in preventing scores of Londoners from attending it for masses and other Catholic devotions. This was a distinct issue from the traditional right of a Catholic diplomat in England to provide mass for his household or other compatriots,’ and from the custom of Sephardic Jews to gather in the embassy for Sabbath worship when they desired. While the practice of Londoners to attend mass secretly at the residences of various Catholic diplomats had developed early in the reign of Elizabeth and occasional arrests at their doors had acted as a deterrent, late in the reign of James I sizeable crowds began to frequent the Spanish embassy. John Chamberlain commented in 1621 that Gondomar had ‘almost as many come to his mass’ in the chapel of Ely House as there were attending ‘the sermon at St. Andrewes (Holborn) over against him’. Although Godomar left in 1622 and subsequently the embassy was closed for five years during the Anglo-Spanish War, it was later, from 1630 to 1655, that the Spanish chapel acquired not only a continuous popularity among Catholics of the area but also an unwelcome notoriety in the highest levels of government. This paper will suggest two primary factors which led to that development: the persistent ambition of the resident Spanish diplomats to provide a range of religious services unprecedented in number and character, and their successful adaptation to the hostile political conditions in the capital for a quarter of a century. The continuous Spanish diplomatic presence in London for this long period was in itself both unexpected and unique for it should be recalled that, for various reasons, all the other Catholic ambassadors, whether from France, Venice, Portugal, Savoy or the Empire, had to leave at different times and close their chapels. However, the site of the Spanish residence during these years by no means permanent since, as with other foreign diplomats, a new property was rented by each ambassador on arrival. There is, moreover, a wider significance in this inquiry because of the current evidence that by the eve of the Civil War the king was considered in the House of Commons to have been remiss in guarding his kingdom from a ‘Catholic inspired plot against church and state’, for while it has been well argued that a public disquiet over Henrietta-Maria's chapels at Somerset House and St. James's palace had by 1640 stimulated increasing suspicions of a Popish Plot, there were other protected chapels, particularly the Spanish, where scores of Londoners were seen to attend. Indeed, after the closure of the queen's chapels at Whitehall in 1642, the Spanish remained for the next thirteen years as silent evidence that Catholics seemed to be ‘more numerous’ and were acting ‘more freely than in the past’.
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Mallon, Ryan. "A Church for Scotland? The Free Church and Scottish Nationalism after the Disruption." Scottish Church History 49, no. 1 (April 2020): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/sch.2020.0019.

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The 1843 Disruption of the Church of Scotland, which split the national church in two, was one of the most important events in Victorian Britain. The evangelical ministers who seceded from the Kirk to form the Free Church of Scotland did so in protest against the British state's intrusion in the church's affairs. The anti-English and patriotic rhetoric of the Disruption has led historians such as David Bebbington to argue that it represented something close to a nationalist movement. This paper questions this claim by assessing the nationalist characteristics of the Disruption and their role in shaping the political ‘unionist-nationalism’ of the mid-nineteenth century. It examines the kind of nationalist sentiment, if any, evident at the Disruption, the role of Free Church members in the National Association for the Vindication of Scottish Rights, the short-lived proto-nationalist pressure group, and the nationalism of the Free Church minister James Begg, who called for Home Rule for Scotland in 1850. By assessing the influence of the Disruption's constructionist critique of the union on political nationalism, the paper argues that the religious nationalism evident in 1843 failed to translate to a political context in the mid-nineteenth century. The new religiously pluralist environment of the post-Disruption period saw the Free Church turn inwards and begin to focus upon its own denominational fortunes as a single Scottish national identity was replaced by a variety of competing confessional identities, each with their own claim to nationhood.
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Laia, Sayangi, Harman Ziduhu Laia, and Daniel Ari Wibowo. "The Wrong Practice Of Anointing Oil In The Church According To James 5:14 A Theological study." Journal KERUGMA 3, no. 2 (October 29, 2020): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.33856/kerugma.v3i2.194.

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The practice of anointing with oil has been done in the church since the first century to the present. On the other hand, there are also churches which have refused to do this. The practice of anointing with oil has essentially lifted from James 5:14. This text has become one of one text in the New Testament which is quite difficult to understand and bring a variety of views. Not a few denominations of the church understand James 5:14 is wrong, even the Catholic church including in it. The increasingly incorrect practice of anointing in the church today, that can be believed can heal disease physically and a variety of other functions push back the author to check the text of James 5:14 in the exegesis. Studies the exegesis of the deep, which focuses on the contextual, grammatical-structural,
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17

Greene-Hayes, Ahmad. "Black Church Rumor." GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 28, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 115–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10642684-9449121.

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Abstract In 1992, Jet published “James Cleveland Infected L.A. Youth with HIV, $9 Mil. Lawsuit Claims,” which detailed how the Chicago-born gospel musician had not only allegedly sexually abused his foster son, Christopher B. Harris, but had also “[given] him the AIDS virus.” This article takes this incident of rumor or accusation as a critical opportunity to think about the archival reality of Black queer sexuality, on one hand, and sexual violence in Black gospel music history on the other. Using the legal documents from Christopher B. Harris v. Irwin Goldring as Special Administrator of the Estate of James Cleveland and commentary from Cleveland's contemporaries, it exhumes Cleveland from dusty church closets for consideration in the history of HIV and AIDS in African American Protestant church and gospel communities and in Black queer studies, ethnomusicology, and gender and sexuality studies. Further, it theorizes “Black church rumor” as a lens for Black queer religious studies and argues that Cleveland's perceived queer sexuality distracted from Harris's allegations of sexual abuse. Thus, it situates Cleveland—the person, the preacher, and the gospel legend—in the literature on “down low” sexuality and explicates the implications of Cleveland's legacy and role in Black gospel music production.
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Perkins, Harrison. "Ussher and Early Modern Anglicanism in Ireland." Unio Cum Christo 8, no. 2 (October 1, 2022): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.35285/ucc8.2.2022.art9.

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This essay argues that the Church of Ireland in the early modern period was a Reformed expression of Anglicanism by investigating a few events in the life and ministry of James Ussher, the Archbishop of Armagh. First, it looks at Ussher’s contributions to the Church of Ireland’s burgeoning Reformed identity by recounting his debate with a well-known Jesuit theologian, which substantiated his vigorously Protestant outlook, and his involvement in composing the Irish Articles of 1615. Second, it looks at how he later attempted to defend Reformed theology in the Church of Ireland from Arminianizing impositions from the Church of England. Finally, it presents an upcoming release of Ussher’s never-before- published lectures in theology, which provide a fresh perspective on his Reformed identity. KEYWORDS: James Ussher, Reformed Conformity, Irish Articles, Church of Ireland, Irish Protestantism
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Lakeland, Paul. "The U.S. Church, the Secular World and the Temptation to “Integrism”." Horizons 38, no. 1 (2011): 7–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0360966900007672.

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ABSTRACTRecent activity among the American Catholic bishops in the social and political arena shows in some cases at least a tendency towards the “heresy” of integrism as defined by Karl Rahner, namely, the inclination to see the ethical teaching of the Church as a blueprint or template for secular society. This article surveys some examples of this tendency. It argues for a vision of the secular world as independent and grace-filled. The constructive proposal towards which this article moves, which is an effort to place the Church's ethical outlook on the secular world in the space between integrism and esotericism, is worked out in dialogue with Rahner, Archbishop Charles Chaput, Archbishop Rowan Williams and Professor James Davison Hunter.
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Addison, Paul A. "St James and the Good Shepherd: windows on the landscape." Architectural History Aotearoa 18 (December 8, 2021): 35–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/aha.v18i.7366.

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Two New Zealand churches completed in the 1930s, St James' Church at Franz Josef/Waiau (James Stuart Turnbull and Percy Watts Rule, 1931) and the Church of the Good Shepherd on the shores of Lake Tekapo (Richard Strachan De Renzy Harman, 1935), feature large plate glass windows behind the altar, affording expansive views of the natural landscape beyond. This represented a significant departure from prevailing ecclesiastical design ideas of the time, with the interior of the churches being intimately connected to the landscape outside, rather than the usual largely internalized atmosphere with any sense of the surroundings limited to light coming through strategically placed decorative or stained-glass windows. It is, however, a design aesthetic that has seldom been utilized in New Zealand since. This paper traverses the history and design of the two churches and their relationships with the landscapes in which they are situated, and concludes that St James' Church provides a heightened religious experience and is a more successful metaphor for the Christian journey.
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Bevir, Mark. "The Labour Church Movement, 1891–1902." Journal of British Studies 38, no. 2 (April 1999): 217–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386190.

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Historians of British socialism have tended to discount the significance of religious belief. Yet the conference held in Bradford in 1893 to form the Independent Labour Party (I.L.P.) was accompanied by a Labour Church service attended by some five thousand persons. The conference took place in a disused chapel then being run as a Labour Institute by the Bradford Labour Church along with the local Labour Union and Fabian Society. The Labour Church movement, which played such an important role in the history of British socialism, was inspired by John Trevor, a Unitarian minister who resigned to found the first Labour Church in Manchester in 1891. At the new church's first service, on 4 October 1891, a string band opened the proceedings, after which Trevor led those present in prayer, the congregation listened to a reading of James Russell Lowell's poem “On the Capture of Fugitive Slaves,” and Harold Rylett, a Unitarian minister, read Isaiah 15. The choir rose to sing “England Arise,” the popular socialist hymn by Edward Carpenter:England arise! the long, long night is over,Faint in the east behold the dawn appear;Out of your evil dream of toil and sorrow—Arise, O England, for the day is here;From your fields and hills,Hark! the answer swells—Arise, O England, for the day is here.As the singing stopped, Trevor rose to give a sermon on the religious aspect of the labor movement. He argued the failure of existing churches to support labor made it necessary for workers to form a new movement to embody the religious aspect of their quest for emancipation.
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Hunt, Arnold. "The Lady is a Catholic: Lady Lovell's Reply to Sir Edward Hoby." Recusant History 31, no. 3 (May 2013): 411–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200013832.

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The first decade of James I's reign saw a wave of high-profile clerical conversions to the Church of Rome. Among the best-known cases are those of James Wadsworth, who travelled to Spain with Sir Charles Cornwallis's embassy in 1605, where, as William Bedell's biographer Alexander Clogie disgustedly recalled, he was ‘cheated out of his religion by the Jesuits and turned apostate’; Theophilus Higgons, a member of Christ Church, Oxford, who converted in 1607; his friend and Oxford contemporary Humphrey Leech, who followed him in 1609 and later joined the Society of Jesus; and Benjamin Carier, a royal chaplain and prebendary of Canterbury, who converted in 1613. As the work of Michael Questier has taught us, religious conversion was by no means an uncommon phenomenon in early modern England. Yet these cases had the potential to inflict serious damage on the Jacobean church, not only because they threatened to neutralise the propaganda advantages to be gained from Roman Catholic converts to the Church of England such as Marc’ Antonio de Dominis, but also because they drew unwelcome attention to doctrinal divisions within the Church of England over such issues as anti-popery and the theology of grace.
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Rose, Jacqueline. "Roman Imperium and the Restoration Church." Studies in Church History 54 (May 14, 2018): 159–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2017.10.

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This article examines the late-seventeenth-century Church of England's understanding of rulers’ ecclesiastical imperium through analysing a pamphlet debate about Julian the Apostate and Church-state relations in the fourth-century Roman empire. In 1682 an Anglican cleric, Samuel Johnson, printed an account of Julian's reign that argued that the primitive Christians had resisted the emperor's persecutory policies and that Johnson's contemporaries should adopt the same stance towards the Catholic heir presumptive, James, duke of York. Surveying the reaction to Johnson, this article probes the ability of Anglican royalists to map fourth-century Roman onto seventeenth-century English imperium, their assertions about how Christians should respond to an apostate monarch, and whether these authors fulfilled such claims when James came to the throne. It also considers their negotiation of the question of whether miracles existed in the fourth-century imperial Church. It concludes that, despite Rome's territorial dimensions, imperium remained a fundamentally legal-constitutional concept in this period, and that the debate over Julian highlights the fundamentally tense and ambivalent relationship between Church and empire.
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Brackney, William. "James Cone, white supremacy, and the Baptist narrative." Review & Expositor 117, no. 1 (February 2020): 44–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0034637319898771.

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James Cone’s most substantial claim against white theologians is that white supremacy is historically embedded in their theology. This article argues that not only is white supremacy embedded in theology but it may also be a factor in the way white church historians construct a historical narrative that marginalizes the contributions of the black church.
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Claydon, Tony. "Gilbert Burnet: An Ecclesiastical Historian and the Invention of the English Restoration Era." Studies in Church History 49 (2013): 181–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400002126.

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On the eve of the 1689 Revolution in England, Gilbert Burnet was best known as an ecclesiastical historian. Although he had had a noteworthy career as a Whigleaning cleric, who had gone into exile at the start of James II’s reign and had entered the household of William of Orange in the Hague, Burnet’s reputation had been based on his magisterial History of the Reformation. This had appeared in its first two volumes in 1678 and 1683, and had rapidly become the standard work on the religious changes of the Tudor age. Soon after the Revolution, Burnet also became notable as the chief propagandist of the new regime. He produced a steady stream of works justifying William’s usurpation of James’s throne, and played a major part in organizing such pro-Orange events as the fast days marking William’s war with Louis XIV. This essay explores a key intersection of these two roles. It suggests that Burnet’s explicitly pro-Williamite understanding of church history gave rise to a new division of the past, and effectively invented the Restoration era as a distinct period of British history, running from 1660 to 1689.
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Marušić, Matko Matija. "Sveti Jakov Markijski i čudo anđela uz raspelo u crkvi Male braće u Dubrovniku." Peristil 58 (2015): 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17685/peristil.58.1.

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27

FINCHAM, KENNETH. "The King James Bible: Crown, Church and People." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 71, no. 1 (July 18, 2018): 77–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046918001318.

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This essay addresses several unresolved problems associated with the production, dissemination and reception of the King James Bible. It argues that James i’s initial enthusiasm was not sustained and that Archbishop Bancroft was the key figure for seeing the translation through to completion. His death, just before the Bible appeared, explains why there was no order for its purchase by parishes. Instead, its acquisition was left to individual bishops, so that it took until the Civil War for the new Bible to be widely available in worship. Its broad acceptability by that time was a result of its increasing use in household and private devotions as much as in public worship.
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Brown, Stewart J. "After the Disruption: The Recovery of the National Church of Scotland, 1843–1874." Scottish Church History 48, no. 2 (October 2019): 103–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/sch.2019.0008.

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In 1843, the established Church of Scotland was broken up by the Disruption, as nearly a third of the ministers and perhaps half the lay adherents left to form the new Free Church. Many predicted the ‘remnant’ established church would not long survive. This article explores the remarkable recovery of the Church of Scotland during the three decades after the Disruption, with emphasis on the church extension campaign and parish community ideal of James Robertson, the movement initiated by Robert Lee for the enrichment of public worship and ecclesiology, and the efforts, associated with Norman Macleod, John Tulloch, John Caird and Robert Flint, to provide greater theological freedom and openness to social and cultural progress, including a willingness to question the Reformed doctrinal standards of the Westminster Confession of Faith.
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Gasparyan, Seda. "The Historical Background of the King James Bible." Armenian Folia Anglistika 16, no. 2 (22) (October 15, 2020): 74–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.46991/afa/2020.16.2.074.

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The present article aims to investigate the historical and religious circumstances which incited King James to initiate and start the translation of the Holy Script anew though two other versions of the Bible in English were already there. The stormy period England and the English Church were going through in mid-XVI century and the succession of Prince James VI of Scotland to throne (who became King James I of England) and his unfavorable attitude towards Protestantism made him conceive the idea of the necessity of creating a new English version of the Bible which will provide appropriate influence on the Church and keep it away from Calvinist views and ideas. Through the employment of the descriptive method, the author on the other hand tries to analyse the most prominent events and activities which preconditioned the creation of the new English version of the Bible, known as the King James Bible, which has long proved to be the best translation of the Bible in English.
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30

Christianto, Victor. "Kesatuan dan Perbedaan dalam Gereja Perdana." Indonesian Journal of Theology 2, no. 2 (February 13, 2015): 179–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.46567/ijt.v2i2.74.

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Two interesting questions in relation to the Early Church history are the extent of unity or diversity among Peter, James, and Paul; and also how Paul's thoughts have shaped the direction of the Church in later periods. Answers to these questions will be very helpful in order that we can give a proper response to "Paulinism", an accusation which some non-Christian thinkers often have towards Christians (c.f. Tom Jacobs). Such an accusation (Paulinism) basically says that Christianity is a religion created by St. Paul, not Jesus Christ. In order to respond to such an accusation, in this article the writer will describe: what was the historical truth concerning relation between St. Paul and the Jerusalem Church generally, and especially the relation between St. Paul and James the brother of Jesus. It will be shown that the relationship between St. Paul and the Jerusalem Church did not indicate separation or conflict, but unity in diversity. This article is written with a purpose to open a new constructive way of interfaith dialogue; nonetheless, this is just preliminary research, therefore, this article may not give the last word or a definitive answer to the problems posed above.
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Chruścińska, Alicja, Anna Cicha, Natalia Kijek, Piotr Palczewski, Krzysztof Przegiętka, and Krystyna Sulkowska-Tuszyńska. "Luminescence dating of bricks from the gothic Saint James Church in Toruń." Geochronometria 41, no. 4 (December 1, 2014): 352–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/s13386-013-0165-y.

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AbstractSaint James Church in Toruń is one of the most important gothic monuments in Poland. The date of the beginning of its construction is known from historical reports but the earlier history of the site remains undiscovered. During the archaeological excavations in years 2010 and 2011 five brick samples were collected for luminescence dating as well as four additional samples from the brick surroundings for the dose rate estimation. The equivalent dose was determined by TL and OSL methods. The TL results differ significantly from the OSL results but the last ones are verified by historical knowledge and radiocarbon dating. Establishing the dose rate from gamma rays needs a special attention because of the complex course of the foundations of the church. The details of the applied approach are presented in the current work. The results obtained indicate that a solid brick construction existed at the site of the presbytery of the Saint James Church before it was build.
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32

Surtees, Yvonne. "Visit to Southwell and Kariega Baptist Church 20 May 2021." Toposcope 52 (October 4, 2021): 3–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.21504/tj.v52i.2383.

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On Thursday 20 May, 43 members set off from the Port Alfred Civic Centre at 9 am sharp to visit the old school and St James church in Southwell, where Moira Stirk kindly addressed us. This was followed by a visit to the historic Baptist Church in Kariega, where we were addressed by Hubert Webber, whose family has long been connected with the area.
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Kangwa, Jonathan. "Prophecy, Divination and Gender Justice in the Lumpa Church in Zambia." Feminist Theology 27, no. 1 (September 2018): 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0966735018794485.

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This article examines the role of Prophecy and divination in the success of the Lumpa Church of Alice Mulenga Lenshina in Zambia. Concurring with James Amanze (2013), the article argues that the rapid growth of Christianity in Africa is to a large extent due to its engagement with prophecy and divination. Strong growth in African Christianity takes place mainly in the African Initiated Churches (AICs) which are Pentecostal-charismatic in their outlook. In these Churches the emphasis is on the prophetic ministry of the Church, evident in the performance of divination, healing and in predictions of the future. A good example is the Lumpa Church of Lenshina. Taking this Church as a case study, the article argues that Lenshina’s success and that of her Church are based on the fact that divination, prophecy and a search for gender justice were taken seriously.
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34

Murray, Douglas M. "Anglican Recognition of Presbyterian Orders: James Cooper and the Precedent of 1610." Studies in Church History 32 (1996): 455–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400015564.

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One of the foremost advocates of union between the Anglican and Presbyterian Churches at the beginning of this century was James Cooper, Regius Professor of Ecclesiastical History in the University of Glasgow from 1898 to 1922. Cooper was the best-known representative within the Church of Scotland of the Scoto-Catholic or high-church movement which was expressed in the formation of the Scottish Church Society in 1892. One of the ‘special objects’ of the Society was the ‘furtherance of Catholic unity in every way consistent with true loyalty to the Church of Scotland’. The realization of catholic unity led high churchmen to seek what Cooper termed a ‘United Church for the British Empire’ which would include the union of the Church of Scotland and the Church of England. This new unity would require a reconciliation of differences and the elimination of diversities: on the one hand an acceptance of bishops by the Scottish Presbyterians; on the other an acceptance of the validity of Presbyterian orders by Episcopalians and Anglicans.
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35

McLaughlin, Brett. "Imaging Sin and the Passage to Holiness: René Girard, Ecclesial Vision, and the Spiritual Reshaping of Desires." Irish Theological Quarterly 87, no. 2 (March 28, 2022): 131–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00211400221078905.

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In his 2018 book, Stumbling in Holiness, Brian Flanagan presents the knotty ecclesiological dialogue over the purity of the Church-body. There is a continuing inducement to evade acknowledgment of a sinful dimension in the body of the Church. Sometimes Christians forswear that gravely sinful people are actually members. The converse, cynical perspective turns up as well. This present article advances Girardian theological anthropology and the ecclesiology of the Halfway House as a pathway forward. The Church and church members have a situatedness in sinful culture, generating desires and cultivating conflict. The Cross exposes the destructiveness of such desires; Jesus calls for Christians to imitate his renunciation of worldly aspiration. James Alison’s vision of the Church as Halfway House fosters the notion of Christians as people undergoing forgiveness. Girardian ecclesial vision results in the spirituality of the reshaping of desires, inspired by Jesus’ bestowal of friendship and love in John 15.
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36

Tutino, Stefania. "‘Makynge Recusancy Deathe Outrighte’? Thomas Pounde, Andrew Willet and The Catholic Question in Early Jacobean England." Recusant History 27, no. 1 (May 2004): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200031162.

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With the accession of James VI of Scotland to England’s throne as James I, many English Catholics began hoping that the vexing question of religion would soon be resolved in a manner not unfavourable to their faith. James, after all, was the son of the Catholic Mary Stuart, Queen of Scots, and it seemed not impossible that he would convert to the Catholic faith. The diplomatic contact with Spain that would eventually produce the Treaty of 1604 was already in process and religious toleration was one element in the discussion. But the more significant grounds for Catholics’ hope came most certainly from the position on the English religious question enunciated by the King himself. As his reign began, James seemed to be demonstrating a more favourable attitude towards Catholics than towards Puritans. His Basilikon Down declared the Church of Rome and the Church of England ‘agree in the grounds’, while his first speech to Parliament in March 1604 characterized Catholicism as ‘a religion, falsely called Catholik, but trewly Papist’, while defining the Puritans, as ‘a sect rather than a Religion’.
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37

Brown, Stewart J. "Martyrdom in Early Victorian Scotland: Disruption Fathers and the Making of the Free Church." Studies in Church History 30 (1993): 319–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400011797.

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‘Where is the Church of Scotland to be found?’ asked the leading Evangelical R. S. Candlish on 20 May 1843 at the first General Assembly of the Free Church of Scotland. ‘She will not be found basking under the smiles of the great, but she is to be recognised once more, as in days of old, by her sufferings and her tears.’ In 1843 the Disruption of the Church of Scotland brought the birth of a new church, the Free Church of Scotland, as nearly a third of the ministers and nearly half the lay membership left the national Church of Scotland. They went out in part over a long-standing dispute concerning church patronage, but, more fundamentally, they left in protest against what they perceived as the refusal of the State to recognize the Church’s independence in spiritual matters. The new Free Church claimed to be not merely a secession or schism, but rather the true national Church of Scotland, a claim its adherents based on their willingness to suffer for the principle of the headship of Christ in the Church. They were the Church of the martyrs of the Scottish Reformation and of the Covenants, willing to lay down their fortunes, even their lives, for ‘the Crown rights of the Redeemer’. The true Church of Scotland, asserted the Free Church minister James Mackenzie, in 1859, ‘began in 1843, when die old Church, the Church of Knox, of Melville, of Henderson, and of the martyrs, left its connexion with the State, and stood out before the world free, bearing the banner which our brave fathers bore.’
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38

Davis, Melissa. "The Sacramental Ontology of the Church." Pneuma 43, no. 1 (March 24, 2021): 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700747-bja10014.

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Abstract This article seeks to construct a renewalist ecclesiology foundations on the idea that the church is an ontological reality with the epistemological purpose of traditioning its members. To accomplish this, I construct, in conversation with Simon Chan and Simon Oliver, a sacramental ontology of the invisible church from the Garden of Eden via the incarnation. Then, interacting with the work of Chan and James K.A. Smith, I explore the role of the visible church to tradition its members. Finally, I offer a framework for an ecclesial traditioning praxis. This praxis is founded in prayer, shaped by the narrative of Scripture, and utilizes both the weekly service and ongoing discipleship training.
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39

Behrens, James. "The Churchwardens Measure 2001." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 6, no. 29 (July 2001): 97–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00000569.

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The Churchwardens Measure is concerned with the number of churchwardens in a parish, the qualifications to be a churchwarden, how they are appointed, and how they may cease to hold office. Nowhere does the Measure state anything about what a churchwarden actually does. For this you must look elsewhere. Two useful guides are A Handbook for Churchwardens and Parochial Church Councillors by Kenneth Macmorran and Timothy Briden (Mowbray, 2000), and Practical Church Management by James Behrens (Gracewing, 1998).
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40

Ahn, Deok-Weon. "A Liturgical Analysis of Swoo Geun Kim‘s Architecture of the Kyungdong Church based on James F. White's Understanding of Church Architecture and Worship Space." Theology and Praxis 74 (May 30, 2021): 7–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.14387/jkspth.2021.74.7.

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41

Gómez Darriba, Javier. "Praedicatio, passio y traslatio: un ciclo jacobeo en las pinturas murales de la iglesia de Santiago el Viejo de Sevilla." Laboratorio de Arte, no. 31 (2019): 469–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/la.2019.i31.27.

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42

Della Torre, Stefano, and Mehrnaz Rajabi. "The Restoration of St. James’s Church in Como and the Cathedral Museum as Agents for Sustainable Urban Planning Strategies." Land 11, no. 3 (March 3, 2022): 375. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land11030375.

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This paper aims at exploring the implementation of sustainability concepts in the Historic Preservation field. It delves into the multiple roles of cultural heritage in fostering and empowering sustainable development processes, understanding cultural heritage as a laboratory for (urban) innovation/creativity. In this sense, conservation is no longer explored within the traditional disciplinary borders, but it investigates the ways of contributing to the economy and society. This article pursues the Walled City of Como as a case study due to the opportunity of introducing the program of a new museum into the complexity of Como’s historic center. Recently, the center itself has undergone such studies/policies and applied conservation theories/practices. Furthermore, the historic center of Como was analyzed based on a multifaceted literature screening, gathering data on the tourism and real estate trends. In those studies, the crucial role that cultural heritage could take for urban development has been outlined, specifically as an enabler of controlling agencies for gentrification and commodification tendencies and fostering integration and collaboration among the key stakeholders. In terms of implementation of Sustainable Development Goals in the heritage field, the main lesson emerging from the case study is “integration” as a critical tool for such strategies’ feasibility.
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43

MERRITT, J. F. "PURITANS, LAUDIANS, AND THE PHENOMENON OF CHURCH-BUILDING IN JACOBEAN LONDON." Historical Journal 41, no. 4 (December 1998): 935–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x98008097.

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The comprehensive neglect of English church buildings in the century after the Reformation until the advent of Archbishop Laud has long stood as one of the standard readings of English church history. This article argues that attitudes towards the building and repair of churches in the pre-Laudian period were far more complex than has previously been recognized. It documents a sustained revival of church building and beautification in London that took place well before Laud's emergence, and which is inexplicable without reference to a whole range of practical and social, as well as religious, forces. This evidence, however, should not lead us to downplay the novelty and distinctiveness of the Laudian building programme. Rather, it is suggested here that Laudian polemic advanced a specific view of puritanism as incorporating a profane neglect and contempt of both church services and of the building which housed them. It is this vision of puritan neglect that not only provided a justification for Laudian changes to church practices and interiors in the 1630s, but which has also deflected the attention of later historians away from programmes of church repair in the reign of James I.
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NOCKLES, PETER. "CHURCH OR PROTESTANT SECT? THE CHURCH OF IRELAND, HIGH CHURCHMANSHIP, AND THE OXFORD MOVEMENT, 1822–1869." Historical Journal 41, no. 2 (June 1998): 457–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x98007821.

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The Church of Ireland has been regarded as almost devoid of a high church element and as unreservedly hostile to Tractarian claims. This article questions these assumptions. It considers the evidence for an influential, if minority, high church tradition within the Church of Ireland and shows how far its adherents during the 1830s and early 1840s looked to English Tractarians for support. The very raison d'être of the Irish church was questioned under the reforming and erastian pressures unleashed by a whig ministry in the early 1830s. Tractarian rhetoric stressing apostolical descent and continuity was echoed by Irish high churchmen in their concern to demonstrate that they belonged to a church that was not a creature of the state and was no mere Protestant sect; Irish high churchmen held many theological and spiritual ideals in common with the early Tractarians, but guarded their independence. Irish high churchmen and English Tractarians nevertheless became estranged: the Protestant credentials of Irish high churchmen were suspect as a result of the low church and Evangelical backlash against ‘Puseyism’; Irish high church attempts to put church principles into practice, notably over the foundation of St Columba's as an establishment to educate Roman Catholic converts in high church teaching, were cold-shouldered by English Tractarians. The Irish high church tradition survived but was weakened by Roman Catholic undermining of its assumption of apostolical continuity as well as by ultra-Protestant critiques. Disestablishment in 1869 paved the way not for a high church ‘restoration’ on the Caroline model, as Irish high churchmen wished and as early Tractarian rhetoric assumed, but for the completion of an Evangelical ascendancy rooted in the Irish Articles of 1615 and the church of James Ussher.
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45

del Castillo, Fides A. "Christianization of the Philippines." Mission Studies 32, no. 1 (April 10, 2015): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341379.

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This paper aims to contribute to discussion on how the Catholic religion took root, spread, survived, and progressed in the Philippines. It seeks to address the Christianization of the pre-Hispanic Filipinos and the subsequent embedded-ment of the Church in indigenous culture. It also discusses on H. Richard Niehbur’s typology of the gospel-culture relationship as discussed by De Mesa (2007). From the fundamental congruencies between Filipino traditional religion and Catholic Christianity, this paper asserts that the lack of tension between the traditional religion of the native Filipinos and Catholicism allowed Christianity to take root, develop, and dominate in the Philippines. In addition, the entrenchment of the Church in indigenous culture and its expression in church architecture, religious art, and popular devotions specifically in the Church of Saint James the Great at Paete, Laguna and San Pedro de Alcantara Church at Pakil, Laguna are discussed. This is to correlate the important contributions of Baroque churches and religious art in the Christianization of the people in the Philippines.
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46

Burton, Simon J. G. "The Heavenly Pattern of the Church." Ecclesiology 10, no. 1 (May 9, 2014): 53–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455316-01001005.

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The ecclesiology of Richard Baxter (1615–91) has long been a matter of dispute. In particular, his role in the Restoration debates over the settlement of the Church of England from 1660–2 and as a leader of the Nonconformist party thereafter has been a source of considerable confusion. In this article it is argued that from at least the 1650s onwards Baxter was motivated by an ‘Association ecclesiology’ – a desire to comprehend as many confessions as possible around the fundamentals of the Gospel – which displays marked affinities to Archbishop James Ussher’s system of reduced episcopacy. In this the twin themes of unity and discipline become rooted within a distinctive Trinitarian and covenantal framework, which unfolds in his mature ecclesiology into a moving vision of the universal Church reunited in bonds of love towards God and one another.
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47

Jackson, Neil. "Clarity or Camouflage? The Development of Constructional Polychromy in the 1850s and Early 1860s." Architectural History 47 (2004): 201–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066622x00001751.

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My earlier article inArchitectural History43, ‘Christ Church, Streatham, and the Rise of Constructional Polychromy’, showed that James Wild’s church of 1840–42 was, in its use of coloured masonry, far ahead of its time (Fig. 1). It preceded, by about a decade, the High Victorian fashion for constructional polychromy usually associated with John Ruskin’s pronouncements on colour, contained inThe Stones of Venice(1851 and 1853) and William Butterfield’s contemporaneous church of All Saints, Margaret Street (1849–59). The article argued that the interest in polychromy had, in fact, started much earlier in the century. The use of colour in ancient Greek architecture had been investigated and debated by the Institute of British Architects, under the guidance of Thomas Leverton Donaldson, in the 1830s while, in the 1840s, Augustus Welby Northmore Pugin gave constructional polychromy a moral quality — an expression of honesty in construction — at the Grange and St Augustine’s Church, at Ramsgate (1845–50).
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48

Johnson, Loch K. "James Angleton and the Church Committee." Journal of Cold War Studies 15, no. 4 (October 2013): 128–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00397.

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James J. Angleton, who served as chief of counterintelligence for the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) from 1954 to 1974, was an important figure in the Cold War and, in a sense, the first line of defense against clandestine Soviet intelligence operations directed against the United States and its allies. In 1975 a U.S. Senate investigative committee—informally known as the Church Committee and led by Senator Frank Church—called Angleton to testify in public on his approach to counterintelligence, especially how he had become involved in illegal domestic operations in the United States. His testimony to committee staff investigators preceding the hearing, along with his public statements to senators during the hearing, displayed an extreme view of the global Communist threat. Amid ongoing revelations in the mid-1970s of illegal CIA actions, Angleton proved unable to mount an effective public defense of his approach.
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49

Lewis, Hannah. "How Can We Develop More Deaf Christian Leaders?" Theology Today 77, no. 2 (July 2020): 154–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040573620920672.

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Many churches today talk about trying to increase diversity in leadership; in some cases this includes seeking to develop more Deaf and disabled leaders. This article is a practical look, from the perspective of a Deaf scholar and practitioner in the field, at what the obstacles might be and how these obstacles might be addressed. It uses models based on Simon Western’s “eco-leadership,” and James Lawrence’s organic model of “growing leaders” to argue that to truly develop more Deaf and disabled leaders, the church needs to reevaluate its own understand of what leadership is, how it is exercised, and how leaders are developed, and concludes that if the church is able to undertake this reevaluation, the mission and ministry of the church will be enabled to flourish in a new and more positive way.
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50

Wolffe, John. "Transatlantic Visitors and Evangelical Networks, 1829–61." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 14 (2012): 183–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900003926.

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In June 1829 John Angell James, minister of Carr’s Lane Congregational Church in Birmingham, wrote to his friend William Wilson Patton, minister of a Presbyterian congregation in New York, thanking him for his congregation’s interest in the spiritual welfare of the British churches.
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