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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Janata Party'
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Myreng, Marianne. "Hindutva, hindunasjonalisme og Bharatiya Janata Party : en tekstanalyse av bjp.org /." Tromsø : Det samfunnsvitenskapelige fakultet, Universitetet i Tromsø, 2007. http://www.ub.uit.no/munin/bitstream/10037/1292/1/thesis.pdf.pdf.
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Berglund, Henrik. "Hindu nationalism and democracy /." Stockholm : Stockholm university, 2004. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb401142173.
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Teater, Kristina M. "Anti-System Parties:Policy Choices for Democracies A Study of India's Bharatiya Janata Party and Austria's Freedom Party." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1166388438.
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Greven, Linnea. "BJP - Champions of Feminism? : A study of Bharatiya Janata Party politics on maternity leave and party affiliated Hindutva gender ideals." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-432342.
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In contemporary politics it is argued there exists a friction and contradiction between the right-wing, conservative parties that are gaining prominence around the world, among them BJP in India, and the feminist movement; one movement striving for the preservation of traditions and the other for change. The purpose of this thesis is to investigate and compare differences in how a political party with strong affiliation and background in a nationalistic ideology communicates laws which affect women’s opportunities for societal advancement, doing this by analysing the religious, cultural and symbolic aspects of Hindutva ideology. Do they contradict each other? Through qualitative discourse analysis a comparative case study is performed on the Maternity Benefit Amendment Act of 2017, BJP political manifestos, excerpts from books and statements made by BJP leaders and affiliated key persons. The thesis presents the argument that the two discourses present contradicting ideas of women’s societal participation when analysed through a theoretical framework based on gender ideals; one set of material pointing to the importance of their economic and societal integration, and one on the importance of women’s role as mothers, and her protection. The study adds a different perspective on the friction between nationalistic Hindutva beliefs and contemporary, progressive legislation by analysing key concepts of gender ideals drawn from Hinduism and the Hindutva movement.
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Nandrajog, Elaisha. "Hindutva and Anti-Muslim Communal Violence in India Under the Bharatiya Janata Party (1990-2010)." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2010. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/219.
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On May 16, 1998, under the directives of the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led coalition, the Indian government detonated three nuclear bombs in the Rajasthan desert, near a site called Pokhran.1 If the name of India’s inter-ballistic missile, Agni, the god of fire in the Vedic tradition, is inscribed in antiquity, its symbolism in 1998 was entirely new, reflecting the rise of a political party that emblematizes a chauvinistic, majoritarian stance.2 To celebrate India’s accomplishment, the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP), a sister organization of the BJP, ordered the construction of a temple dedicated to Shakti, the goddess of strength, some fifty kilometers away from the testing site.3 The decision is an apt example of Hindutva ideologues’ use of the feminine metaphor of “innate strength” to legitimize aggression against external forces. Shortly after the nuclear tests, Bal Thackerey, the chairman of the Shiv Sena, a Mumbai-based Hindu nationalist ally of the BJP, declared that Hindus were no longer eunuchs—a notion that traces its roots back to the Mughal period which spanned three centuries.4 Thackerey’s statement ironically subverted the idea of female power and reiterated the masculinist theme that has animated Hindu nationalism since its inception in the 1920s. Hindutva’s sacralization of aggression had an anticipated consequence: Pakistan retaliated by exploding five nuclear bombs on May 28, 1998.5
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Augustinsson, Martin. "Tal om terror : Hur muslimer beskrivs av det indiska partiet Bharatiya Janata Party mellan 2008-2012." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för kulturvetenskaper (KV), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-27226.
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I följande uppsats undersöks det hindunationalistiska partiet Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) och hur muslimer beskrivs av partiet efter bomb- och skjutattackerna i Mumbai 2008, fram till 2012. Huvudmaterialet för uppsatsen är publicerade tal från partiets hemsida, vilka analyseras utifrån en kritisk diskursanalys. I talen framgår en specifik terror-diskurs där terrorism uteslutande sammankopplas med islamistiska grupper och organisationer. Terrorism blir synonymt med islamistisk terrorism och terrorister blir uteslutande islamistiska terrorister.
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Feinhandler, Ian Alexander Nicholas. "Geographical contextual influences in the vote for the Bharatiya Janata Party in the 2004 Indian election." Diss., Connect to online resource, 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3239465.
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Busch, Carsten. "The policy of the Bharatiya Janata Party, 1980 and 2008 possible influence of Hindu nationalism on Indian politics." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Jun/09Jun%5FBusch.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Far East, Southeast Asia and The Pacific))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2009.Thesis Advisor(s): Chatterjee, Anshu ; Kapur, Samir. "June 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 10, 2009. Author(s) subject terms: Bharatiya Janata Party, BJP, Party politics, National identity, Hindu Nationalism, Hinduism, Hindutva, Sangh Parivar, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, RSS, Vishwa Hindu Parishad, VHP, Bharatiya Jana Sangh, BJS, Ayodhya campaign, Kashmir case.. Includes bibliographical references (p. 123-134). Also available in print.
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Guichard, Sylvie. "L'enseignement de la nation en Inde : le débat sur les manuels d'histoire (1998-2004)." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007IEPP0035.
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Notre recherche s’attache de manière générale à la question suivante : comment comprendre la controverse concernant l'enseignement de l'histoire indienne suite à la participation du parti nationaliste hindou Bharatiya Janata Party au gouvernement de l’Union indienne entre 1998 et 2004 ? En d’autres termes, quels étaient les enjeux véhiculés par ces dissensions et, plus particulièrement, comment s’est construit le discours sur la nation indienne à travers cette controverse ? Nous nous sommes attachés à montrer que les historiens sécularistes et les historiens nationalistes hindous proposaient deux récits en concurrence sur la naissance et le développement de l’Etat-nation. Ces deux récits construisaient des nations différentes. Les sécularistes et les nationalistes hindous se sont ainsi confrontés pour imposer leur récit en tant qu’histoire officielle. Ces deux lectures de l’histoire, bien qu’opposées, s’inscrivent toutefois dans un même projet de construction nationale. Elles participent toutes deux au même grand Récit de construction d’un Etat-nation ‘moderne’ et homogène. Ce récit en affirmant l’homogénéité de la nation rend invisible certaines catégories de population notamment les Dalits, les femmes et le monde ruralMy research was guided by the following question: how can we understand the controversy concerning the teaching of Indian history following the participation of the Hindu nationalist party Bharatiya Janata Party in the government of the Union of India between 1998 and 2004? In other words, what were the stakes related to these dissentions, and more particularly, how has this controversy participated in the construction of the discourse on the Indian nation? The line of argument of this study is that the secularist historians and the Hindu nationalist historians propose two concurrent stories on the birth and development of the nation-state. These two narratives construct different nations. The secularists and the Hindu nationalists compete to impose their story as the official version of history. Even if they are contradictory, these two readings of history both take part in the same project of national construction. They are part of the grand narrative of the development of the modern and homogenous nation-state. Through this story certain categories of the population, most notably the Dalits, the women and the rural community, are made invisible due to their absence in the narrative
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Lindahl, Julia. "Shaping social and political identity : A critical discourse anlysis of the Bharatiya Janta Party." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-397751.
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This research paper uses Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) to analyse texts produced by the political party Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in India. The analysis use Machin and Mayr’s (2012) concepts of Language and Identity and Nominalisation and Presupposition with the aim to understand how the BJP can influence the democratic society in India through discourse. The texts analysed was taken from BJPs website and from parts of their 2014 manifesto. The theoretical framework and literature review are built on the role of Hinduism in the democratization of India. In this research, Hinduism act as an important factor in defining identity in India and Hindutva as an important factor in defining identity for the BJP. The analysis concludes that when looking at identity, the BJP demonstrate that their texts can have both a positive and a negative effect on the democracy in India. The BJP strongly use ‘India First’ to state that they want to unify the country under one identity and similarities can be drawn to their previous use of ‘Hindutva’. By promoting ‘India First’ the BJP includes a large audience and a somewhat tolerant outlook by stating to include all castes and ethnicities. However, the analysis demonstrates that their strong promotion of ‘India First’ conceal who is responsible to uphold this identity and that in turn could affect the tolerance in society. The analysis also shows that their definition of ‘India First’ is left vague and this can conceal certain interest. Their use of ‘India First’ as an identity can lead to a fear that everything that does not belong under this category is a threat. This combined with the diffuse definition of what ‘India First’ mean can have a negative effect on the pluralistic and tolerant society that was needed for India to transform to a democracy. The research also explores whether the strong promotion of ‘India First’ can be compared to a religious or spiritual movement and touch upon the implications that could follow from that.
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Lamoureux, Julie-Anne. "L'émergence du Bharatiya Janata Party et son interaction avec l'Hindutva." Mémoire, 2008. http://www.archipel.uqam.ca/1323/1/M10207.pdf.
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Le Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) a été fondé en 1980 par les nationalistes hindous, soucieux de légitimer leur option politique. Le parti s'est rapidement imposé dans le système politique indien en transition. De force marginale et marginalisée au début de la décennie, il est parvenu à devenir une réelle menace pour le parti du Congrès dès la fin des années 1980. Il a propulsé son idéologie, l'Hindutva, a participé à la communalisation du jeu politique et a dirigé l'Inde à la fin des années 1990, au moment même où paradoxalement l'idéologie nationaliste hindoue perdait du terrain. Ce mémoire s'interroge donc sur la relation entre le parti politique, le BJP, et l'idéologie, l'Hindutva. Comment un parti politique peut-il connaître une ascension fulgurante sans que l'idéologie sur laquelle il fonde ses idées et son programme en fasse autant? Nous concluons que les contraintes du système moderne indien de partis politiques, le manque de cohésion de la communauté hindoue et l'évolution de l'électorat indien à partir des années 1980 expliquent ce phénomène. En effet, si le système politique indien en transformation dans les décennies 80 et 90 a permis à l'Hindutva de s'imposer, par sa nouvelle structure, il l'a aussi contenu. La nouvelle dynamique politique de l'Inde ne permet plus à un seul parti politique de diriger le pays. Les coalitions s'imposent dans ce système fédéral et obligent les partis à nuancer leurs positions pour construire des alliances solides avec des formations qui évoluent sur la scène fédérale et d'autres qui oeuvrent au niveau régional, dans les États de l'Union. Le système jadis dirigé par un seul parti, celui du Congrès, a évolué à tel point qu'il s'est transformé en système multipartite avec deux pôles principaux, le Congrès et le BJP. L'Hindutva a connu ses moments de gloire, mais la communauté hindoue n'est pas suffisamment unie. Elle est trop diversifiée, elle est dispersée sur un vaste territoire, n'a pas d'autorité religieuse centrale et rassembleuse, et ses membres ne partagent pas les mêmes rituels et les mêmes références. Le BJP, dans un tel contexte, n'a eu d'autres choix que d'assouplir sa promotion de l'Hindutva. D'autant plus que l'électorat indien a bien changé depuis 25 ans. Il y a eu une révolution par les basses castes au cours des dernières décennies. Grâce à la régionalisation de la politique, ces groupes auparavant exclus se sont affirmés et ont réclamé leur part des récents progrès économiques. Ces Indiens moins nantis, n'adhèrent pas naturellement au nationalisme hindou, d'autant plus que cette idéologie les désavantage et tente d'entretenir leur soumission à la hiérarchie sociale défendue par les Indiens brahmanes. Les basses castes ont condamné le BJP en choisissant plutôt en 2004 la coalition dirigée par le parti du Congrès, davantage considérée à l'écoute des besoins des dalits. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Hindutva, Hindouité, Nationalisme hindou, Nationalisme culturel, BJP, Bharatiya Janata Party, Système politique, Partis politiques, Régionalisation, Coalitions, Castes, Communalisme, Nationalisme.
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Kim, Yoosuk Smith Dale L. "Indian electoral politics and the rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)." Diss., 2006. http://etd.lib.fsu.edu/theses/available/etd-03142006-114921.
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Thesis (M.S.)--Florida State University, 2006.Advisor: Dale Smith, Florida State University, College of Social Sciences, Dept. of Political Science. Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed June 9, 2006). Document formatted into pages; contains ix, 81 pages. Includes bibliographical references.
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Lewis, Angela Rose. "Hindu nationalism, electoral politics, and the rise of the Bharatiya Janata party in India." Thesis, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/1586.
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This thesis examines the rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its remarkable success in the 1989 and 1991 elections in India, to the point where it has become the leading opposition party in India's national parliament. The BJP's powerful "Hindutva" ideology, based on the idea of a Hindu nation, has propelled the party to the forefront of Indian politics, and poses a major challenge to India's secular democracy. The central argument of this thesis is that by appealing to Hindu nationalist sentiments, the BJP has successfully "outbid" the Congress Party for the loyalty of Hindu nationalist groups, and successfully transformed public discontent into votes. Through an examination of the BJP's strategy and performance, this paper also concludes that the rise of the BJP has accelerated the pace of political decay in India. The BJP's rise coincides with heightened communal tensions, political instability, and a rise in populist politics, which undermines the institutions of political democracy in India.
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Kundu, Apurba. "India's National Security under the BJP: ¿Strong at Home, Engaged Abroad¿." 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/4138.
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NoIn a marked departure from previous national governments, those led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) sought to address national security issues both proactively and strategically in line with the party¿s philosophy of achieving a strong India. This paper begins by examining the strategic vision of the BJP. It then analyses how this vision led the BJP to make India an overt nuclear weapons state in 1998, and how this status affected the government¿s actions in the Kargil Conflict of 1999. This is followed by an closer examination of national security strategy under the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA), particularly as outlined in the seminal Reforming the National Security System: Recommendations of the Group of Ministers of 2001, and how this administration responded to the near-war situation which developed between India and Pakistan in the spring-summer of 2002. The paper then will conceptualise NDA national security policy as ¿strong at home, engaged abroad¿ as evidenced by defence spending on external and internal security, the military¿s deployment on peacekeeping duties, and defence cooperation with other countries. It will conclude with an examination as to whether this national security policy as conceptualised here will remain effective and/or viable in the future.
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Lan, Hsiao-Han, and 藍筱涵. "Developments and Limitations of Nationalist –religious Parties: Case Study of Bharatiya Janata Party of India." Thesis, 2012. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/08642946161086055861.
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碩士國立中興大學
國際政治研究所
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As we know, India is an emerging democratic nation and the national economy racing rapidly in a decade. However, Indian society is surrounded by population, poverty, famine, environment and religious conflicts. Unfortunately, after almost 60 years’ efforts from the government, the democracy still has a lot of troubles and critics in India. BJP established in1980, hopes India to become a single nation and single religion country. BJP wants to use Hindu religion rules and values to solve today’s riots in Indian nation and society. The BJP party represents the “Hindu nationalism” a religious nationalism in India. BJP is the most famous nationalist-religious party in south Asia. BJP’s manifesto of “Hindu nationalism” also known as “Hindu fundamentalism” openly oppose to Muslim and Western and betrays the INC secular national principle. The article uses the Identity and system those two ways to answers the following questions: why BJP can take the power in1996-2004? What strategies and policies did BJP use to promote the party and appeal people? Did any positive and negative affection on India during that time? What role does democracy play in this situation?
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Sotiron, Jean-Michel. "Le Bharatiya Janata Party et ses conflits internes tel que vus par le traitement des minorités religieuses de l'Inde." Mémoire, 2011. http://www.archipel.uqam.ca/4160/1/M11964.pdf.
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Le Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) ou parti populaire indien fait partie du mouvement de l'hindutva qui désire rendre l'Inde plus hindoue, qu'elle devienne un pays officiellement hindou. Le mouvement et le parti sont tous les deux controversés. Le présent travail cherche à mieux comprendre le fonctionnement du BJP. Son traitement des minorités religieuses, soit les chrétiens, les musulmans et les sikhs a été étudié dans ce but. C'est par une revue des publications officielles des 25 premières années du parti qu'a été accompli le travail. L'hypothèse était que le parti est principalement divisé selon des lignes idéologiques, entre extrémistes et pragmatiques. Des paroles inclusives envers les minorités étaient considérées comme l'œuvre de l'aile pragmatique, tandis que des paroles discriminatoires viendraient des extrémistes. La conclusion a été que le parti est bel et bien divisé à ce niveau. L'aile pragmatique semble avoir le dessus, la majorité des écrits est inclusive. Les chrétiens et musulmans ont fait l'objet d'une certaine discrimination. Malgré cela, les paroles les concernant sont largement positives. Les sikhs sont très bien traités dans les publications. Les écrits du BJP sont plus axés sur leurs revendications contre le parti du Congrès et le Pakistan.
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Kundu, Apurba. "The National Democratic Alliance and National Security." 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/3560.
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NoThis new collection examines the emergence of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in India and the ways in which its Hindu nationalist agenda has been affected by the constraints of being a dominant member of a coalition government. Religious influence in contemporary politics offers a fertile ground for political-sociological analysis, especially in societies where religion is a very important source of collective identity. In South Asian societies religion can, and often has, provided legitimacy to both governments and those who oppose them. This book examines the emergence of the BJP and the ways in which its Hindu nationalist agenda has been affected by the constraints of being a dominant member of a coalition government. The collected authors take stock of the party's first full term in power, presiding over the diverse forces of the governing NDA coalition, and the 2004 elections. They assess the BJP's performance in relation to its stated goals, and more specifically how it has fared in a range of policy fields - centre-state relations, foreign policy, defence policies, the 'second generation' of economic reforms, initiatives to curb corruption and the fate of minorities. Explicitly linking the volume to literature on coalition politics, this book will be of great importance to students and researchers in the fields of South Asian studies and politics.
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Salter, Robert Graeme. "Swaraj and sweepers : the JP Movement and the future of transformational politics." Thesis, 2000. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/15417/.
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The thesis examines the question of how democracy might be deepened, particular so that it becomes more inclusive of currently marginalised groups and can thus meet their needs more fully. It focuses on India, drawing on interviews and visits to organisations, as well as on secondary sources, but it also utilises empirical and theoretical material from outside India, and it is suggested that the conclusions of the thesis may be applicable beyond India. From the 1960s, across the world, the 'new politics' - the politics of protest, local level action, new questions, new participants and specific-issue campaigns - has also sought to deepen democracy. It is argued, however, that while this kind of politics is a necessary component of effective democracy, it is not in itself sufficient to achieve the transformational goals to which it aspires. In rejecting or underemphasising the possibility of achieving change through more conventional political institutions, especially through governments and political parties, the new politics risks political ineffectiveness, for reasons that are identified in the thesis. It is argued that what is required is a combination of the old and new politics, and a particular model that embodies this is advanced. Major political change - such as the attainment of independence or formal democracy or the deepening of democracy - has often been achieved through broad alliances of organisations, termed 'aggregated civil bases',
in the thesis, and examples of these are cited. The thesis focuses on the scope for change through what are termed 'democratic-deepening aggregated civil bases' - alliances of organisations that come to an electoral arrangement with a party or coalition willing to implement a particular political program in exchange for electoral support.