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1

Austin, Dennis, and Peter Lyon. "The Bharatiya Janata Party of India." Government and Opposition 28, no. 1 (January 1, 1993): 36–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1993.tb01304.x.

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Observers of The Indian Political Scene Have Been puzzled by the performance and prospects of the Bharatiya Janata Party. It is the largest opposition group in the central legislature in New Delhi, and forms the government in four northern states, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh and Rajasthan. The elements of opposition and government have taken new shape; and the rise of the BJP, say critics, constitutes a challenge not simply to Congress but to the Nehru-established state and its secular democratic inheritance. Its leaders couch their appeal in relation to the religious sentiments of the Hindu majority of India and they talk not only of roti but Ram — the bread of life itself. ‘Away with the “pseudo-secularism” of Western values: India must rediscover its past.’ Such is the simple message of the Hindutva party and its allies. It is an old theme but opponents and supporters alike believe that the 119 seats which the BJP now has in the Lok Sabha (India's lower house) give the demand for fundamental reform a new political force.
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2

Sridharan, Eswaran. "India in 2019." Asian Survey 60, no. 1 (January 2020): 165–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2020.60.1.165.

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The major development in India in 2019 was the national election which returned Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party to power with a larger majority and which, along with post-election ideological assertiveness, poses the question of whether India’s party system is a new one-party hegemony, this time of the Bharatiya Janata.
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3

Sawshilya, Archana. "COMMUNAL REALIGNMENT AND SUPPORT FOR THE BJP-GENERAL ELECT ION 2019." International Journal of Advanced Research 9, no. 08 (August 31, 2021): 492–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/13295.

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From 2009 to 2019, the story of Bhartiya Janata Party(ruling party) has been one of an amazing transformation .In 2014, election was fought on the grounds of economic development and not on ethnic or regional lines. But in 2019 Bhartiya Janta Party had landslide victory under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi,bringing a dramatic shift in the nature and manner of Indian electoral politics . The voting pattern during the election of 2019 witnessed a strong sense of nationalism, the need to have a strong stable government and the belief that only Narendra Modi could wear Hindutva on his sleeves.
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4

CHHIBBER, PRADEEP. "Who Voted for the Bharatiya Janata Party?" British Journal of Political Science 27, no. 4 (October 1997): 619–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123497220296.

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5

Sen, Ronojoy. "India's Changing Political Fortunes." Current History 112, no. 751 (April 1, 2014): 131–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2014.113.762.131.

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6

Shastri, Sanjal. "Communal Violence in Twenty-first Century India: Moving Beyond the Hindi Heartland." Studies in Indian Politics 8, no. 2 (October 29, 2020): 266–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023020963721.

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Using communal violence data between 2006 and 2017, this study challenges the idea that communal violence is primarily an issue in the Hindi Heartland. The data demonstrates how Karnataka and West Bengal are also witnessing rising levels of communal violence. The study goes on to take a closer look at the rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in Karnataka and West Bengal. It demonstrates how a combination of factors ranging from localized narratives of Hindu nationalism, caste coalitions, alliances with regional parties and the decline of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI[M]) in West Bengal and the Janata Party (JP)/Dal in Karnataka have been crucial factors for BJP’s rise in these two states.
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7

Malik, Yogendra K., and V. B. Singh. "Bharatiya Janata Party: An Alternative to the Congress (I)?" Asian Survey 32, no. 4 (April 1, 1992): 318–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2645149.

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8

Malik, Yogendra K., and V. B. Singh. "Bharatiya Janata Party: An Alternative to the Congress (I)?" Asian Survey 32, no. 4 (April 1992): 318–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1992.32.4.00p0160z.

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9

Ankit, Rakesh. "Janata Party (1974–77): Creation of an All-India Opposition." History and Sociology of South Asia 11, no. 1 (August 19, 2016): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2230807516652987.

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This article focuses on the interactions among four parties during 1974–77 that led to their combining to form the Janata Party, which represented a united opposition to the then Prime Minister Mrs Indira Gandhi and her Congress government in January 1977. These inter-party exchanges remain an overlooked episode in the works on the Janata Party, when compared to its much written about the failure in government (1977–79). Forty years on, Janata Party’s formation continues to be understood as a natural and inevitable response to the imposition of emergency by Mrs Gandhi in June 1975. This article, instead, focuses on the engagements among the leaders of the Bharatiya Lok Dal (BLD), Congress (O), Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS) and the Socialist Party (SP) before, during and after the emergency and contends that Janata’s creation was neither a foregone conclusion nor a straightforward process. Second, this coming together of disparate individuals owed more to the possibility of gaining power and personal inclinations than any political principles or policy impulses. Third, while Jayaprakash Narayan (JP) is rightly celebrated as the rival protagonist in oppositional politics to Mrs Gandhi, this article argues that there were limits to his leadership in forging the new party and there was no automatic evolution of the latter from the former. This article is based on the papers of JP and his secretary Brahmanand and, supplemented by other relevant material, shows an unheralded facet of an attempt, which might have come to power on hyperbole but its formation was hard work.
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Nicolini Gabriel, João Paulo, Henoch Gabriel Mandelbaum, Carlos Eduardo Carvalho, and Marcel Artioli. "Nacionalismo na Índia de Narendra Modi e do Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) | Narendra Modi, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Nationalism in India." Mural Internacional 12 (December 31, 2021): e60103. http://dx.doi.org/10.12957/rmi.2021.60103.

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O artigo analisa peculiaridades significativas do governo Modi dentre os nacionalismos "de direita". Elementos tradicionais indianos sustentam personalismo e chauvinismo religioso. Medidas de liberalização econômica se mesclam com estratégias estatais de desenvolvimento, como desde os anos 1990, com ênfase em setores de alta tecnologia. Leis agrícolas para modernizar a atividade rural encontram forte reação de milhões de agricultores que se sentem ameaçados. Reformas na tributação e no sistema monetário buscam fortalecer o Estado e concentrar poder no governo central. A política externa mantém orientações tradicionais para transformar a Índia em potência global. Modi cultiva a imagem de líder forte e capaz de estabelecer políticas assertivas em disputas com a China, mas preserva as relações com Pequim. Diversificação de parcerias e negociação de acordos comerciais procuram fortalecer a autonomia nacional e reforçam a concepção de soberania como valor que acompanha historicamente o desejo de modernização produtiva. Palavras-chave: nacionalismo hindu; Narendra Modi, BJP.ABSTRACTThe article analyzes the expressive peculiarities of Modi's administration among "right-wing" nationalisms. Traditional Indian elements underpin personalism and religious chauvinism. Since the 1990s, economic liberalization measures have been intertwined with state development strategies, emphasizing high-tech sectors. Agricultural legislation to modernize rural activity has faced strong reactions from millions of farmers. Tax and monetary system reforms seek to strengthen the state and concentrate power in the central government. The foreign policy maintains traditional guidelines to morph India into a global power. Modi cultivates the image of a strong leader capable of establishing strategies in disputes with China while preserving relations with Beijing. Diversification of partnerships and negotiation of trade agreements aim to highlight national autonomy and the concept of sovereignty as a value that historically accompanies the desire for productive modernization. Key-words: Hindu nationalism; Narendra Modi; BJP. Recebido em: 30 mai. 2021 | Aceito em: 02 dez. 2021.
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11

Seshia, Shaila. "Divide and Rule in Indian Party Politics: The Rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party." Asian Survey 38, no. 11 (November 1, 1998): 1036–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2645684.

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Seshia, Shaila. "Divide and Rule in Indian Party Politics: The Rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party." Asian Survey 38, no. 11 (November 1998): 1036–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1998.38.11.01p0406o.

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Kanungo, Pralay. "The Rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party in West Bengal." Studies in Indian Politics 3, no. 1 (May 27, 2015): 50–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023015575213.

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14

Lakha, Salim. "The Bharatiya Janata Party and globalisation of the Indian economy." South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 17, sup001 (January 1994): 213–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00856409408723226.

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Mitra, Subrata K., and Jivanta Schöttli. "India’s 2014 General Elections." Asian Survey 56, no. 4 (July 2016): 605–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2016.56.4.605.

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Phrases like “watershed,” “historic,” and “epochal” were used to describe India’s 2014 general election. The Bharatiya Janata Party secured the first single-party majority in three decades, forming the government as the National Democratic Alliance. We argue that the 16th Lok Sabha elections marked a realignment, not a clean break with the past.
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Bajaj, Shelly Ghai. "The Use of Twitter during the 2014 Indian General Elections." Asian Survey 57, no. 2 (March 2017): 249–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2017.57.2.249.

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Through its use of the microblogging site Twitter during the 2014 Indian election campaign, the Bharatiya Janata Party successfully set the election agenda around development and governance to discredit the Congress Party. Combining its use of Twitter with conventional campaigning, the BJP also personalized the electoral narrative by making the leadership of Narendra Modi the centerpiece of its strategy.
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17

Jaffrelot, Christophe. "India in 2015." Asian Survey 56, no. 1 (January 2016): 174–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2016.56.1.174.

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While India’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party lost elections in Delhi and Bihar, and its government failed to implement any significant reform in 2015, the economy was slowly recovering and Prime Minister Narendra Modi conducted an active foreign policy.
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18

Desai, Radhika, Yogendra K. Malik, and V. B. Singh. "Hindu Nationalists in India: The Rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party." Pacific Affairs 68, no. 3 (1995): 446. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2761160.

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19

Harriss, John. "Hindu Nationalism in Action: The Bharatiya Janata Party and Indian Politics." South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 38, no. 4 (October 2, 2015): 712–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00856401.2015.1089826.

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20

Kumar, Sanjay. "Verdict 2019: The expanded support base of the Bharatiya Janata Party." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 5, no. 1 (March 2020): 6–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891120907699.

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The verdict of 2019 indicates that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) not only managed to retain its support base which it built in 2014, but also expanded it both geographically and socially. It managed to win seats in states where it had not performed well in earlier elections, and to get more votes amongst communities which had not voted for it earlier. The Congress could not improve upon its 2014 performance, but it is important to note that neither its votes nor its tally of seats decreased. The BJP improved upon its performance of 2014 largely at the cost of regional parties. The combined vote share of the regional parties witnessed a decline. Some regional parties did manage to hold onto their support base but others could not secure the support base they had held in 2014. In states like Bihar, Jharkhand, Uttar Pradesh (UP), Karnataka and Maharashtra, the regional parties performed badly despite some of them having formed an anti-BJP alliance. The BJP’s gain in terms of vote share and seats, largely at the expense of regional parties in many states, begins a new debate about whether this is the beginning of the end of the dominance of regional parties in the North Indians states, or if it is a passing phase in Indian elections. If this decline in the importance of the regional parties is largely in respect of national elections, could there be a reversal in the trend during state assembly elections?
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21

Laliwala, Sharik. "In the Hindutva Heartland: Bharatiya Janata Party’s Superficial Democratization in Gujarat." Studies in Indian Politics 8, no. 2 (November 1, 2020): 247–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023020963748.

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This article examines Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)’s hegemony in Gujarat by studying the changes inaugurated by the party in the caste profile of Gujarati political elites. I showcase the transition of BJP from a party of elite castes to a limited accommodation of a few Hindu backward castes, especially under Narendra Modi’s chief ministership. However, I argue that the recruitment of Hindu backward castes as ministers represents a case of superficial democratization as they were appointed in non-influential ministries or were co-opted only near election time. Indeed, Modi’s developmentalist regime solidified the dominance of upper castes and Patels from an urban background and a few Rajputs, and led to a rural backlash in the form of Patel agitation. In the final section, I analyse these still emerging trends in Gujarat’s polity, which became visible on a rural–urban continuum in the 2017 state election.
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22

Van Dyke, Virginia. "The Khalistan Movement in Punjab, India, and the Post-Militancy Era: Structural Change and New Political Compulsions." Asian Survey 49, no. 6 (November 1, 2009): 975–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2009.49.6.975.

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A Sikh militant movement in Punjab is unlikely to reemerge in the near future because of exhaustion from the militant era, the shift toward federalism in the Indian political system, the increased importance of state level parties, the rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party, and the emergence of coalition politics.
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23

Wyatt, Andrew. "India in 2014." Asian Survey 55, no. 1 (January 2015): 33–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2015.55.1.33.

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The much anticipated general election produced a majority for the Bharatiya Janata Party under the leadership of Narendra Modi. The new administration is setting out an agenda for governing. The economy showed some signs of improvement, business confidence is returning, but economic growth has yet to return to earlier high levels.
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Diwakar, Rekha. "Change and continuity in Indian politics and the Indian party system." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 2, no. 4 (November 25, 2016): 327–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891116679309.

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The 2014 Indian general election was notable due to a single party – the Bharatiya Janata Party – winning a majority of seats in Lok Sabha for the first time since 1984. The Congress, the other main national party, suffered its worst ever defeat. This election was viewed by some as signalling the advent of a phase of a BIP-dominated party system in India. In this article, I revisit the results of this election, and of the subsequent state assembly elections, to analyse if they signal a substantial change in the political landscape and party system in India. I argue that although the Congress decline has continued, and the BJP has won many recent state assembly elections, it is premature to conclude that the Indian party system has shifted to a BJP-dominated one. Further, given India’s first-past-the-post electoral system and a diffused political environment, where state and regional parties continue to be strong in many parts of the country, achieving a legislative majority remains a difficult proposition for a single party.
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Gillan, Michael. "Refugees or infiltrators? The Bharatiya Janata Party and “illegal” migration from Bangladesh." Asian Studies Review 26, no. 1 (March 2002): 73–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357820208713331.

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Tummala, Krishna K. "Constitutional corruption in India: an analysis of two Bharatiya Janata Party scandals." Public Administration and Policy 23, no. 1 (May 1, 2020): 23–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/pap-11-2019-0035.

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PurposeThis paper focuses on two examples of constitutional corruption in India where the constitution is used for questionable political reasons by the Bharatiya Janata Party under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi.Design/methodology/approachThe paper relies on public documents and media reports to analyse Prime Minister Modi's handling of the purchase of Rafale jet fighters from France and the revocation of Articles 370 and 35A which resulted in the division of the State of Jammu and Kashmir.FindingsConstitutional and democratic norms were violated in both cases, but the Supreme Court did not find any irregularities in the sale of the Rafale jet fighters. The second case is under challenge in the Supreme Court. The analysis reveals how the Modi government has undermined democratic values and used constitutional provisions to pursue its partisan and ideological agenda.Originality/valueThe paper focuses attention on the often neglected topic of constitutional corruption in India.
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Singh, Rajkumar, and Chandra Singh Prakash. "GENESIS OF COALITION POLITICS IN INDIA: A REVIEW OF EARLY TO PRESENT." Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 58, no. 2 (December 31, 2019): 185–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.46568/jssh.v58i2.24.

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In the election of 17th Lok Sabha held in mid-2019, the Indian political parties tried hard to be a tie-up with each other against the present Modi-led NDA dispensation. In independent India, first, such attempt was made early in 1974 and started a new process of consolidation of opposition forces by the merger. In line, the Bharatiya Lok Dal (BLD) was formed by the merger of seven political parties and in this process, the constituent units lost their identity in the BLD. At the time although Congress (O) and the Jana Sangh were ready to cooperate but refused to lose their existence. Their experiences of emergency proved a blessing for them and they came together and formed an alliance called Janata Party, to challenge the Congress leadership of the time. Likewise, as of today in 2018-19 the Bharatiya Janata Party is the country’s largest political party in terms of representation in the national parliament and state assemblies and all political parties of present-day India with Indian National Congress as forerunner with the help of regional party try a futile attempt first to challenge and then to defeat the BJP in various elections. Although with a great difference in the situation the motto of opposition parties has been one and only to give weighty protest to turn the events in their favour. This ups and downs of Indian politics may prove a path-breaking for other developing countries where political parties are struggling hard to gain power but did not succeed on account of causes best known to them.
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Saikia, Smitana. "Saffronizing the periphery: Explaining the rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party in contemporary Assam." Studies in Indian Politics 8, no. 1 (May 12, 2020): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023020918064.

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The remotely located and relatively marginalized states of northeast India have historically been a Congress bastion, despite posing continued challenges to the nation-building project through many insurgency movements. The success of the grand old party depended on creating ‘umbrella coalitions’ with diverse ethnic groups to sustain power. However, since General elections 2014, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has successfully challenged the dominance of Congress, particularly in the state of Assam. In this context, this paper seeks to discuss recent shifts in electoral dynamics in Assam and its implication for a region hitherto considered peripheral. The paper situates the BJP’s emergence as the new locus of power in the long-term processes of party politics in Assam and discusses the resultant shifts in social alignments, cleavages and political issues in the multi-ethnic landscape of the state. It also explores the role of the RSS in negotiating its larger ideological interests with local political realities of the state and its ability to appropriate local cultural symbols. The paper concludes that the unprecedented rise of the BJP, which is a result of the changing political opportunity structures in Assam, will nevertheless be tested severely due to the state’s multi-ethnic character and complex, localized social fault lines.
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Chhibber, Pradeep, and Rahul Verma. "The Rise of the Second Dominant Party System in India: BJP’s New Social Coalition in 2019." Studies in Indian Politics 7, no. 2 (December 2019): 131–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023019874628.

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The social coalition that supported the Bharatiya Janata Party in 2019 mirrored the demographic profile of the Hindu society. The party made substantial gains among the lower castes, the poor, rural voters, and less educated. How did BJP manage to attract these new voters? We argue that the immediate context of 2019 elections along with a profound ideological shift in Indian politics lies at the heart of the BJP’s success. Underpinning the short-term factors of Modi’s popularity, BJP’s organizational advantage, heightened nationalistic sentiments, and expansive welfare politics, a new form of ethno-political majoritarianism delinked from religious Hindu nationalism was key to the party’s ability to attract new voters.
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Author, Misbah Mukhtar. "Age of Demagoguery and Surveillance Capitalism: A Case Study of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)." Strategic Studies 41, no. 3 (October 29, 2021): 15–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.041.03.0046.

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Using the theoretical framework of surveillance capitalism, this paper analyses the election campaigns of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) of India during the 2014 and 2019 elections. It endeavours to find out how BJP has weaponised information during these two elections: a) to convince voters, b) to consolidate power at home. By doing content analysis of both primary and secondary sources, the research finds out that massive targeted advertisements were used by BJP’s social media cell during these elections. Third parties (proxy) sources were especially helpful for BJP on Facebook for a wider outreach of its message on social media. The research further elaborates that the timing of targeted advertisements is shaped in a way that it ensures that people click the ad, thus achieving the desired political outcomes for BJP. Towards the end, it formulates a vehement case of taking back control of Indian digital lives by bringing cyberspace under greater democratic oversight and legal accountability.
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McDonnell, Duncan, and Luis Cabrera. "The right-wing populism of India’s Bharatiya Janata Party (and why comparativists should care)." Democratization 26, no. 3 (November 29, 2018): 484–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2018.1551885.

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Maiorano, Diego. "The 2019 Indian Elections and the Ruralization of the BJP." Studies in Indian Politics 7, no. 2 (November 12, 2019): 176–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023019874893.

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The Indian general elections occurred amid a widespread and severe agricultural crisis. Many analysts thought that this could have a substantial impact on the incumbent Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) prospects to remain in office. This article, using post poll data, analyses the voting behaviour of two key sections of the electorate, the rural poor and the farmers. It shows that the BJP drew substantial support from both categories, across caste and class. Far from being a party of the urban upper classes and castes, the results of the 2019 elections mark the culmination of a decades-long process of ruralization and ‘proletarianization’ of the party.
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Tarai, Shashikanta, Arindam Bit, Roopak Kumar, and Anbu Savekar. "Processing of party symbols and names predicts the results of 2019 Indian parliamentary election: Analysing psycholinguistic behavioural incongruency effects." Psychology of Language and Communication 25, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 264–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/plc-2021-0012.

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Abstract The response time and accuracy of processing verbal and nonverbal stimuli may predict the desired outcome of an event. Few studies have examined the psycholinguistic evidence of the speed-accuracy trade-off in the processing of political information to predict the outcome of an election. Therefore, we analysed the perceptual time and accuracy of two major political party names: the Indian National Congress (INC) and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and their respective symbols before the Indian election 2019. Our results demonstrated that the pre-election perceptual accuracy to party symbol and name was positively linear to the index of high proportional vote share of the winning party, BJP. The high response accuracy and time for the BJP name correlated with voters’ familiarity of it, thereby establishing a link between response results and parties’ vote shares.
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Jassal, Nirvikar, and Pradeep Chhibber. "India in 2018." Asian Survey 59, no. 1 (January 2019): 85–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2019.59.1.85.

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Like the previous year, 2018 was marked by a series of vigilante attacks and gruesome acts of violence against women. The Supreme Court passed important gender-related progressive judgements, yet the institution and other public bodies witnessed unprecedented infighting, scandal, and politicization. The Indian economy showed increased growth. The year witnessed the first major electoral setback since 2014 for the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party, and foreshadowed what will likely be a hotly contested general election in 2019.
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Huang, Dekai, and Qi Chen. "The Rapid Growth of the Indian Right and Its Realistic Impact1." Asia Social Science Academy 9, no. 1 (October 31, 2022): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.51600/jass.2022.9.1.7.

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Since coming into power in 2014, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has adopted a series of policies and measures to promote Hindu nationalism as the mainstream ideology of Indian politics, and has formed a comprehensive and open cooperative relationship with Hindu right-wing organizations.On the basis of combing the development of Indian right-wing organizations and summarizing the theoretical propositions of Hindu nationalism, this paper explores the influence of Hindu nationalism on India's domestic and foreign affairs.
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Khan, M. A. Muqtedar, and Rifat Binte Lutful. "Emerging Hindu Rashtra and Its Impact on Indian Muslims." Religions 12, no. 9 (August 27, 2021): 693. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12090693.

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This article examines the impact of the gradual Hindutvaization of Indian culture and politics on Indian Muslims. The article contrasts the status of Muslims in the still secular, pluralistic, and democratic constitution of India with the rather marginalized reality of Muslims since the rise of Hindu nationalism. The article argues that successive electoral victories by Hindu nationalist party, the Bharatiya Janata Party, has precipitated political events, generated policies, and passed new laws that are eroding the democratic nature of India and undermining its religious freedoms. The article documents recent changes that are expediting the emergence of the Hindu state in India and consequently exposes the world’s largest religious minority to an intolerant form of majoritarian governance.
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Singh, Onkar. "West Bengal Assembly Election 2021: An Analysis." Journal of Policy & Governance 01, no. 01 (August 20, 2021): 69–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.33002//jpg010107.

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West Bengal Assembly election was one of the most keenly watched assembly elections in India in 2021. One of the reasons for this interest was the unexpected rise of the Bhartiya Janata Party in a state mostly known for its contests between the Left parties, the Indian National Congress, and the All-India Trinamool Congress. The Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) had only 3 seats in the last assembly election of 2016, whereas the ruling All India Trinamool Congress (AITC or TMC) party had 212 seats. The BJP was never a major player in the state except during the last parliamentary election (2019) when BJP bagged 18 out of the 42 parliamentary seats. The analysis presented in this paper analyzes the constituency-wise figures for each of the 294 constituencies spread over 19 districts of the state of West Bengal in India. The TMC emerged victorious with 48% of the total popular votes, while the opposition BJP got 39% of the popular votes. Also, TMC won 213 (73%) of total seats, whereas the BJP came to a distant second with 77 (26%) seats, even though it raised its stock significantly in the West Bengal Assembly from its 2016 tally of a meager 3 seats. After the West Bengal 2021 election results, Mamata Banerjee emerged as one of the main challengers of BJP at the national arena of Indian politics. This paper will benefit and help anyone interested in Indian political analysis and would also provide key insights for the political analysts and the political parties interested in a seat-by-seat deep dive. The analysis was done with the help of Microsoft Excel and R Software.
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38

Jaffrelot, Christophe. "Quota for Patels? The Neo-middle-class Syndrome and the (partial) Return of Caste Politics in Gujarat." Studies in Indian Politics 4, no. 2 (October 22, 2016): 218–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023016665532.

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The Patels, a dominant caste of Gujarat, rallied around the Congress in the 1920s and remained behind the ruling party until the 1980s, when they shifted to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) because of the pro-Other Backward Classes (OBCs) reservation policy of the Congress Chief Minister Madhavsinh Solanki. As evident from the 2015 local elections, rural Patels are getting back to Congress. They resent the fact that the BJP, the ruling party for almost two decades, refuses to include Patels on the list of the OBCs. This demand, articulated by Hardik Patel, and other youth leaders, reflects the growing socio-economic inequalities within this caste group, not only because of the gap between peasants and urban dwellers but also because of the scarcity of good jobs in the private sectors, one of the outcomes of the ‘Gujarat model’.
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39

Rajeshwar, Yashasvini, and Roy C. Amore. "Coming Home (Ghar Wapsi) and Going Away: Politics and the Mass Conversion Controversy in India." Religions 10, no. 5 (May 9, 2019): 313. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10050313.

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This article addresses two recent socio-religious trends in India: mass conversions to Hinduism (Ghar Wapsi) and mass conversions from Hinduism. Despite officially being a secular nation, organizations allied with the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) are actively promoting mass conversions to Hinduism. Other religions organize mass conversions, usually of Dalits, away from Hinduism and its legacy of caste discrimination. While several states have controversial laws placing restrictions on mass conversions from Hinduism, mass conversions to Hinduism are often seen as being promoted rather than restricted.
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40

Singh, Rajkamal, and Garima Goel. "Organizing a Victory: A Review Essay on the BJP’s 2014 Electoral Success." Studies in Indian Politics 7, no. 2 (December 2019): 274–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023019898925.

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Suhas Palshikar, Sanjay Kumar and Sanjay Lodha (Eds.), Electoral Politics in India: The Resurgence of the Bharatiya Janata Party. London and New York: Routledge. 2017. 312 pages. ₹995. Ashutosh Kumar and Yatindra Singh Sisodia (Eds.), How India Votes: A State-by-State Look. New Delhi: Orient BlackSwan. 2019. 443 pages. ₹1395. Prashant Jha, How the BJP Wins: Inside India’s Greatest Election Machine. New Delhi: Juggernaut Books. 2017. 235 pages. ₹399. Rajdeep Sardesai, ‘2014: The Election that Changed India’. Gurgaon: Penguin Books India. 378 pages. ₹399.
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41

Siboh, Miti. "History of political crises and formation of Bharatiya Janata Party (Bjp) Government in Arunachal Pradesh." Asian Journal of Multidimensional Research (AJMR) 9, no. 7 (2020): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2278-4853.2020.00219.0.

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42

Solodkova, Olga. "The new historical politics and criticism of Jawaharlal Nehru and Indira Gandhi in contemporary Indian press." Asia and Africa Today, no. 4 (2022): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750017717-0.

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To successfully modernize the country and mobilize Indian society and to eventually implement ambitious plans for economic development, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) sets itself the task of achieving national unity. The BJP in the face of its leader Narendra Modi is forced to conduct constant polemics with their main political opponent - the Indian National Congress. Having come to power in 2014, the BJP representatives use a number of management methods aimed at changing the historical memory of the peoples of India, which can be characterized as "historical politics". The authorities are trying to back up their actions to mobilize Indian society with a new historical rationale, using Hindutwa as a "new ideology". A new official version of the past is being formed, history and historical mythology are actively used to solve political problems of the present. The historical memory of society undergoes transformation and becomes an arena for the struggle against a political enemy. In the Indian press, every memorable date, every historical event becomes the basis for broad discussion and polemics with its historical predecessors and political competitors. After coming to power, Bharatiya Janata Party constantly refers to recent historical events, considering them from a certain ideological angle. This controversy, which has spilled over into the pages of the Indian press, allows us to talk about the BJP pursuing a new historical policy aimed at creating comfortable interpretations of controversial historical events for itself.
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43

Solodkova, Olga. "The new historical politics and criticism of Jawaharlal Nehru and Indira Gandhi in contemporary Indian press." Asia and Africa Today, no. 4 (2022): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750017717-0.

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To successfully modernize the country and mobilize Indian society and to eventually implement ambitious plans for economic development, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) sets itself the task of achieving national unity. The BJP in the face of its leader Narendra Modi is forced to conduct constant polemics with their main political opponent - the Indian National Congress. Having come to power in 2014, the BJP representatives use a number of management methods aimed at changing the historical memory of the peoples of India, which can be characterized as "historical politics". The authorities are trying to back up their actions to mobilize Indian society with a new historical rationale, using Hindutwa as a "new ideology". A new official version of the past is being formed, history and historical mythology are actively used to solve political problems of the present. The historical memory of society undergoes transformation and becomes an arena for the struggle against a political enemy. In the Indian press, every memorable date, every historical event becomes the basis for broad discussion and polemics with its historical predecessors and political competitors. After coming to power, Bharatiya Janata Party constantly refers to recent historical events, considering them from a certain ideological angle. This controversy, which has spilled over into the pages of the Indian press, allows us to talk about the BJP pursuing a new historical policy aimed at creating comfortable interpretations of controversial historical events for itself.
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44

Chhibber, Pradeep, and Nirvikar Jassal. "India in 2017." Asian Survey 58, no. 1 (January 2018): 86–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2018.58.1.86.

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The year 2017 saw the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party extend its electoral dominance by winning major state elections. The BJP was less successful, however, in containing contentious politics and vigilantism by right-wing groups. It was also a tumultuous year for the Indian economy as it strove to recover from the shock of major reforms. The Supreme Court issued landmark verdicts likely to have weighty implications for Indian society in the years to come. The Indian government could also claim credit for foreign policy successes vis-à-vis China, Pakistan, Israel, and the ICJ.
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45

Jakesch, Maurice, Kiran Garimella, Dean Eckles, and Mor Naaman. "Trend Alert: A Cross-Platform Organization Manipulated Twitter Trends in the Indian General Election." Proceedings of the ACM on Human-Computer Interaction 5, CSCW2 (October 13, 2021): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3479523.

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Political organizations worldwide keep innovating their use of social media technologies. In the 2019 Indian general election, organizers used a network of WhatsApp groups to manipulate Twitter trends through coordinated mass postings. We joined 600 WhatsApp groups that support the Bharatiya Janata Party, the right-wing party that won the general election, to investigate these campaigns. We found evidence of 75 hashtag manipulation campaigns in the form of mobilization messages with lists of pre-written tweets. Building on this evidence, we estimate the campaigns' size, describe their organization and determine whether they succeeded in creating controlled social media narratives. Our findings show that the campaigns produced hundreds of nationwide Twitter trends throughout the election. Centrally controlled but voluntary in participation, this hybrid configuration of technologies and organizational strategies shows how profoundly online tools transform campaign politics. Trend alerts complicate the debates over the legitimate use of digital tools for political participation and may have provided a blueprint for participatory media manipulation by a party with popular support.
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Tripathi, Vikas, Tamasa Das, and Sandhya Goswami. "National Narrative and Regional Subtext: Understanding the Rise of BJP in Assam." Studies in Indian Politics 6, no. 1 (April 3, 2018): 60–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023018762676.

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The unprecedented mandate in favour of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in the 2016 Assembly elections in Assam necessitates a careful understanding of the growth and consolidation of the party in the state. The BJP’s rise in the state can be understood in the backdrop of a favourable social base which has perceivably shifted from the Congress in recent years. Many factors have been responsible for this shift identifiable through a withering Congress dominance and political stagnancy of the AGP. An understanding of the political shift in Assam with the concomitant rise of the BJP is incomplete without a look into the party movement dialectics marking BJP politics. A blatantly vocal Hindutva rhetoric has been cast aside opting instead for a regionalized portraiture of Hinduism in the state. In this, localized sects and symbols have been inducted into the BJP’s campaign which infused a strong sense of regional identification among the mass of electorate.
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47

Rogenhofer, Julius M. "Antidemocratic Populism in Turkey after the July 2016 Coup Attempt." Populism 1, no. 2 (December 4, 2018): 116–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25888072-00001010.

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AbstractPresident Erdogan and the Justice and Development Party (AKP) fundamentally transformed the Turkish political realm: The AKP was elected in 2002 on promises of economic liberalisation and accession to the European Union (EU). Over sixteen years it steered Turkey from being perceived as a “model” western-style democracy to autocracy. Instrumental for this transformation was Erdogan’s use of a new form of right-wing, religiously legitimated populism that systematically undermined the institutions of democracy by polarising society, capturing the public discourse and disregarding constitutional principles. This article examines the emergence of the AKP’s right-wing, religiously legitimated populism through three analytical lenses: First, the historical development of democracy in Turkey and its shortcomings; second, the antidemocratic effect of Erdogan’s post-coup attempt policies; third, a comparison between the AKP’s brand of populism with political strategies employed by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in India, the Law and Justice Party (PiS) in Poland and Putin’s Russia.
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48

Darab, Rabia. "Centre-state relations under Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) Led NDA (National Democratic Alliance) Post 2014 elections." Asian Journal of Research in Social Sciences and Humanities 12, no. 6 (2022): 89–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2249-7315.2022.00347.1.

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49

Kumar Sarma, Pranjit, and Rituparna Bhattacharyya. "Assembly Elections of India, 2021: Revisiting Assam." Space and Culture, India 9, no. 1 (June 24, 2021): 6–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.20896/saci.v9i1.1189.

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In India, Assembly Elections were held in Assam, West Bengal, Kerela, Tamil Nadu and Puducherry in the first half of 2021. Driving this study is an attempt to analyse the election results of the state of Assam where Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its allies, Mitrajot or National Democratic Alliance (NDA), successfully defeated the Indian National Congress (INC), and its allies, Mahajot (Grand Alliance). Drawing primarily upon secondary data and applying GIS techniques, the study makes a critical analogy of how Mitrajot managed to accomplish victory. This is a solicited article. Submitted: 10 May 2021; Accepted: 24 June 2021.
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50

Daly, Tom Gerald, and Brian Christopher Jones. "Parties versus democracy: Addressing today’s political party threats to democratic rule." International Journal of Constitutional Law 18, no. 2 (July 2020): 509–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/icon/moaa025.

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Abstract The growing threat to liberal democracy worldwide is, in many ways, a political party threat. Recent years have witnessed the rise of a range of authoritarian populist, illiberal, far-right, nativist, and extremist parties. Some have entered government in countries including Hungary, Poland, Austria, and Italy. Germany’s Alternativ für Deutschland (AfD) is now the main parliamentary opposition. Beyond Europe we see democratic structures threatened or incrementally dismantled through the subversion of an established democratic party by an outsider (e.g. Donald Trump in the United States or Rodrigo Duterte in the Philippines) or ascendance of the extremist wing of a right-wing party (e.g. India’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)). Parties and party leaders occupying an ill-defined space on the political spectrum—a form of “far-right lite”—today generally present a much greater threat to democratic governance than overtly antidemocratic fringe outfits, such as Germany’s National Democratic Party (NPD). The ambiguity of such parties, their growing size, their entry into government, the subversion of “good” democratic parties by a “bad” leadership, and the rise of the “shadow party” and intensifying external control mean that contemporary political party threats seriously frustrate the possibility of remedial action afforded by existing public law and policy mechanisms. They also require us to reflect anew on crafting novel remedies and to revisit our deep assumptions about parties as creatures of central constitutional importance.
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