Journal articles on the topic 'Janissary Corps'

The transformations that occurred in the Ottoman Empire in the eighteenth century, summarized by one author as more army, more taxes, more bureaucracy, and more state intrusion in the Ottoman provinces, radically changed provincial life in the Ottoman domains. Growing tax and manpower demands not only increased socio-economic pressure on the provinces but also redefined the sultan’s relationship with local authorities. Accompanied by the increasingly frequent stationing of the Janissary corps in the Ottoman provinces, especially in the seventeenth century, the Ottoman cities and towns saw new elite configurations and new types of power struggles and came under greater economic pressure. The rising number of registered Janissaries changed the internal dynamics of the towns, shaped local politics, and created new struggles for power in the cities where corps regiments were stationed, pushing the Janissaries into local politics, whether as rivals or allies of the local elite. As elsewhere, the southern Anatolian town of Adana witnessed such changes in its social structure, local politics, and relations with the imperial authority. Although similarities are to be seen with the eighteenth century provincial power struggles in the Anatolian and Arabian cities of Gaziantep and Aleppo in terms of intense factional strife and the active involvement of the Janissaries and their pretenders in local politics, the power struggle in Adana was between several Janissary officers, one of whom subsequently managed to become the urban notable (ayan) of the town.

This essay is a contribution to the study of provincial janissaries through the case of Crete. After a brief survey of the history of the janissary corps as the wider framework within which the janissaries of Crete have to be studied, the essay focuses on them, resolving the confusion between janissaries and other military groups, discussing the differences between imperial and local janissaries, and offering an explanation as to why various sources exaggerate the number of janissaries while officially they were relatively few. Finally, it is argued that, from a socio-economic point of view, the janissaries must be seen as inclusive and expansive urban and rural networks that placed their members at an advantageous position over others through legal privilege and access to funds.

One of the central linages in Turkish Sufism was the Ottoman promoted Bektashi Order, closely connected to the Janissary corps. Nowadays the tradition is often labeled as a ‘popular Sufism’, without any discussion of what that concept means and the contradictions between folk religion and Sufism in general. This article concerns the question of what constitutes popular Sufism and how it is expressed within the Bektashi tradition. The first part analyzes the trends and religio-sociological components of Sufism and folk culture in the early Bektashi hagiographic text, Velayetname, and in the younger Bektashi textbook, Makalat. The second part consists of a discussion of what Sufi components the modern Albanian Bektashi Order has preserved and to what extent this Order still is a Sufi order and not just an Islamic folk religion

Sultan Mahmud II (r. 1808–1839) was a transformative figure in the history of the Ottoman Empire, renowned for his extensive reforms aimed at modernizing the state and centralizing power. His reign marked a significant shift from traditional Ottoman practices to a more centralized, bureaucratic structure in response to the empire’s growing challenges, including military decline, internal discontent, and external pressures from European powers. Key reforms included the abolition of the Janissary Corps in the Auspicious Incident (1826), the creation of a new modern army, and the introduction of legal and administrative changes. Mahmud II also fostered the development of secular education, promoted Western-style infrastructure, and worked to strengthen the empire’s financial and military systems. Despite facing significant resistance, his efforts laid the groundwork for future modernization in the Tanzimat period. Mahmud II’s reign represents a critical turning point in the Ottoman Empire’s history, balancing tradition and reform to ensure its survival in an era of significant transformation.

The paper examines how various 16th century Christian sources (the vitae of the Balkan martyrs and the notes of Western travelers) reflect one of the cruelest practices of the Ottoman Empire: It is the so-called devshirme or «blood tax» – a system of forced recruitment of Christian boys for their conversion to Islam, upbringing in Turkish culture and subsequent transformation into faithful servants of sultan – soldiers of the Janissary corps or civil servants. Author of the South Slavic vitae of St. George the New of Sophia warns his Christian readers against the dangers of devshirme, as the main character of the vitae even had to leave his native home in order not to become a janissary and to keep his faith. The South Slavic scribe is echoed by the author of the Russian vitae of St. George the New: he conveys a frightening description of devshirme as the most terrible atrocity of the «Hagaren tsars» – for the sake of the sultan’s «honors» Christian children forget their faith and turn into faithful servants of a foreign religion. More detailed descriptions of devshirme are found in the writings left by Western travelers and diplomats who visited the Ottoman empire in the 16th century. They also talk about the horrors of the «blood tax», but more focus on how the Christians of the Ottoman Empire tried to avoid this heavy levy, as well as on the fact that some Christians themselves were ready to give their children to the Ottoman sultans in order to provide them with better social standing in the future. Western authors do not ignore some of the abuses of the Ottoman authorities in collecting the «blood tax» in the second half of the 16th century, that can be explained by negative trends in the development of the Ottoman state in this period. Despite all of this, many European travelers and diplomats talk about the meritocratic approach of the Ottoman authorities to the formation of the state elite, which is partly expressed in devshirme. The Western authors find this approach as one of the main reasons for the success of the 16th-century Ottoman expansion.

AbstractThis article analyzes the practice of suretyship (kefalet), surveillance and taxation in early nineteenth-century İstanbul. It deals with how the practice of suretyship functioned to achieve social control; it provided shelter for some but at the same time marginalized others with little or no social status. This article also analyzes the extent to which the state maintained order through suretyship. In this way, it intends to capture where and how state and society interacted through social and state control mechanisms. To this end, this article takes into consideration two particular events, the Greek uprising of 1821 and the abolition of the Janissary Corps in 1826, and demonstrates a growing tendency towards impersonal relations in terms of governmental practices of surveillance. Briefly, it illustrates how suretyship changed over time and how a gradual transition took place from personal to impersonal relations as well as within governmental practices. Furthermore, this article provides examples of similar practices by focusing on an institutional development that involved the government systematically accumulating knowledge about the population. Finally, it explores taxation practices by the government in order to. show how the pre-modern (contractual) and the modern (statutory) state were not substitutes for each other, but rather shaped each other.

An Urban Myth Revised: Were Bolu Originated Cooks First Employed in the Imperial Kitchens by the Reign of Mehmed II? This article tries to explore the entrance of Bolu-originated-cooks into the imperial kitchens of the Ottoman Empire. It primarily intends to correct conventional wisdom, telling that during Mehmed II's reign, they were first employed in the palace. Understanding that this information comes from only one source and without a reference, the study tries to determine when they enter the kitchen. To this end, it analyzes wage registers, covering some records from the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries, reflecting the personnel of the imperial kitchen. By this, it claims that it was unlikely to form teams of kitchen-related employees specifically originated from one or more cities until the mid-seventeenth century. Until that time, the staff of the palace kitchens almost entirely originated from Rumelia. It is after that time when this pattern began to change with the personnel coming from Anatolia. Interestingly, this phenomenon also overlaps with the decline of the devşirme system. The rise of the Anatolian cooks in the kitchens continued in the eighteenth century and some city-based clusters emerged. In the first decades of the nineteenth century, most of the kitchen stuff was from Nevşehir. However, there is no sign of Bolu originated people between 1814 and 1826. After the abolishment of the Janissary corps, cooks from central Bolu, Dörtdivan, Çarşamba (Seben) were intensively present in the royal kitchens. The article shows that these rising employment rates were related to their well-known culinary skills in Istanbul's elite circles.

Hâcı Bektâş-ı Velî is one of the dervishes known as Horasan Saints who lived in the thir-teenth century. After coming to Anatolia due to the Mongol invasion, he settled in Sulucakarahöyük, which is today known as Hacıbektaş, in Nevşehir. In Sulucakarahöyük, he took care of both village affairs and worship and trained many caliphs. He deeply influenced the people around him and was loved by them. He left his mark, especially in the Alevi-Bektaşi circles. He is regarded as the leader of the Janissary Corps and Bektashism. Menâkıb-ı Hâcı Bektâş-ı Velî, one of the works of Sufi Turkish literature that developed in the Islamic religion, is one of the most well-known Bektaşi vilayetnamesi. In this work, which is examined from various perspectives, the arrival of Haji Bektaiş-i Veli in Rum and the miracles he showed here with the permission of Allah are told in the form of stories. This text is registered in the Ankara National Library Manuscripts Collection with the fixture number 06 Mil Yz A 6732-6. The work has 6.5 leaves, 11 lines on each page, and is written in a Nasikh script. The language of the work has the characteristics of the Classical Ottoman Turkish Period, it was written for the common folk and a plain prose style was used. The work is written in very simple, fluent, and understandable Turkish. In this study, besides the transcripted text and translation of the work, literary and linguistic analysis will be made on the work and various indexes of the work (grammatical index, index of inflectional suffixes, index of person and place names, index of Arabic phrases) will be taken. The study will be concluded by examining the vocabulary of the work and presenting the findings

Bektaşilik 13. Y&uuml;zyılda Horosan erenlerinden Hacı Bektaş-ı Velinin m&uuml;ritleri tarafından kurulup 16. Y&uuml;zyılda Balım Sultan tarafından kurumsallaştırılmış senkretik bir tarikattır. Bektaşiliğin &ouml;z&uuml;nde Yesevilik, Kalenderilik, Melamilik, Haydarilik, Vefailik gibi tasavvufi akımlar bulunmakla beraber tarikatın Hurufilikten de etkilendiği bilinmektedir. Temelinde sevgi ve hoşg&ouml;r&uuml; bulunan Bektaşiliğin en karakteristik &ouml;zelliği m&uuml;ntesiplerinin n&uuml;kteli s&ouml;yleyişleri ile acıma ve şefkati esas alan birleştirici y&ouml;n&uuml;d&uuml;r. Bektaşilik s&uuml;nni İslam geleneğiyle &ccedil;atışmasına rağmen Osmanlı b&uuml;rokrasisiyle iyi ilişkiler kurmayı başarmış ayrıca Aleviliğin soy bağını esas alan kısıtlamalarına karşın Bektaşilik herkesin bağlanabildiği meşru bir kurum olmuştur. Bu olumlu ilişkiler Yeni&ccedil;eri Ocağının kaldırılmasına kadar devam etmiş, tarikat mensupları Osmanlı b&uuml;rokrasisinde daima ayrıcalıklı bir stat&uuml;ye sahip olmuştur. Bu makale Osmanlı Devleti&rsquo;nin Bektaşiliği lağvederken kullandığı y&ouml;ntemleri incelemektedir. Bir giriş ve &uuml;&ccedil; alt başlıktan oluşan makalenin giriş b&ouml;l&uuml;m&uuml;nde Bektaşilik hakkında kavramsal bir &ccedil;er&ccedil;eve &ccedil;izilerek tarikatın Osmanlı Devleti&rsquo;yle olan ilişkileri hakkında panoramik ve kronolojik bir değerlendirme ger&ccedil;ekleştirilmiş, alt başlıklarda ise tarikatın tasfiyesinde kullanılan y&ouml;ntemler irdelenmiştir. <strong>Abstract</strong> Bektashism is a syncretic sect founded in the 13th century by the disciples of Hacı Bektaş-ı Veli, one of the saints of Khorasan, and institutionalized by Balım Sultan in the 16th century. Although Bektashism has Sufi movements such as Yesevi, Kalenderi, Melami, Haydari, Vefai, it is known that the sect is also influenced by Hurufism. The most characteristic feature of Bektashism, which is based on love and tolerance, is the witty expressions of its followers and the unifying aspect based on pity and compassion. Despite its conflict with the Sunni Islamic tradition, Bektashism managed to establish good relations with the Ottoman bureaucracy, and despite the restrictions of Alevism based on lineage, Bektashism became a legitimate institution to which everyone could subscribe. These positive relations continued until the abolition of the Janissary Corps, and members of the order always had a privileged status in the Ottoman bureaucracy. This article examines the methods used by the Ottoman Empire when abolishing Bektashism. In the introductory part of the article, which consists of an introduction and three subheadings, a conceptual framework about Bektashism is drawn and a panoramic and chronological evaluation of the sect's relations with the Ottoman Empire is made, and in the subheadings the methods used in the liquidation of the sect are examined.

The Harabati Baba Lodge settlement, significant religious center, is located in the province of Tetovo, west of Skopje, the capital of North Macedonia. The settlement has recognized as the considerable place in the field of culture, arts and crafts thanks to its dervishes as well. Therefore, not only it essentially consists of public spaces with socio-cultural functions but also there are places of worship and for accommodation that require privacy. The Lodge settlement, with high courtyard walls and four monumental gates, emerges as a sample that representing an extensive and fragmented site planning existing in the Bektashi Lodges in the late period in Balkans. In this context, the Shadirvan, as a rarely seen sample in Balkans with a fascinating timber ceiling with its ornaments, the Soup kitchen with a semi-open summer place, the Guesthouse, a mansion with an open sofa on the upper floor, the two-storeyed Hotel building (former Military Hall), and (former Barn) Restaurant can be mentioned as the public spaces of Lodge Settlement. On the other hand, ‘Meydan’ as worship space with a low dome inside, a preparation space, the Fatma House with a hand-drawn decoration similar to Skopje Alaca Mosque, the Dervish House, constructed of rubble stone and mudbrick, and Harabati Baba and Sersem Ali Baba Shrines, similar to Seljuk and Ottoman examples in terms of architectural tradition can be considered as the places that have been privatized. Within the scope of this article, the spatial pattern of the Harabati Baba Lodge settlement and structures has been discussed in the historical context. Periodic socio-cultural divergencies and spatial transformations have been revealed on the basis of information obtained from written records, historical sources and archives, visual materials, old photographs, and traces from the buildings, through applying comparative study and architectural necessity criteria. The Tekke settlement with its landscape was scrutinized in four leading periods based on comparative studies on similar period features, building typologies, and architectural requirements. Harabati Baba Lodge might have been built in 958/1551 by Sersem Ali Baba, who is known to be the Bektashi father. In this period, the population of Tetovo, which was a small town in the second half of the 15th century, and the Muslim population in the town increased with the activities of Bektashi dervishes. This foundation period was continued until the arrival of Harabati Baba, known as the second founder, in the second half of the 18th century. The second period can be considered as the period of Recep Pasha, the administrator in Tetovo, due to renovation and restoration of the structures in the lodge. In the 19th century, it is stated that the dervishes, who were exiled and escaped after the Janissary Corps and the Bektashi convents had been closed, came to Balkans and that the Lodge was used as a military base. The third period covers the period between the death of Recep Pasha in 1822 and the extensive restoration/repair interventions in 1967. The fourth period (1967-present day) comprises the late interventions and the first official restoration.

In this study, the emergence of the Stretchers&rsquo; Quarry established in Scutari (&Uuml;sk&uuml;dar), the change it has undergone in the historical process, the outbuildings of the quarry, the money foundations connected to the quarry and their functioning have been tried to be handled mostly in the light of the 18th century Ottoman Judges&rsquo;s registers and archive records. In connection with the subject, previous studies have been examined and evaluated within the framework of documents. First of all, it should be noted that the tradition of hunting was an action made to meet the food and clothing needs of human beings in the historical process, but over time, it became an organization for monarchs and state administrators to prepare for war with the enemy and sometimes for entertainment. Lethal and wounding tools to catch game animals, beside the falcon, bazzard, sparrowhawkand, goshawk, animals such as greyhound and hound were also used. Units named &ldquo;chief of hunting&rdquo; (Shikar Agha) were created in the Ottoman palace and the military organization, which were dealing with the care of animals used in hunting. The Stretchers&rsquo; Quarry, which is the subject of this study, is one of the units in question. Quarry was established in Scutari Garden, which belongs to the Palace in Scutari. The fact that Scutari was preferred as the location can be explained by the location of this place. Because the wide area extending from Scutari and Beykoz to Şile is allocated to the palace as hunting grounds. Scutari, one of the three important provinces of the state on the Anatolian side, is a region equipped with many institutions. Although there is no exact information about the foundation date of the quarry, it is thought that it was built in the same period as Scutari Garden, that is, after 1560&rsquo;s. The quarry&rsquo;s employees were called as tazidji, and those who were at the head were called tazidji corps In addition, since they are affiliated with Bostancıbaşı, the proportion of &ldquo;bostanj&icirc;&rdquo; (corps) has been added to the end of the employees&rsquo; names. &ldquo;Tazıcıbaşı&rdquo;, who are selected from people who have a certain status in the society, are responsible for the organziation of the quarry. They had additional duties such as protecting the forests, trees allocated for hunting and preventing anyone from hunting there. In the historical course, it is seen that during the times of extraordinary events, the tazidji and tazidji corps were given various duties to ensure the public order of the city. As it is understood from the records, a part of the financing of the quarry was provided by the income obtained from the foundation properties located around Scutari. Apart from Scutari, there were vineyards devoted to the quarry. Money Waqf, which have become an important part of the Ottoman economic life, also served as a source of financing for the Stretchers&rsquo; quarry. The administration of these foundations was undertaken by quarry workers nicknamed bostan&icirc;. The money foundations established here played an important role in meeting the needs of not only the quarry personnel but also the masjid in the outbuilding. According to the documents that have survived to date, it has been determined that money foundations are borrowed through one of the operating forms, the mortgage (lease). When the debt records in the court registers in the first quarter of the 18th century are examined, it is seen that Muslims borrow from the money foundations belonging to the palace gardens in the vicinity, and the non-Muslims living in Scutari mostly prefer the foundations of the Stretchers&rsquo; Quarry. The quarry&rsquo;s location which was built on the Karaca Ahmed side of today&rsquo;s Selimiye barracks included the shelters of the rescuers, the masjid where the quarry&rsquo;s staff pray, kitchen, barns for greyhounds, the Fountain of Stretchers&rsquo;, and a tranining area for the archers. The masjid, built in two floors, was rebuilt in the 16th century because it was devastated over time. After the construction of Selimiye Barracks in the 19th century, the masjid disappeared, therefore, not much information could be identified about it. Greyhounds barn is among the most important parts of the quarry. Greyhound has an important place in Turkish hunting culture. The Turks have been familiar with this animal since Central Asia. As a matter of fact, a greyhound called Turkish hound is mentioned in the documents. The hounds needed for the Stretchers&rsquo; quarry were primarily supplied from Scutari, Kocaeli. If needed, hound was also provided from nearby places such as Bolu and H&uuml;davendigar. In the time of IV. Mehmed, also known as Hunter Mehmed, hounds were brought from many places to the hunting areas where the sultan was located. According to the information in the archive records, flour was sent from Unkapanı to feed the hounds left in the barn, and the cost was collected from the treasury. The barn, which had existed for many years, was destroyed during the construction of the Selimiye Barracks, and the hounds were transferred to other places. After III. Selim was removed from the throne, the barn was revived. With the abolition of the Janissary in 1826, the Stretchers&rsquo; Quarry and the stables barn ceased to be needed. According to the records, this place was allocated to horses since 1850. One of the places mentioned together with the Stretchers&rsquo; Quarry is the training area of the archer. There was an range point for the training of archers, which had a very important place in the classical period wars. According to the record written in 1705, this range point became disfunctional about thirty years ago (1675), and Scutari archers demanded that this place be revived. The only outbuilding we have of the Stretchers&rsquo; Quarry today is the Stretchers&rsquo; Fountain. This fountain is located in the parking lot of Selimiye Petty Office Club to the right of the road from Scutari to Haydarpaşa. There is the Hasib Pasha Fountain just across the Stretchers&rsquo; Fountain. It is said that the Stretchers&#39; Fountain was built by Mimar Sinan. However, in the inscriptions on the fountain, there are statements about the horses placed here after 1850. In the late 1800s and early 1900s, the water sewers around the fountain were repaired, landscaping was made by laying the sidewalk. The fountain was restored in 2019 with the efforts of the 1st Army Command, thus maintaining the historical memory. As a result, the Stretchers&rsquo; Quarry, which was built in the second half of the 16th century, continued its existence in Scutari for nearly three centuries. Due to its presence in Scutari, it has affected the political and socio-economic life of this place in many ways. The quarry, 1826, with the removal of the Janissaries and a new management approach, it lost its function.

Sultan II. Mahmud saltanatının ilk yıllarında yeniçeriler ve müttefiklerinin hayatına yönelik ciddi tehditlerine maruz kaldı. Sultan 1808’deki Alemdar Vakası sırasında hayatını ve tahtını korumayı başardıysa da, yeniçeriler belli bir süre daha sultanın şahsına yönelik siyasi aşağılama ve tacizlere devam ettiler. Bu acı tecrübeler II. Mahmud’un halet-i ruhiyesinde sadece derin yaralar bırakmakla kalmadı aynı zamanda yeniçerilere karşı büyük bir nefret duygusunu da beraberinde getirdi. 1826’da iyi ve sabırla uygulanmış bir plan doğrultusunda Yeniçeri Ocağı’nın ortadan kaldırması bile sultanı iktidarına yönelik yeniçeri tehdidinin geçtiği konusunda ikna edemedi. Sultan bu yüzden vezirlerini ve diğer devlet görevlilerini potansiyel bir yeniçeri komplosuna karşı her daim uyanık olmaları konusunda uyarmaya devam etti. Yeniçeriler konusundaki bu aşırı hassasiyeti sultanı en ufak komplo ihbar ve ithamlarına dahi inanmaya ve vezirlerini ihmalkârlıkla suçlamaya kadar götürdüğünden, vezirler ve paşalar bu dönemde kendi kariyerlerini korumanın yeniçerilik konusunda sultandan daha hassas görünmekte yattığını anlamakta gecikmediler. İçlerinde bazıları sultanın bu zafiyetini istismar ederek önemsiz dedikodu ve olayları imparatorluk geneline yayılmış yeniçeri komploları olarak lanse ederek sultanın gözüne girmeye çabaladılar. Bu hâkim atmosfer sıradan halk ve sabık yeniçeriler için ciddi sonuçlar doğurdu; sultanın yeni rejimini ve reformlarını eleştiren ya da en ufak muhalif görüş belirten herkes sürgün ya da idam cezası riski ile karşı karşıyaydı. Bu sebeple, 1826 ile 1830 arası dönem II. Mahmud yönetimine karşı çeşitli yeniçeri komplolarının birbiri ardına ortaya çıkarıldığı ve sabık yeniçeriler ile sivillerin sürgün ve idam cezasına çarptırıldığı bir dönem oldu.

The Bektashi tarika, a Sufi religious order, traces its founding to Haci Bektash Beli, who arrived in Anatolia in the 13th century CE (7th century AH) from Khorasan. The religious order became influential within the Ottoman Empire, in part due to its association with the powerful Janissary corps; Bektashi tekkes, or lodges, were built across the Ottoman Empire, most notably in the Balkans, Anatolia, and the Aegean. Although the order became powerful in the Ottoman Empire, which officially followed the Sunni Hanafi school, the practices of the order include recognition of the twelve imams, a Shi'ite practice. The group's practices also drew from popular mysticism and incorporated some Christian elements, such as the welcoming of new members with wine, bread and cheese, which is perhaps drawn from the Artotyrite version of Christian communion. The order was led by the Celebi, who lived in the pir-evi (dervish lodge) built over the tomb of Haci Bektash near Kirshehir and Kayseri in central Anatolia. Influential Bektashi writings include the Makalat of Haci Bektash, which was written in Arabic and later translated into Turkish. Due to the affiliation of the Janissary corps with the Bektashi tariqa, the destruction of the Janissary corps in 1826 by Mahmud II negatively affected the continuation of the order. As of 1915, Bektashi communities continued to exist in Asia Minor, the Balkans (especially Albania), and the Aegean (see F. W. Hasluck). However, Bektashi tekkes were also built in Cairo, Baghdad, and Karbala. Today, the Bektashi order exists most prominently in Albania. Both men and women took part in Bektashi rites. Bektashi tekkes, or lodges, were most commonly built on the outskirts of densely inhabited areas; this contrasted with tekkes of other Sufi orders that were more commonly built in urban centers (Hasluck, p. 85-86). An example of this phenomenon can be seen clearly in the old city of Rethymno on Crete: while the Veli Pasha Bektashi lodge was built in the agricultural land outside of the city center, two other Sufi lodges were built within the city shortly after the Ottoman conquest of Rethymno.

Lots of benefactors from almost every status, member of military or non-military class and wealthy or middle class member in the Ottoman society, served and contributed to the city in which they lived by waqfs they founded and properties which they donated to the waqfs to their cities. Waqfs which founded with large participation and performed with an active administration and under close supervision both grew in number and served bigger crowds throuhout the Ottoman history. Janissaries who performed military duties in Ottoman İstanbul became the founders of assorted waqfs with getting stronger financally especially in the eighteenth century. In the eighteenth century, from high ranking officers such as janissary ağas to low ranking soldiers lots of janissaries founded waqfs. Accordingly, in this paper waqfs founded by members of the janissary corps which had an important place in Ottoman military power, will be analyzed and their new identity as waqf founders will be examined in the case of Istanbul. In this context, relationships of janissaries with civil life, econemic power of the corps, colloboration and credit relations will be analyzed and their affect on city life will be described. It will go over the documents which belong to the aforementioned period both in the Archives of Directorate General of Foundations and Directorate of State Archives.

В статье изучены закономерности превращения военной силы в политическую в условиях политической борьбы на примере янычарского корпуса: от его становления до упадка и ликвидации. Прослежена эволюция &laquo;ени чери&raquo;: от эффективной военной организации до бюрократизированной и ретроградной структуры, не способной выполнять боевые задачи в русско-турецких войнах. The article studies the regularities of the transformation of military force into political force in the conditions of political struggle on the example of the Janissary corps: from its formation to its decline and liquidation. The evolution of the &quot;Yenisei&quot; is traced: from an effective military organization to a bureaucratic and retrograde structure that is not able to perform combat tasks in the Russian-Turkish wars.

This study delves into the hitherto unexplored involvement of Armenian troops in the defense of Tabriz in 1724, drawing on an extensive analysis of historical materials. In 1723-1724, the Ottoman Empire launched invasions into Safavid Iran from several directions. By September 1724, one Ottoman army, led by Abdullah Pasha of Van, advanced towards Tabriz and attempted to storm the city. During the ensuing battle, the Turkish forces were soundly defeated and driven back, suffering approximately 20,000 casualties. European sources emphasize the significant role played by Armenian military units in the decisive victory at the Battle of Tabriz, the sole triumph for Persian forces during the 1724 campaign. Notably, the majority of these units arrived from Karabakh. The Armenian troops were instrumental in virtually annihilating the elite Janissary corps within Abdullah Pasha's army. This article identifies the Armenian detachments involved in the defense of Tabriz, listing their commanders: Parsadan-bek, Melik-Egan, Pilibek Basaurov, David, Abidjan, Aghajan, Akhnazar, Balig, among others.

Significant progress was made in the fight against fire as a common problem of humanity&#x0D; in the 19th century. The impact of Italian scientist Giovanni Aldini is great on this&#x0D; progress. Aldini invented a fireproof fabric woven from asbestos together with various&#x0D; materials for firefighters to use during a fire. Aldini, who made production and scientific&#x0D; publications about this invention, had exercises done in various centers in Europe. While&#x0D; these developments were taking place in Europe, the Ottoman Empire closed the Tulumbacılar&#x0D; Corps together with the Janissary Corps in 1826 and left no official institution to&#x0D; fight the fire. Since there was no institution to fight the Hocapaşa fire that broke out on&#x0D; August 2, 1826, many state institutions, especially the Bâbıali, suffered serious damage.&#x0D; After introducing his invention to the European kingdoms and nobles, Giovanni Aldini&#x0D; applied to the Ottoman sultan about his fire protection inventions just after the 1826&#x0D; Hocapaşa fire. In this study, the letter of Aldini and the Turkish abstract of it written to&#x0D; present his fireproof fabric and other products produced from asbestos to Sultan Mahmud&#x0D; II are discussed. Despite, Aldini presenting information about his invention at a time&#x0D; when the Ottoman state needed it most, the reasons why it was not evaluated will also be&#x0D; examined.

SELANİK’TE MUHTARLIK KURUMUNUN OLUŞTURULMASI: MAHALLELER VE İLK MUHTARLAR Tahsin HAZIRBULAN* Öz: II. Mahmud’un saltanat zamanı Osmanlı Devleti’nin ayanlar karşısında merkezileşme, batı karşısında modernleşmenin başladığı bir dönemdir. İdarî anlamda ayanların taşrada, Yeniçeri Ocağı’nın merkezdeki hâkimiyeti bu dönemde sonlandırılmıştır. Daha önce Yeniçeri Ocağı’na bağlı subay ve askerlerin kontrolünde yapılan genel güvenlik ve beledi hizmetler, ocağın kapatılması sonrasında yeni idari yapıların teşekkülünü zorunlu kılmıştır. Bu nedenle bu türden hizmetlerin sorunsuz ve kesintisiz bir şekilde devam ettirilmesi isteği, 1829’da Galata, Eyüp ve Üsküdar’da ilk muhtarlık teşkilatının oluşturulmasına neden olmuştur. İstanbul’da sağlanan başarı, muhtarlık kurumunun taşra içerisinde de uygulanmasına imkân sağlamıştır. Selanik’e ait 19 Şubat 1835 tarihli bir deftere göre, muhtarlık teşkilatının Selanik’te kurulduğu ve merkezde bulunan Müslüman, Hristiyan ve Musevi mahallelere muhtar ve kâhya atamaları yapıldığı görülmektedir. Çalışmada merkezî bir teşkilatın taşradaki ilk örneklerinden birisi ortaya koymaya çalışılacaktır. Selanik’e bağlı mahallelerde görev yapan ilk muhtar ve kâhyaların isim ve künye bilgileri verilecektir. Anahtar Kelimeler: II. Mahmud, Selanik, Mahalle, İmam, Muhtar, Kâhya. ESTABLİSHMENT OF THE HEADMAN INSTİTUTİON İN THESSALONİKİ: NEİGHBORHOODS AND THEİR FİRST HEADMEN Abstract: The reign of Mahmud II was a period when the Ottoman Empire began to centralize against the notables and modernize against the West. In the administrative sense, the dominance of the notables in the countryside and the janissary corps in the center was ended in this period. General security and municipal services, which were previously under the control of officers and soldiers affiliated to the Janissary Corps, necessitated the formation of new administrative structures after the closure of this place. For this reason, the desire to continue such services without any problems caused the establishment of the first mukhtar organization in Galata, Eyüp and Üsküdar in 1829. The success achieved in Istanbul enabled the implementation of the mukhtar institution in the provinces as well. According to a book dated February 19, 1835 belonging to Thessaloniki, it is seen that the headman organization was established in Thessaloniki and the headmen and stewards were appointed to the Muslim, Christian and Jewish neighborhoods in the center. In this study, one of the first examples of a central organization in the province will be tried to be revealed. The names and identification information of the first headmen and stewards who worked in the neighborhoods of Thessaloniki will be given. Keywords: II. Mahmud, Thessaloniki, Neighborhood, İmam, Muhtar, Kahya.

Islamic religion spreading was influenced by the different local traditions among which Sufism, a religious mysticism (tasavvuf) organized under the institutions of tariqa emerged. This was followed by the emergence of as a place where divisions (orders) members were gathered known under names of tekke, zaviye, hankâh, ribat and a dervish lodge. This study elaborates several tekkes established by the Ottomans in the Balkans. Building style of the tekkes varied according to the procedures as well as manners of the order. Tekkes, which have a simple appearance, generally consist of a mosque, semahane, cellar, kitchen, cells, çilehane, selâmlık and harem. However, most of the buildings within the tekke are constructed over a large span of time. The aim of this study is to better understand the spatial setup of this organizational structure, which directly contributed to the conquest in the Balkans through the janissary corps and to the futuwwa (a set of religious and moral vocational norms) through the ahis (religious and moral vocational chamber). For this purpose, the locations of the tekkes and their architectural features, which were established successively one after the other with the conquests, have been analyzed. In final, the architectural typological of the tekkes is obtained according to the belief tradition, positioning, foundation schemes and special plans of the early period structures set within the tekke.

Islamic religion spreading was influenced by the different local traditions among which Sufism, a religious mysticism (tasavvuf) organized under the institutions of tariqa emerged. This was followed by the emergence of as a place where divisions (orders) members were gathered known under names of tekke, zaviye, hankâh, ribat and a dervish lodge. This study elaborates several tekkes established by the Ottomans in the Balkans. Building style of the tekkes varied according to the procedures as well as manners of the order. Tekkes, which have a simple appearance, generally consist of a mosque, semahane, cellar, kitchen, cells, çilehane, selâmlık and harem. However, most of the buildings within the tekke are constructed over a large span of time. The aim of this study is to better understand the spatial setup of this organizational structure, which directly contributed to the conquest in the Balkans through the janissary corps and to the futuwwa (a set of religious and moral vocational norms) through the ahis (religious and moral vocational chamber). For this purpose, the locations of the tekkes and their architectural features, which were established successively one after the other with the conquests, have been analyzed. In final, the architectural typological of the tekkes is obtained according to the belief tradition, positioning, foundation schemes and special plans of the early period structures set within the tekke.

Abstract This articles main argument is that in the course of the eighteenth century, the Janissary corps evolved into a powerful platform for the exchange of people, goods, and ideas between different localities covering a vast geographical area. By elaborating on this idea this paper maintains that the Janissaries should be treated as a key institutionfor the examination of Muslim economic and political history in the Ottoman periphery.We claim thatthe studyof their networkshas the potential to drastically redefine our current perception of the sociopolitical and financial role of Muslims in the early modern Ottoman Empire.Such a research can help us create a more balanced and less Eurocentric picture of the trading operations of Muslims in the regionand better understandthe dissemination of ideas and political movements between a number of Muslim communities where the Janissaries had a strong presence.Аннотация Главныи тезис статьи то, что на протяжении XVIII века, корпус янычар эволюционировал в мощную платформу перемещения людеи, товаров и идеи между различными регионами обширного географического пространства. Обосновывая эту идею, автор статьи подчеркивает, что янычары как институт являются своеобразным ключом к исследованию экономическои и политическои истории исламских общин на периферии Османскои империи. На взгляд автора, исследование этих сетеи взаимодеиствия позволяет радикально пересмотреть нынешнее восприятие социополитическои и финансовои роли мусульман в Османскои империи раннего Нового времени. Подобные исследования дают возможность выработать более сбалансированную и менее евроцентричную картину мусульманских торговых операции в регионе, и лучше понять распространение идеи и политических движении среди различных исламских общин в тех регионах, где присутствие янычар было значимым.

The 19th century, which was turbulent in the social and political fields, but experienced such positive developments in the art life, appears as the age of reforms in all aspects of life in the Ottoman Empire. Important artists in terms of Islamic calligraphy were educated in this period and the evolutionary movements that affected the next ages were realized. However, sharp events such as the abolition of the Janissary Corps and the abolition of Bektashism as a result also occurred in this period. Tahir Baba Dervish Lodge, which was demolished in the events of 1826 after being founded at the end of the 18th century and reopened in the 1860s and was completely erased from the scene of history after 1925, is one of the structures that witnessed these periods. Today, only a small burial ground of the lodge remains. The inscription moulds written by Ahmed Rıf'at Efendi, a calligrapher of the period, are like a document about the existence and adventure of the dervish lodge. Although the building and inscription do not exist today, its text has survived. The inscription moulds in Konya Regional Manuscripts Library BY8363 carry the information about the period and the work in which it was written, as well as about the calligrapher and artistic power. In the study, the inscription text of Rıf'at Efendi's Tahir Baba Dervish Lodge and Masjid was examined in terms of calligraphy and content. While the text of the inscription shows the talent of the calligrapher within the framework of the art of writing, it confirms the dates, names and the information about the dervish lodge and carries it to the present day.

In early period of Ottoman Empire, vizier had an indisputable place. Viziers, especially after the conquest of Constantinople in 1453, liberated the empire, which started to be organized in the region of Bithynia, from the traditional Turkish Principality identity as well as its organizational structure. For this reason, it is not a coincidence that in the first period (1299/1302-1453), when poets like Ahmedi were sometimes satirized, the Ottoman Viziers were mostly dealt with in terms of their institutional aspects. Likewise, as researchers have revealed since the first years of the republic; while the Ottoman Viziers occupied important political positions in the Turkish states organized in Central Asia and Eastern Europe, they not only fulfilled the duties and responsibilities of these political positions, but also took initiatives to meet the military and parallel financial needs of the expanding empire. Undoubtedly, the most striking of these are the formation of the janissary corps and the financial system depending on it. On the other hand, there is no doubt that the military and financial revolutions that formed the cornerstone of Ottoman expansionism overshadowed the diplomatic mission of the viziers. Such that even in Fatih's Law, there are few clues regarding this issue, which is considered as the cornerstone of the institutionalization of the empire. The aforementioned code states that the vizierate is the most important position after the emperor, but this position is still an authority that is subject to control by various independent bureaucrats. However, the diplomatic mission of the viziers is uncertain in the early Ottoman perform works or studies, as in the royal decree. The aim of this perform works orstudies are to evaluate the first period Ottoman viziers with their diplomatic missions in the context of the conquest of Constantinople. Keywords: Ottoman Empire, Grandvizier, Viziers, Byzantine Empire, Istanbul, Constantinople

There is a massive body of research in modern historiography dealing with different aspects of Ottoman modernization in the Tanzimat period. One such aspect is urban transformation in the Tanzimat era that has received considerable scholarly attention. However, how urban governance took new forms in different Ottoman cities still await to be scrutinized. Evidently, the Ottoman central authorities paid special attention to some cities that needed much care due to their historical and political statuses. The Ottoman imperial cities like Bursa, Edirne and Istanbul are of this sort. The present paper analyzes the transformation of urban governance in Edirne during the eighteenth and late nineteenth centuries. A highly venerated urban center that was the second imperial seat of the Ottoman sultans prior to the conquest of Istanbul, Edirne was administered differently and given special attention due to its different status acknowledged both by the royal family and higher echelon of the state. Modern historiography has a consensus over the city’s well-established socio-spatial and political position reached its peak during the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. In this period, the city gained a de facto capital status as consecutive Ottoman sultans permanently resided in Edirne that witnessed the existence of high-ranking state officials and representatives of various European powers. As far as the social composition and administration in the imperial city of Edirne in the eighteenth century are concerned, the urban governance did not change much that would be altered significantly in the nineteenth century. In this period, the state applied a wide range of reform attempts to reorganize urban structures in the city of Edirne expressing in different forms of imperial manifestation. While the physical presence of the Ottoman sultans and imperial institutions in Edirne brought about a spatial and demographic stability of the city until the late eighteenth century, Edirne witnessed major alterations through new imperial implementations throughout the nineteenth century. As far as the city governance is concerned, the “imperial garderner” (bostancıbaşı) located in the New Imperial Palace of Edirne (Saray-ı Cedîd) secured the public order in and around Edirne until the abolition of the Janissary corps in 1826. Within a decade or so, a new phase began in the city’s political life as provincial governors would be responsible in its administration. Furthermore, the new reforms brought about the proportional participation of city dwellers in the city’s governance including the non-Muslims. The paper suggests that the Edirne of the nineteenth century was not the same imperial city governed in a more autonomous way in the eighteenth century anymore, although it never lost its importance. Nevertheless, through the centralization policies that brought military, administrative and financial matters together within the same province, now the provincial center, Edirne maintained its pivotal position in the Tanzimat era when a more participatory system in this ethno-religiously diverse city formed.

The Ottoman Empire made the Shaykh al-Islam an institution, inherited from the previous Islamic states. The institution, which had existed since the foundation of the state, was moved to a fixed and detached place with the abolition of the Janissary Corps in 1826. With its transfer to the Aga Gate in 1827, the fatwa service was also carried out in this place, and in 1836 it was moved to the Bab al-Meshihat, where the kazasker (military judge) and the Istanbul Qadi (judge) Fatwahana (fatwa office) were located. This institution, which formed the Ottoman Ilmiye class and the religious bureaucracy, in the historical process it has been called by various names such as "Shaykh al-Islam," "Bab al-Mashihat," "Bab al-Fatwa," "Ilmiye Department," "Mashihat," "Mashihat Department," Mashihat Office,” “Mashihat al-Islamiyyah,” “Fatwahana” and “Fatwahana al-Ali.” After the Tanzimat, the Shaykh al-Islam Institution, along with others, took its place in the bureaucratic structure of the state and was organized systematically. The institution, which had been operating with its religious, legal, and educational units in the historical process, had carried out the duties of the Presidency of Religious Affairs, the Ministry of Justice, and the Ministry of National Education. Then it transferred some of its obligations, authorities, and responsibilities to the newly established ministries due to the changes in the state structure in 1900-1924. The Meshihat Archive, which contains the scientific heritage of Shayk al-Islam Institution, is the most valuable resource that carries the bureaucratic structure, organizational system, and official correspondence, namely the diplomacy of the institution. The architectural structure of the institutional buildings, the bureaucratic structure of the institution, and its functioning have survived to the present thanks to these documents. In this study, the spatial adventure witnessed by the Bab al-Meshihat during the transition from Shayk al-Islam to the Istanbul Mufti and the fate of 5,454 registers and over one million documents in the Shayk al-Islam Archive were discussed in detail. Methodologically, the study was based on the microhistory approach. With the microhistory approach, which means clarifying the lived events based on the details, the journey of the Meshihat Authority and the archive documents to the present has been revealed, particularly the records of the Shayk al-Islam archive. As a result, it has been determined that the archive registers and documents have not reached the present due to the fire, repair, renovation, and restorations of the Meshihat Authority, which had a vast organizational structure, including committee of fatwas, religious edicts, the council of juridical investigations, office of student affairs and student welfare council, council for the examination of manuscripts and religious texts, the council of religious scholars, correspondence department, academic affairs department, orphan funds, and treasury directorate, personnel directorate, civil registry directorate, archives directorate, supreme medical bureau for issuing fatwas, sharia courts, various committees, and madrasahs. Additionally, it has been explained that most of the archive resources were destroyed due to the overthrow of some of the Shayk al-Islam buildings and the burning of some after 1924.