Dissertations / Theses: 'Japan's North Korea policy'

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Kuroki, Maiko. "Nationalism in Japan's contemporary foreign policy : a consideration of the cases of China, North Korea, and India." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/595/.

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Under the Koizumi and Abe administrations, the deterioration of the Japan-China relationship and growing tension between Japan and North Korea were often interpreted as being caused by the rise of nationalism. This thesis aims to explore this question by looking at Japan’s foreign policy in the region and uncovering how political actors manipulated the concept of nationalism in foreign policy discourse. The methodology employs discourse analysis on five case studies. It will be explored how the two administrations both used nationalism but in the pursuit of contrasting policies: an uncompromising stance to China and a conciliatory approach toward North Korea under the Koizumi administration, a hard-line attitude against North Korea and the rapprochement with China by Abe, accompanied by a friendship-policy toward India. These case studies show how the nationalism is used in the competition between political leaders by articulating national identity in foreign policy. Whereas this often appears as a kind of assertiveness from outside China, in the domestic context leaders use nationalism to reconstruct Japan’s identity as a ‘peaceful nation’ through foreign policy by highlighting differences from ‘other’s or by achieving historic reconciliation. Such identity constructions are used to legitimize policy choices that are in themselves used to marginalize other policy options and political actors. In this way, nationalism is utilized as a kind of political capital in a domestic power relationship, as can be seen by Abe’s use of foreign policy to set an agenda of ‘departure from the postwar regime’. In a similar way, Koizumi’s unyielding stance against China was used to calm discontents among right-wing traditionalists who were opposed to his reconciliatory approach to Pyongyang. On the other hand, Abe also utilized a hard-line policy to the DPRK to offset his rapprochement with China whilst he sought to prevent the improved relationship from becoming a source of political capital for his rivals. The major insights of this thesis is thus to explain how Japan’s foreign policy is shaped by the attempts of its political leaders to manipulate nationalism so as articulating particular forms of national identity that enable them to achieve legitimacy for their policy agendas, boost domestic credentials and marginalize their political rivals.

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Hur, Mi-yeon. "Examining the Six-Party Talks Process on North Korea: Dynamic Interactions among the Principal States." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/14880.

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This doctoral thesis aims to provide a comprehensive and historical analysis of foreign policy behaviour of the principal states involved in nuclear talks on North Korea known as the Six-Party Talks (SPT). Despite the failure in achieving a primary objective of denuclearizing North Korea, the SPT were believed to provide interesting and informative cases to investigate dynamic interactions among states engaged in security talks with different motives and interests. For a holistic approach to foreign policy analysis, the thesis adopts a newly introduced theoretical framework called Interactionist Role Theory (IRT) which integrates the levels of analysis from individuals to international system by incorporating the concept of ‘roles’. Based on IRT, the thesis examines what drove the concerned states’ foreign policy shifts; what kinds of discrepancies the states experienced between or among competing roles (role conflicts); how successful their deliberate policy implementations were (role-makings); and what structural effects their foreign policy decisions had on the overall Six-Party Talks process. The thesis findings support the IRT premise that it is critical to understand a state’s perceived ideal roles to accurately identify the state’s motives for actions regarding particular foreign policy issues. The prevalence of inter-role conflicts at the time of states’ role-makings evinces that the SPT as social constraints did exert competing role expectations that challenged the member states’ role conceptions. Above all, the sequential analysis of the SPT process clearly shows the mutual influence between the member states (agents) and the SPT (social structure), which implies successful multilateral negotiations require reciprocal relations among participating states where all parties’ desired roles (role conceptions) are mutually verified and affirmed. The thesis is deemed to give insightful messages to conventional foreign policy readings that predominantly view the nuclear drama in the Northeast Asia region from a binary focus of US-DPRK mutual deterrence.

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Amato, Daniel. "Japan's Security: Post Cold War Trends and Prospects for the Future." Thesis, Boston College, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/456.

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Thesis advisor: Kenji Hayao
This paper uses a case study approach to analyze changes in Japan's post-Cold War security policy. While many observers feel that these changes are the result of the 1997 Defense Guidelines Review, the argument forwarded here is that it is the result of a series of unique domestic circumstances in Japan. It traces these factors starting with the Persian Gulf War and then the War on Terrorism and the current North Korean nuclear crisis. Finally, this paper assesses the prospects for the future of Japan's security policy. While Japan will continue to be a strong ally for the United States, there are distinct limits on how far it will go to provide for collective security
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2004
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
Discipline: College Honors Program

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Orcutt, Daniel J. "Carrot, stick, or sledgehammer : U.S. policy options for North Korean nuclear weapons /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FOrcutt.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Defense Decision-Making and Planning))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2004.
Thesis advisor(s): Peter R. Lavoy. Includes bibliographical references (p. 77-83). Also available online.

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Hughes, Christopher William. "Japanese economic power and security policy in the post-Cold War era : a case study of Japan-North Korea security relations." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1997. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14741/.

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This thesis investigates the future direction of Japanese security policy by asking whether Japan can contribute to international security through the use of economic rather than military power after the Cold War, and what are the policy-making obstacles to this. Chapter one outlines how the post-Cold War debate on security has shifted from military to economic conceptions of security, and how this makes it possible to conceive of Japan as a global civilian power which employs its economic strength to contribute to international security. Chapters two and three then go on to construct a detailed theoretical model of economic security policy and Japanese economic power in order to test empirically the concept of global civilian power in the case study. Chapter four introduces the case study of Japan-North Korea security relations and demonstrates that since the end of the Cold War the North Korean security threat has come to be perceived by policy-makers in Japan as generated by economic insecurity, and thus requiring the types of economic solutions that a global civilian power can provide. Chapter five then tests the model of Japanese economic power against the case of North Korea and reveals that even though Japan has the latent capacity to use economic power to help resolve this security problem, as yet it has not mobilised sufficient economic power to enable it to act a global civilian power. Chapter six looks at the internal security policy-making process in Japan in order to explain the reasons behind Japan's non-fulfillment of the role of a global civilian power, and argues that in fact Japan in this period has increased its military role in security by utilising the legitimacy of the North Korean threat. In the light of the preceding arguments, the conclusion reappraises the concept of global civilian power, Japan's security role, and the implications for global security.

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Iancu, Oana. "The advocacy activities of the Japanese Rescue Movement (1997-2006) : to what extent did they impact Japanese foreign policy toward North Korea?" Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2016. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/15197/.

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Japanese foreign policy toward North Korea shifted over a relatively short period of time between 1998 and 2006. North Korea conducted missile tests close to Japan in 1998 and in 2006 but Japan`s reaction was different in each situation. In 1998, although the missile launch was considered regrettable from the viewpoint of security, and peace and stability of the region, the Japanese government did not impose long-term sanctions, nor respond with coercive accusations. However, in 2006, after an event similar to the one in 1998, Japan imposed unilateral sanctions on North Korea, therefore punishing a neighbouring state, for the first time since World War II. This thesis offers an explanation for this shift in the Japanese government`s policy toward North Korea focusing on civil society groups, and in particular on the Japanese Rescue Movement and the way in which the comprising groups advocated their cause to various audiences: government, public, media, and other state or non-state actors. Based on the findings of the research, the thesis argues that the Japanese Rescue Movement had an instrumental role in shaping the government's policy toward North Korea in 2006 to impose unilateral economic sanctions. Alongside the instrumentalization of the abduction issue and of Kazokukai by Sukuukai and Satō Katsumi, the Head of Modern Korea Research Institute and Chairman of Sukuukai, young, conservative politicians, who came to hold positions of power in the 2000s, used the Rescue Movement and its advocated goal as an instrument in the policy toward North Korea, in order to promote a certain political agenda. Moreover, the thesis highlights the strategies and tactics of the civil society groups towards various audiences, drawing on the concept of "advocacy" with its four types: political, social, media and transnational. Finally, the dissertation underlines the circumstances in which civil society can successfully contribute to policy-making in Japan.

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Caprio, Mark Edward. "Koreans into Japanese : Japan's assimilation policy /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10378.

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Shabalin, Maxim N. "The logic of ballistic missile defence procurement in Japan (1994-2007) : from hedging through self-imposed restraints toward hedging from the position of military strength." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:73b6dc56-e10b-4bc4-abba-0abcd3a0d204.

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This thesis asks why Japan decided to procure BMD if it meant building an infrastructure which, because of its technological nature, had the potential to disrupt Japan’s preferred security strategy of hedging, that is, maintaining ambiguity of commitment, vis-à-vis China and the US. The investigation was divided into three parts dealing with the following questions – Why did Japan's BMD procurement matter? Who mattered? Why were the BMD and related decisions made? Such a structure of research was informed by “neoclassical realism,” according to which the relative material power of a country sets the parameters of its foreign policy, but the policy choices within these international constraints are made by political elites. A range of policymaking heuristics were used to investigate the domestic element of the approach. In addition to the conventionally specified policymaking actors such as MOD, MOFA, Prime Ministers, an original attempt was made to identify the possible influences of several elite networks. On the basis of the notes from the Japan-US Security Strategy Conference, two elite networks were analysed, namely the Japan’s Congressional National Security Research Group and Japan-US Centre for Peace and Cultural Exchange. It was concluded that they have probably had some influence on shaping Japan's BMD decisions. The conclusion of this research is that BMD was procured despite its disruptive potential because it was a tool of shifting Japanese policy from one hedging policy to another, that is, from one based on self-imposed restraints toward one exercised from the position of military strength. An analysis of international relations in East Asia in 1994-2007 and an analysis of the views of the security elites make Japan's transition toward a military strength-based hedging appear rational and confirm BMD's utility as a tool in this transition. Some negative consequences of a possible disruption to hedging, induced by BMD, can be contained exactly because of such a reformatting of hedging.

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9

Mason, Ra. "Japan's recalibration of risk : the framing of North Korea." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2012. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/2151/.

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Hyun, Hongsik. "Japan's post-Cold War security policy : the role of Korea /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1994. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA293434.

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11

Mildenberg, Mary E. "The North Korea Problem: US policy toward North Korea from 2001-2013." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/748.

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Few countries have presented a policy problem for the United States with the consistency and longevity that North Korea has. The opacity of the regime that runs the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea has served as a barrier to deciphering the policy perspective that Kim Jong-un, and his father before him, have pursued. This thesis analyzes the policy decisions of the US towards North Korea in an attempt to decipher which policies were pursued and what there effects have been. Modern US policy in regards to North Korea started with the signing of the Agreed Framework in 1994. US policy was largely consistent under the Clinton administration, which is the reason this paper will begin with the George W. Bush administration and will continue all the way up until the current Obama administration (2001-2013). Using the fundamental policy theories of “hawk engagement” and “strategic patience” this paper assesses the policy responses by examining a number of key events, personnel, and contextual issues. There have been a number policy responses toward North Korea but there has yet to be a permanent solution to the central concerns.

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12

Zhang, Wei, Genchong Zhen, Long Chen, Huanhuan Wang, Ying Li, Yindong Tong, Xuejie Ye, Yan Zhu, and Xuejun Wang. "Benefits of Mercury Controls for China and the Neighboring Countries in East Asia." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2016. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/15.

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Exposure to mercury poses significant risks to the health of humans and wildlife. Globally, coal-fired power plant (CFPP) is a major source of mercury emissions, with China being the largest contributor to global atmospheric mercury. As a signatory country of the Minamata Convention on Mercury, China is developing its National Implementation Plan on Mercury Control, which gives priority to control of mercury emissions from CFPPs. While social benefits play an important role in designing environmental policies in China, the potential public health and economic benefits of mercury control in the nation are not yet understood, mainly due to the scientific challenges to trace mercury’s emissions-to-impacts path. Moreover, little is known about the potential benefits for the neighboring countries in East Asia resulted from China’s mercury control. This study evaluates the health and economic benefits for China and neighboring countries in East Asia from mercury reductions from China’s CFPPs. Four representative mercury control policy scenarios are analyzed, and the evaluation is explicitly conducted following the policies-to-impacts path under each policy scenario. We link a global atmospheric model to health impact assessment and economic valuation models to estimate economic gains for China and its three neighboring countries (Japan, South Korea and North Korea) from avoided mercury-related adverse health outcomes under the four emission control scenarios, and also take into account the key uncertainties in the policies-to-impacts path. Under the most stringent control scenario, the cumulative benefit of the mercury reduction by 2030 is projected to be $430 billion for the four countries together (the 95% confidence interval is $102-903 billion, in 2010 USD). Our findings suggest that although China is the biggest beneficiary of the mercury reduction in CFPPs, neighboring countries including Japan, South Korea and North Korea can also benefit (~7% of the total benefits) from China’s mercury reduction.

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Simmers, Keith A. "U.S. foreign policy for North Korea flexibility is the best policy." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Jun%5FSimmers.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Defense Decision Making and Planning))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Edward A. Olsen. "June 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 69-75). Also available in print.

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Kwon, Young Ill. "The change of South Korean image of North Korea after the Cold War Identity, image and policy /." Online access for everyone, 2008. http://www.dissertations.wsu.edu/Dissertations/Spring2008/y_kwon_032708.pdf.

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Derewiany, Andrew. "U.S. foreign policy toward North Korea 1945 to present." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/369.

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The foreign policy of the United States of America toward the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK), commonly known as North Korea, has an important role in maintaining the peace, stability, and security of Eastern Asia. From the partition of the Korean peninsula following World War II to the country's development of nuclear weapons, the foreign policy of the U.S. had to evolve based on the circumstances in North Korea. The United States, along with China, Japan, Russia, and South Korea, have key roles surrounding the discussions with North Korea. The thesis focuses solely on the presidential administrations of Harry S. Truman, Dwight D. Eisenhower, Lyndon B. Johnson, Richard Nixon, Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama; these men had the greatest impact on U.S. foreign policy with North Korea. The thesis takes a qualitative approach of research by using primarily government documents, historical records from presidential administrations, articles from foreign policy journals, and books by foreign policy experts. Throughout the research, two common themes of U.S. relations toward North Korea emerge, uncertainty and defiance. North Korea's secretive regime makes it difficult for U.S. presidential administrations to determine the intentions of North Korea's actions. Furthermore, the uncertainty often leads to defiant and aggressive actions by North Korea. From the USS Pueblo crisis to the bombing of Yeonpyeong Island, presidential administrations had to walk a fine line of responding with aggression, negotiations, or appeasement. The thesis examines not only the options and implementations of each presidential administration, but also looks toward possible solutions for maintaining peace and stability in Eastern Asia by improving relations with North Korea.
B.A.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science

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Hollenbaugh, Shaun D. "Human rights and U.S. Foreign Policy in North Korea." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/13438.

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In an effort to maintain peace and stability in the East Asia region, and more specifically on the Korean peninsula, the U.S. faces an enormous challenge. The collapse of the Soviet Union, repeated natural disasters, and gross regime mismanagement of economic and social resources have left thousands of North Koreans starving, while at the same time the DPRK spends exorbitant amounts of money on its military. To maintain both its legitimacy and security, the Pyongyang regime purposely and willfully commits many human right violations against its own citizens. Current U.S. foreign policy toward North Korea is centered on the nuclear "Agreed Framework" and the perceived military threat that the DPRK poses to South Korea and the region. To date, human rights issues have not been a viable part of U.S. foreign policy toward North Korea. In response, this thesis proposes foreign and security policies that clearly address the connections between human rights issues and the North Korean military threat.

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Jeong, Dongjin. "China's foreign policy toward North Korea: the nuclear issue." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/27847.

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China has had different reactions to North Korean nuclear provocations. When North Korea announced its withdrawal from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and provoked the first nuclear crisis in 19931994, China responded relatively softly and preferred to remain a bystander. However, in 2003, when North Korea withdrew from the NPT and provoked a nuclear crisis again, China reacted quite differently. The country actively intervened to settle the crisis and cooperated with the international community. This research examines what factors have affected Chinas foreign-policy change toward the North Korean nuclear issue. This research argues that Chinas general foreign-policy change had affected Chinas attitude change toward the North Korean nuclear issue. Since the Tiananmen incident, China had maintained a passive attitude in international affairs, until the mid-1990s. However, Chinas attitude toward international affairs changed in the late 1990s. China started to resume its diplomatic relationship with the West and successful economic development gave China confidence in its comprehensive national power. While trying to limit U.S. influence in the Asian region, China has also tried to increase its influence in the region and involvement in international affairs. This precipitated change in Chinas attitude change in the North Korean nuclear issue.

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Robotti, Michael Patrick. "The Future of American Foreign Policy Towards North Korea." Thesis, Boston College, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/439.

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Thesis advisor: Donald Hafner
This thesis is aimed at determining an efficient American foreign policy for resolving the current North Korean nuclear crisis. It examines the current nuclear proliferation debate; the specifics of the North Korean case; the past successes and failures of American foreign policy towards North Korea; several key policy issues; and, finally, lays out a plan for American foreign policy to follow. This thesis is intended to develop a peaceful and permanent resolution to the crisis
Thesis (BS) — Boston College, 2004
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
Discipline: College Honors Program

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Creamer, Dewayne J. "The rise and fall of Chosen Soren : its effect on Japan's relations on the Korean Peninsula." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Dec%5FCreamer.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2003.
Thesis advisor(s): Edward A. Olsen, H. Lyman Miller. Includes bibliographical references (p. 67-73). Also available online.

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Chife, Aloy Chinedu. "The political economy of north-south relations : Japan's relations with Nigeria, 1960-1985." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1993. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2826/.

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This thesis argues that the explanation for underdevelopment should be sought primarily in the structural distortions of the domestic economy, the incoherence of national interests, as well as other internal political contradictions. By looking at the dynamics of Japan's relations with Nigeria between 1960 and 1985, it seeks to demonstrate how these factors militate not only against a beneficial interchange with a Northern economy, but against effective participation in the international economy. This constitutes a contrary diagnostic position to the literature which underpins the logic on which The Bretton Woods and Dependency Schools of thought are based. The thesis considers the following issues. First, it critically examines the role of the trading pattern, characterized by its vertical structure, along with trade policies, in the relationship between Nigeria and Japan. Secondly, it considers whether Japanese investments in Nigeria have contributed to the growth and development process in Nigeria. To that extent it considers whether they were merely part of a calculated trade objective; namely, the dominance of certain sectors of the Nigerian economy. The thesis also examines the role played by Nigerian domestic policies and its environment in determining the degree of reciprocity and interdependence. Finally, it seeks to assess the role played by Japanese aid and the degree of importance attached to Nigeria in particular and development issues in general in Japan's foreign policy. The thesis concludes that at the time of Nigeria's independence, the relationship was potentially one of interdependence and the explanation for any subsequent asymmetry needs to be sought in government's failure to mobilize national potential and in terms of the operation of the international market economy. At issue is not just the nature of a particular bilateral relationship but the management of North-South relations.

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O'Driscoll, Kevin Michael. "Bomb, sanction, or negotiate understanding U.S. policy towards North Korea /." Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2010. http://worldcat.org/oclc/645638365/viewonline.

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Trimble, Meridee J. "U.S. policy options toward stopping North Korea's illicit activities." Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Dec%5FTrimble.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2007.
Thesis Advisor(s): Olsen, Edward A. "December 2007." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 24, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 69-77). Also available in print.

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Trimble, Meridee Jean. "U.S. policy options toward stopping North Korea's illicit activities." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/3037.

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North Korea began its involvement in illicit activities in the 1970s, but it took the United States until the new millennium to develop a series of major law enforcement approaches to counter these activities. North Korea's illicit activities are purportedly the funding input for the development of its nuclear weapons program, which constitutes the output. The main illicit activities to be discussed include drug production and trafficking, the counterfeiting of U.S. currency, cigarettes and pharmaceuticals, missile sales and human trafficking. The United States has aggressively addressed the nuclear threat that North Korea poses, but has been slow to address the inputs that fund the outputs. This thesis seeks to answer the question of why it took the United States over three decades to address the illicit activities of North Korea that purportedly fund its nuclear program.
US Air Force (USAF) author.

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Lee, Min Young. "North Korean migrants in South Korea : policy, services and social work practices." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.684375.

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Since the 1953 truce following the Korean war the number of North Korean migrants coming to South Korea has risen sharply. These migrants have faced a number of legal, social and economic barriers to integration and, consequently, they have been a special target group for South Korean policy makers, service providers and practitioners. This thesis takes a qualitative approach to explore their policy and practice responses to North Korean migrants. It reveals that the goals and strategies of policy makers, service managers and practitioners are largely based on an assimilationist perspective and an assumption of meritocracy. Yet North Korean migrants struggle to achieve full citizenship. Their culture is not accepted or considered of equal value to that of South Korea. Moreover, they are required to learn what the host society considers to be the appropriate attitudes and behaviours for participating in a liberal, democratic, capitalist society. Ironically, the policy, services and social work practices do not tackle, but rather embed, the structural barriers to integration, including the marginalisation, ethnicisation and securitisation of the North Korean migrants. Consequently, I conclude that an intercultural and holistic social work approach to integration, beyond assimilation, and social justice is required if North Korean migrants are to lead better lives in South Korea. In particular, anti-discrimination measures and community-based, long-term social support interventions will be effective means to increase their equality and inclusion. In addition, a gendered, culturally sensitive and reflexive approach in social work education should be considered in order to develop the social work profession to improve the integration of North Korean migrants in South Korea.

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Oh, Soonkun. "The U.S. strategic flexibility policy prospects for the U.S.-ROK alliance." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion.exe/06Dec%5FOh.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Edward A. Olsen, Christopher P. Twomey. "December 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 111-119.) Also available in print.

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Lee, Ju Young. "Examining China's North Korea Policy During the Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping Administrations." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/778.

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Having conducted a successful long range ballistic missile test in December 2012 and a third nuclear test in February 2013, North Korea increasingly poses a security threat to Northeast Asia. Given these heightened escalations, the international community has come to depend more and more on China’s potential to influence North Korean behavior. Beijing’s unique leverage is based on the historical bilateral relations between the two countries in addition to China’s sole willingness to support the North Korean regime. Therefore, the following paper seeks to determine whether China’s North Korea policy shifted during the consecutive Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping administrations in response to North Korean provocations. Ascertaining China’s North Korean paradigm is constructive and worthwhile in order to understand the future development and hopeful resolution of the North Korean security dilemma. In order to better examine the two administrations, the paper first defines China’s strategic interests regarding the Korean peninsula. Song Jooyoung’s dual threats model and Taewan Kim’s politico-economic linkage model are then used to assess the different factors that influenced China’s decision-making process when deciding whether to maintain its support after each North Korean provocation. Analysis of the two administrations reveals that Beijing’s underlying foreign policy objective of stability remains unchanged. On the other hand, unyielding North Korean provocations have forced Beijing to reassess its current policy of bolstering the North Korean regime toward the end of the Hu administration and even more so during the current Xi administration. In addition, North Korean actions in defiance of China’s public warnings illustrate a North Korea diverging from its usual subservience to Chinese influence. More importantly, the defining reason for the shift in China’s policy is the fact that North Korean behavior undermines Beijing attempts to posture itself as a responsible global power in addition to fulfilling its own strategic interests. Assessing China’s North Korean paradigm is meaningful due to Beijing’s capacity to resolve the North Korean security dilemma. Although skeptics question whether China will ultimately break from its customary support for North Korea due to fears of damaging instability, increasingly public statements rejecting North Korean provocations signal the Xi administration’s recalibration.

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Kim, Jane. "Dealing with the 'Mouse that Roared'? President Clinton's Foreign Policy towards North Korea." Thesis, University of Essex, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.485497.

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President Clinton's North Korea policy showed a change from conflict early in his presidency to cooperation towards the end of his administration. Why did this happen? By using the diplomatic history method, two hypotheses can explain this change: the incorporation of the Democratic Peace Thesis into US foreign policy and Congress's leadership in the policy-making process. The Democratic Peace Thesis states that it is less likely for a democracy to go to war than a non-democracy; therefore, the world should have more democracies. The USA can incorporate the Democratic Peace Thesis into its foreign policy and push for these transitions to happen. North Korea is not a democracy and was also trying to become an aggressive nuclear power. Clinton started to incofPorate more of the monadic version of the Democratic Peace Thesis into his policies; a democratic country does not go to war because the norms and values of a democracy make it inherently more peaceful. It . would try to use engagement methods like eco,'!omic incentives and discussions with North Korea. The presidential documents leading, up to the Agreed Framework show how Clinton eventually embraced the monadic version of the Democratic Peace Thesis. After the Agreed Framework, the documents showed how Clinton fully incorporated the Democratic Peace Thesis into his North Korean policy. Many congressmen did not like that the Agreed Framework was to be the basis for the USA's North Korea policy. The congressional documents show that Congress was less willing to accept presidential policy. After the Agreed Framewor~, Congress limited funding to KEDO. It also reasserted itself in non-security matters such as drug tr.afficking, food aid, and MIAs. The documents show that Clinton acquiesced to CC?ngress and carried out an overhaul of America's policy towards North Korea. The subsequent Perry Report led to the final stage of Clinton's North Korea policy. With the support of Congress,Clinton continued to peacefully engage North Korea, and the USA reduced economic sanctions against the state. Bilateral exchanges of officials continued to decrease tensions, but the debacle of the 2000 US presidential election abruptly ended Clinton's foreign poJicy towards North Korea.

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Ovšonka, Pavol. "NUCLEAR WEAPONS AS A TOOL OF NORTH KOREAN FOREING POLICY." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-113618.

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In 1990's, the North Korean leaders opened the military nuclear program in order to avoid the collapsing trend which affected many totalitarian regimes at that time. Thanks to the specific geographical position, Inter-Korean dispute became a very important issue of foreign policy of many great powers such as United States of America, People's Republic of China, Japan, or Russian Federation. This nuclear program is generally considered as a tool of threatening in order to maintain the regime and secure the food and energy assistance. In this thesis, the North Korean threatening policy is applied to various concepts dealing with the deterrence theory introduced by many authors.

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Lee, Hyon K. David. "Unification strategy for North and South Korea the most prudent U.S. policy option to solve the North Korean nuclear crisis." Thesis, Monterey California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1390.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited
The North Korean nuclear issue reached a dangerous impasse in the recent months as North Korea continues to resist international pressure to halt its nuclear weapons and missile programs. North Korea watchers and nuclear experts estimate that North Korea could have up to six or seven plutonium-based nuclear bombs by now. Indeed, North Korea announced to the world in October 2003 that they now have the capability of "nuclear deterrence." All would agree that a nuclear-weaponized North Korea will have grave consequences on the Korean Peninsula and the East Asia region. Accordingly, this thesis contends that the Bush administration miscalculated in its policy on North Korea by letting their "preemption" doctrine cloud their judgment on what is the most feasible and prudent policy vis--Ì vis North Korea. So, what now? What should the US policy toward North Korea be going forward? Given the events in the last year or so, this paper makes the assumption that North Korea already possesses nuclear weapons. Indeed, the CIA has made formal statements saying that North Korea, in essence, already possesses nuclear weapons. The intelligence service believes that conventional explosives tests, conducted since the 1980s, have allowed the North Koreans to verify that their nuclear designs would work. The agency believes North Korea has one or two nuclear weapons similar to what the United States dropped on Hiroshima during World War II. Given these circumstances and the policy options available to the Bush administration, the best course of action and the most elegant solution to this messy problem, is to adopt a policy of unifying the two Koreas. A reunified Korea would satisfy most U.S. interests and would solve the most pressing and dangerous problem: the nuclear issue. Granted, it is not the most optimal option and there are some potential drawbacks but, nevertheless, it is the best option available. In this scenario, there is no "good" option; one has to choose the "least-worse" policy option. In essence, the U.S. has to make the best of a bad situation.
Major, United States Air Force

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Lee, Ergene. "The 1993 North Korean Nuclear Crisis: A Foreign Policy Analysis." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/33477.

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In this paper I apply the Rational Actor model to the 1993-1994 North Korean Nuclear Crisis. I begin with two hypotheses: 1) North Korea attempted nuclear armament because of its perception of threat from South Korea and the United States; 2) North Korea attempted nuclear armament because it wanted to use its nuclear program as leverage to obtain economic assistance from the United States. I conduct a diplomatic historical analysis based on the Rational Actor model to determine which was North Koreaâ s primary objective, and conclude that the primary objective of North Korea was obtaining economic concessions, but that threat perception did seem to play a role in the decision to start the nuclear program. In this process, I show that the Rational Actor model was insufficient in the analysis and that it must be complemented by cultural factors, â thickeningâ the rationality.
Master of Arts

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Kim, Sun. "Re-conceptualizing 'educational policy transfer' : an analysis of the Soviet and US influence on educational reforms in the two Koreas (1945-1959)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:efdd4194-ce75-4f6d-978b-7e0c0ddc5557.

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The purpose of this comparative and historical study is to consider a reconceptualization of the notion of educational policy transfer, based on an analysis of how the reforms made during the Soviet and US military occupation in the two Koreas influenced the educational development of North and South Korea from 1945 to 1959. The conceptual framework for the research drew on a definition of 'policy' as a comprehensive concept comprising of policy process and practice 'on the ground,' and going beyond a rigid definition of it as a formally recorded and proclaimed statement by a government. This concept of policy enabled me to analyze the process and practice of the educational reforms from a multi-dimensional perspective, incorporating the beliefs of local actors and the bureaucracy of domestic institutions. For this purpose, historical sources including South Korean, North Korean and US government documents, magazines, newpapers, teachers' resumés and guides and the memoires and diaries of important policy-makers were analyzed; historical documentation was complemented by expert interviews with eleven South and North Korean policy-makers and academics. In South Korea, educational reforms were implemented to promote liberal democratic ideals in the education system. Curricular and systemic changes were made to teach democratic procedures and concepts, such as the introduction of the subject social studies, the establishment of a single-track school system, and the introduction of a student-centered pedagogy to primary schools. In North Korea, a socialist-communist ideology, along with an attraction to the Soviet Union as a model state to follow, was extensively promoted through a series of educational reforms as political indoctrination intensified in the adult education and school curricula. In both contexts, the localization of the reforms was affected by cultural and social factors unique to Korea: the authoritarian legacy of Confucianism and Japanese colonization, and the nationalism that had been fostered for the purpose of state-formation. The Korean case indicates that the state-centric, linear and static view of educational policy transfer should be replaced by a new conceptualization which includes the complex web of decision-making and implementation processes that involve negotiations and compromises among various politicians and administrators who are driven by national as well as personal interests and goals. For example, although the educational reforms in the two Koreas were developed by Soviet and US military in order to maximize their long-term security interests in the Korean peninsula, the key actors who implemented the reforms were Korean policy-makers, who had been appointed to key positions of the educational administrations through the bureaucratic politics between the military authorities and the Korean polity. Although the overall objective of the educational reforms was to extend the ideological influences of the Soviet Union and the USA in the Korean peninsula, specific programs and policies for the reforms depended on the Korean policy-makers' understanding and interpretations of different ideologies.

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Allgott, Philip. "U.S. diplomatic relations : how has it been used in Iran and North Korea? /." Jönköping : Jönköping University. Jönköping International Business School, 2008. http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:201405/FULLTEXT01.

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Hendricks, Craig Darren. "Political culture and nuclear proliferation: Juche and North Korea’s foreign and nuclear policy." University of the Western Cape, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6687.

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Magister Commercii - MCom
North Korea has against the numerous warnings of the international community, protocols and sanctions tested nuclear and missile devices. The purpose of this study is to explain how the political ideology of Juche informs North Korea’s nuclear weapons programme. Using a qualitative analysis, this study analyzed the origin of Juche and its impact on North Korea’s foreign and nuclear policies through the years. The social values underlying Juche were found to be the foundation of North Korea’s nuclear and missile ambitions. Juche itself has evolved as a framework that informs North Korea’s international relations and the study traces this evolution through the different Kim presidencies.

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Wilson, Roland B. "The Nexus between U.S. Foreign Policy and Conflict Resolution or Protraction| The case of North Korea." Thesis, George Mason University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3720906.

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This study analyzes the connection between U.S. foreign policy and its mechanisms for either the resolution or protraction of conflict using the case of North Korea. This case is particularly ripe for resolution with regard to the United States’ recent “Pivot to Asia.” Moreover, now that North Korea is under the new leadership of the young, relatively unknown leader Kim Jong-un, this may be an essential the time to explore and implement alternative methods for ending this conflict. The purpose of this study is to enquire whether combining conflict analysis and resolution (CAR) tools and practices with alternative and dynamic soft foreign policy efforts might play a positive role in resolving this conflict. This study was conducted by analyzing current and historical documents on U.S. foreign policy, studying its desired or stated effects and comparing them to the known actual effects on the North Korean regime and its people. To help understand these effects, this study also sought the unique foreign policy perspectives, opinions, needs and desires of former North Korea refugees. The significance of this is in understanding and evaluating where CAR opportunities surface by promoting the participation of stakeholders as catalysts for change from the group of people directly affected by foreign policy: North Koreans themselves. The findings show that the U.S. foreign policy approach towards North Korea has not significantly evolved over the past 60 years. Moreover, even those North Koreans interviewed who steadfastly support a continued U.S. hard policy approach toward their former homeland conceded that positive change would also require alternative approaches that promote direct and indirect high quality contact. The findings also show even in a controlled interview environment, North Korean Refugees can change how they think, interact, and receive information, based on direct HQC and the positive repositioning of self and other. Many also had sustained contact with their loved ones still living in the North, and provide them with aid. Most North Koreans interviewed had received indirect and or direct information about the outside world when they had lived in North Korea including such things as listening to radio, watching movies or drama and receiving aid, which had a positive effect on them. While most North Koreans (still in the north) do not believe in religion, it can be an effective tool for change. The regime has continued for so long due to the structural violence and deprivation it has over society. Finally, local markets in North Korea play a key role in changing the lives of North Koreans and that North Korean diaspora can help change North Korea. The analysis provides innovative conflict resolution methods and offers potential tools and recommendations for a multi-dimensional foreign policy approach, which may affect and alter foreign policy discussions and decisions. This study, the results and recommendations are intended to be an initial step toward rethinking U.S. foreign policy for purposes of “provention.”

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Holmgren, Simon. "Hawks and doves on the Korean peninsula : A content analysis of United States and South Korea policy vis-à-vis North Korea in 2013." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-27350.

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This study examines the South Korea President Park Geun-hye and United States President Obama respective administration's policy vis-à-vis North Korea. The scope is narrowed down to the year 2013, during which the regime in Pyongyang conducted its third nuclear test. How to perceive and engage the regime in Pyongyang have been debated in the post-cold war era, divided into progressive (doves) and hard liners (hawks). Periods of policy discrepancy have occurred between Washington and Seoul, that have been observed to bear effect on North Korean behavior vis-à-vis South Korea. This study ties on to the contemporary policy debate in Seoul and Washington on North Korean engagement strategies. Moreover, expanding the scope and examines the respective administration's policy through a analytical framework based on a content analysis from a system level perspective. Furthermore, how neo-realism, neo-liberalism and the concept of reciprocity can shed light upon respective policies and give a sense of notion of alignment or discrepancy between Seoul and Washington.

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Page, Timothy Richard. "Russian policy towards North Korea after the collapse of the USSR : keeping the post-Soviet narrative going." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.549715.

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Since 1991, few of Russia's bilateral relations have experienced a degree of change comparable to that between the Russian Federation and North Korea (the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, DPRK). After being identified as the only state with which post-Soviet Russia would avoid holding any form of meaningful relationship following the dissolution of the USSR, from early 1994 onwards Russia has sought to rebuild relations with the DPRK as part of a strategy of equidistance between the two Korean states. This goal has been realised in the Putin-Medvedev era. Military cooperation between Russia and North Korea has resumed, tens of thousands of North Koreans are employed in Russian industry and agriculture, and progress has been made on a major project to link the inter-Korean Railway to the trans-Siberian Railway. And whereas Russia had supported US policy towards North Korea's nuclear programme in the early 1990s, throughout the current Korean security crisis (2002-) Russia has been critical of US behaviour and far more supportive of Pyongyang. This thesis provides an analysis of Russian policy towards the DPRK and uses ontological security theory to explain Russian policy behaviour. While the existing literature emphasises the role of power in Russian policy towards North Korea, this thesis argues that the debate over identity and the competition for political influence between actors holding contending narratives concerning Russia's role in the world have played a vital part in Russian policy on the peninsula: Russian policy towards the DPRK has formed part of an effort to keep a particular post-Soviet narrative going, The thesis makes an original contribution to existing empirical knowledge of Russian policy towards the DPRK, and to the current theoretical debate pertaining to how we can understand Russian behaviour and policy objectives, both in the Northeast Asian region and the broader international system.

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Ahn, Taehyung. "Politics at the Water's Edge: The Presidency, Congress, and the North Korea Policy of the United States." FIU Digital Commons, 2010. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/252.

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For all their efforts to avoid a nuclear North Korea, the Clinton and Bush administrations failed to achieve this goal, the most important policy objective of the United States in its relations with North Korea for decades, mainly because of inconsistencies in U.S. policy. This dissertation seeks to explain why both administrations ultimately failed to prevent North Korea from going nuclear. It finds the origins of this failure in the implementation of different U.S. policy options toward North Korea during the Clinton and Bush administrations. To explain the lack of policy consistency, the dissertation investigates how the relations between the executive and the legislative branches and, more specifically, different government types—unified government and divided government—have affected U.S. policy toward North Korea. It particularly emphasizes the role of Congress and partisan politics in the making of U.S. policy toward North Korea. This study finds that divided government played a pivotal role. Partisan politics are also central to the explanation: politics did not stop at the water’s edge. A divided U.S. government produced more status quo policies toward North Korea than a unified U.S. government, while a unified government produced more active policies than a divided government. Moreover, a unified government with a Republican President produced more aggressive policies toward North Korea, whereas a unified government with a Democratic President produced more conciliatory policies. This study concludes that the different government types and intensified partisan politics were the main causes of the inconsistencies in the United States’ North Korea policy that led to a nuclear North Korea.

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Wallace, Robert Daniel. "The determinants of conflict: North Korea's foreign policy choices, 1960-2011." Diss., Kansas State University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/17154.

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Doctor of Philosophy
Department of Security Studies
Dale R. Herspring
North Korea and the ruling Kim regime continues to present a unique security dilemma to both East Asia and the international community. The Kim regime's actions, which often include hostile military and diplomatic foreign policy actions, often seem inconsistent with parallel efforts to peacefully engage the international community. This research examines the following question: what has been the historic relationship between North Korea’s domestic conditions and its propensity to engage in “hostile” diplomatic and military activities? I also consider whether the concept of diversionary theory, the idea that leaders pursue external conflict when faced with domestic problems, is an explanation for these actions. The study initially proposes there is a relationship between North Korea’s domestic challenges and its willingness to engage in conflict activities aimed primarily at South Korea and the United States. To test these ideas, I conduct a quantitative analysis of North Korean event data collected from both US and Korean sources from 1960-2011 and a qualitative analysis of three case studies. My findings provide only limited support to the idea that internal conditions faced by the Kim regime influence its conflict behavior. More influential are a select number of external conditions, especially those involving South Korea, which often prompt North Korean responses and heightened conflict levels. This research also finds that the ruling Kim regime has often turned to diversion-type actions as a means to achieve domestic goals, yet diversionary theory itself is insufficient to explain these activities. North Korea represents an ongoing security dilemma for both East Asia and the international community and in this study, I demonstrate how historical and political science methods can be used to examine and explain the actions of this reclusive state.

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Horgen, Erik Herstad. "Nord-Koreas kjernefysiske prøvesprengning : utvikling og vurdering av rasjonalistiske forklaringer på hvorfor Nord-Korea prøvesprengte høsten 2006 /." Oslo : Statsvitenskap, Universitetet i Oslo, 2007. http://www.duo.uio.no/publ/statsvitenskap/2007/68250/Nord-Koreasxkjernefysiskexprxvesprengning.pdf.

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40

Mizuno, Norihito. "Japan and its East Asian neighbors: Japan's perception of China and Korea and the making of foreign policy from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century." The Ohio State University, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1101744928.

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41

Sarvo, Joseph Evan. "A New Approach for Dealing with the Hermit Kingdom: Analysis of United States Foreign Policy with North Korea." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1241112242.

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42

Mathisen, Ragnhild. ""Røverstater" i amerikansk utenrikspolitikk : president Bushs politikk overfor Irak, Iran og Nord-Korea /." Oslo : Statsvitenskap, Universitetet i Oslo, 2007. http://www.duo.uio.no/publ/statsvitenskap/2007/57990/57990.pdf.

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43

Moon, K. Y. "The role of humanitarian NGO's : impact on South Korean food aid policy towards North Korea from 1995 to 2007." Thesis, Cranfield University, 2011. http://dspace.lib.cranfield.ac.uk/handle/1826/6519.

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The existing literature has provided only a partial explanation of the political role of South Korean humanitarian non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in government food aid policy making towards North Korea between 1995 and 2007. Using a constructivist approach which includes non-state actor and normative factors in the analysis of state policy making, this thesis demonstrates that South Korean humanitarian NGO advocacy was consequential in explaining changes in South Korea’s food aid policy making in respect of state agenda setting, the formation of a discursive position and institutional and policy development. Humanitarian NGO advocacy finally contributed to government establishment of a legal framework that could provide for more consistent and large scale food aid to North Korea, irrespective of the vagaries of inter-Korean political relations. Despite humanitarian NGO advocacy, however, changes at different stages of state food aid policy making differed among the three administrations. This thesis demonstrates that these differences were attributable to the differing abilities of NGO to set agendas, network and graft new norms in respect of government policy on food aid to North Korea. These differing abilities resulted from changes in organisational mandates, funding capacities and the expertise of NGOs over time. Firstly, a strong humanitarian mandate between 1995 and 2000 was a key factor that enabled NGOs to overcome the organisational limits that stemmed from their poor funding capacity and lack of expertise. Secondly, stable funding capacity contributed to improvements in organisational expertise; however, increased reliance on government funding after 2000 resulted in the weakening of NGOs’ advocacy ability. Lastly, given the favourable operational environment after the Inter-Korean Summit in 2000, the organisational expertise of NGOs developed to a level where it was possible to exert direct influence on government food aid policy making towards North Korea.

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44

Tillman, Isa. "American foreign policy on North Korea : A comparative case study of the American presidential administrations of Clinton and Obama." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-146213.

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The aim of this thesis is to analyze whether there are any differences in how the two American presidential administrations of Clinton and Obama have formed their foreign policy, in regards to North Korea. In order to carry out my analysis I have gathered relevant material from public statements made by Presidents Clinton and Obama, as well as their respective Secretaries of Defense. My theoretical framework consists of constructivism, and of doctrine. The material is then presented and illustrated with the help of word clouds. The conclusions I have been able to reach show that there were different foreign policy doctrines between Presidents Clinton and Obama. President Clinton’s administration was more focused on preventing North Korea from becoming a nuclear state, whereas the administration of President Obama needed to prevent the North Koreans from using their nuclear arsenal.

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45

Cho, Young Chul. "South Korea's national security, state identity and engagement policy towards North Korea during the Kim Dae Jung administration (1998-2003)." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.498809.

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The main purpose of this thesis is to explore the complex relations between South Korea's national security, state identity, and engagement policy towards North Korea over the years, with the primary temporal focus on the Kim Dae Jung administration (1998-2003) and in terms of the conventional and critical constructivism in International Relations (IR). Related to the South's engagement with the North, this thesis also aims to critically examine Pyongyang's Korean nationalism and National Cooperation (Minjok Gongjo) Doctrine directed at South Korea (and even the United States) at the dawn of the 21 century. Before embarking on the above empirical analyses, the thesis theoretically considers constructivist security studies as an analytical framework for examining Korea's identity politics during the Kim Dae Jung administration. The thesis also considers the historical context of South Korea's national security until the late 1990s, just before the advent of the Kim Dae Jung administration in 1998.

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Key-young, Son. "South Korean identities in strategies of engagement with North Korea : a case study of President Kim Dae-jung's Sunshine Policy." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2005. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14868/.

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This dissertation is a theoretically grounded empirical study aimed at shedding light on the multiple dimensions of South Korean President Kim Dae-jung's Sunshine Policy of engaging North Korea. It questions the ontological viability of conventional strategies and theories of engagement and produces a framework of comprehensive engagement based on realist, liberal and, most importantly, constructivist approaches. The study focuses on identifying the new tools of engagement employed by South Korea's policy elites, who created a social environment for South Koreans' shift of identities vis-a-vis North Korea in the course of implementing this engagement policy. To support the thesis of a momentous shift in identities as a result of the Sunshine Policy, this study uses a wide range of interviews with policy elites and sets of opinion polls published by news organizations and government agencies, while at the same time analyzing the policy from a theoretical and historical perspective. In order to provide concrete evidence of the identity shift, this dissertation analyzes three major policy issues during the Kim administration: North Korea's improvement of diplomatic relations with Western powers; the Hyundai Business Group's Mt. Kumgang tourism project and its link to the inter-Korean summit in June 2000; and North Korea's revelation of a nuclear weapons programme in October 2002. The key research findings of this study are as follows: first, the Sunshine Policy, implemented by South Korea's policy elites, who projected North Korea as a 'partner' or a 'brother', enabled a majority of South Koreans to develop positive identification with the South's enemy, as defined by the National Security Law; second, the policy played a significant role in preventing crises and maintaining the political status quo on the Korean Peninsula; and third, the policy laid the groundwork for a new era of inter Korean economic cooperation and integration.

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Hamilton, John D. "Coercion in U.S. foreign policy : evaluating the utility of the Jentleson and Whytock model /." View online, 2009. http://repository.eiu.edu/theses/docs/32211131527710.pdf.

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Bolton, Derek. "Identity maintenance & foreign policy decision-making : the quest for ontological security in the DPRK." Thesis, University of Bath, 2018. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.760979.

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This thesis analyzes how the need for ontological security (OS), the ‘security of being’,impacts the foreign policy decision-making of states. Traditional security studies focus primarily on physical threats to the state. By contrast, an OS framework argues individuals feel secure when they are able to maintain communal narrative. This narrative in turn becomes the lens through which policymakers, and thus states, analyze events, while also becoming a potential source of conflict if challenged. Therefore, while physical security is still important, one is better positioned to account for perceptions of physical (and non physical) threats, and subsequent policies seemingly contradictory to traditional security studies, by employing an OS framework. While this will be explored within the context of the DPRK, the applicability of such a framework is far greater, holding key insights for International Relations and Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA). DPRK narrative formed out of the postcolonial nationalism of Japanese occupation, culminating into the hyper-nationalist ideology of Juche. North Korea’s seemingly ‘abnormal’ behavior might in turn be indicative of its unique national narrative and history of colonization and humiliation, leading to a different set of behavioral expectations than states whose narratives do not encompass such stories or reference points. While not all states are expected to act in the same manner as North Korea, the framework would expect them to defend and promote their respective national narratives. Moreover, while narratives can double as sources of legitimacy, as seen increasingly in the DPRK, this in no way detracts from, and merely compounds, the emphasis on narrative maintenance. Examining the historical record, it is argued the OS framework is consistently better at accounting for DPRK policies than traditional security studies. Therefore, more broadly in FPA, by taking seriously group narrative as a key component of OS, one can better account for perceptions and foreign policy decision-making.

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Chen, Weirun. "The People's Republic of China's foreign policy towards the Democratic People's Republic of Korea : From issue areas of the nuclear weapon, the possible reunification of two Koreas and the changed lesadership in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Sektionen för hälsa och samhälle (HOS), 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-19653.

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The purpose of this research is to analyze the People’s Republic of China’s foreign policy towards the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. In order to analyze the People’s Republic of China’s foreign policy towards the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, the author will take advantage of the constructivist approach and from that view the author will give the three specific issue areas to look at the People’s Republic of China’s foreign policy towards the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, the nuclear weapon program, the possible reunification of two Koreas, the changed leadership in North Korea, respectively. Through these three specific issue areas, we can go tohave a general understanding about what is the People’s Republic of China’s governments’foreign policy towards the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. The conclusion will be made on the basis of the three specific events and through that we can realize and conclude the standpoints of the People’s Republic of China’s foreign policy on the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.

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Blackstone, Benjamin D. "Strength Through Diplomacy: A Fundamental Review of the Relationship between North Korea and the United States." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1793.

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At the time that this thesis is printed, we are reminded of the tumultuous relationship between North Korea and the United States every day. If we follow the mainstream news regularly, it seems like we are on a steady path to war. Ultimately, this paper is centered around the question: what is the best foreign policy strategy for both countries to achieve respective goals, without descending into armed conflict? Specifically, I evaluated the failures of the last three U.S. Presidents and used their shortcomings to explain limitations in current foreign policy strategy. I also attempted to show North Korean concerns and perspectives regarding these issues, as our cultural and national biases often prevent us from seeing this issue with true clarity. For some background, I combined personal experience with a primary source interview. I then used scholarly articles from a variety of ideological lenses to analyze events from multiple viewpoints. Throughout the paper, I try to force readers to think critically about these events, rather than consume them through short headlines on the evening news. I learned that there is major potential for diplomatic alternatives to armed conflict in this relationship. I also learned that the current foreign policy strategies both countries are engaging in do not serve their best interests, or help to achieve foreign policy goals. These ideas are crucial to understand, as the likelihood for war between North Korea and the United States becomes greater each day. Furthermore, this war would result in immense loss of life and the displacement of millions of innocent people.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Japan's North Korea policy'

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