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Uemura, Mitsuo. "Japan‐Italy trade and investment relations." International Spectator 23, no. 3 (July 1988): 181–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932728808456653.
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De Ninno, Fabio. "The Italian Navy and Japan, the Indian Ocean, Failed Cooperation, and Tripartite Relations (1935–1943)." War in History 27, no. 2 (September 20, 2018): 224–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344518777270.
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Studies of the relations between the Tripartite powers have primarily been concentrated on the relations of Nazi Germany with Imperial Japan and Fascist Italy. This article, based on original documents from the Italian archives, offers an original insight on the Italian perspective about the naval relations between Italy and Japan before and during the early years of the Second World War. It analyses the strategic motivation that led Fascist Italy to seek naval cooperation with Japan and how their relationship evolved during the period between the Ethiopian War (1935–6) to the end of the Axis campaign in North Africa in 1943.
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Ishida, Ken. "Racisms compared: Fascist Italy and ultra-nationalist Japan." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 7, no. 3 (January 2002): 380–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1354571021000026625.
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Samuels, Richard. "Tracking democracies: Italy and Japan in historical perspective." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 2, no. 3 (September 1997): 283–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13545719708454955.
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Segal, Adam, and Richard Samuels. "Machiavelli's Children: Leaders and Their Legacies in Italy and Japan." Foreign Affairs 82, no. 6 (2003): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033810.
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Bassoni, Nicola. "Karl Haushofer as a “Pioneer” of National Socialist Cultural Diplomacy in Fascist Italy." Central European History 52, no. 03 (September 2019): 424–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938919000773.
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AbstractThe relevant historiography has largely overlooked the role of Karl Haushofer as a cultural-political actor in National Socialist-Fascist relations. From 1924 to 1944, the German geopolitician dealt extensively with Italy, with an eye to both its geopolitical role in Europe and to the political system of Benito Mussolini's regime. On behalf of Rudolf Hess, he began visiting Italy during the 1930s, aiming to overcome ideological and political misunderstandings between Rome and Berlin. He established a network of contacts with Italian scholars and politicians, passed information back to the so-called deputy Führer, and attempted to influence official German policy toward Italy. He eventually promoted the development of an Italian geopolitics, and, in so doing, achieved one of the most significant cultural-political transfers from National Socialist Germany to fascist Italy. This article analyzes the contacts between Haushofer and Italy, both his political activities and his geopolitical theories. It is a case study of a history of contradictions: a man committed to Pan-Germanist culture and to the defense of German minorities abroad, Haushofer also attempted to improve relations between Berlin and Rome. Moreover, he considered the Axis from a geopolitical point of view—as a realization of the European imperial idea—and from a trilateral perspective, i.e., he viewed Japan not only as an ally, but also as a cultural and political model. The reconstruction of Haushofer's relations with Italy is, therefore, an opportunity to rethink the antinomies, as well as the global dimension, of the National Socialist-Fascist alliance.
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LeBlanc, Robin M. "Designing a beautifully poor public: postgrowth community in Italy and Japan." Journal of Political Ecology 24, no. 1 (September 27, 2017): 449. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/v24i1.20883.
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Abstract This paper examines images of desirable postgrowth communities pursued by activist architects in Bologna and Tokyo. Their visions are differently shaped by the distinct architectural and cultural environments in their respective cities. Nonetheless, they share an anti-growth, "beautifully poor" aesthetic that seems to challenge the dominant political values of liberal nations in the post-World War II era, redefining the democratic public in terms of spontaneity and conviviality. Conceptions of successful communities in rich countries have been shaped around the presumption that they must sustain citizens' material wellbeing by sustaining economic growth. But given the global environmental and social justice problems that have resulted from a single-minded focus on growth, we need new imaginaries of communities that can thrive without economic growth, especially in the global north. Decades of low to zero growth and demographic decline in Italy and Japan are forcing community stakeholders from elected officials to urban planners to confront the question of how to maintain good communities even where material affluence is irrevocably diminished. Keywords: degrowth, public space, urban planning, architecture, political ecology
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Marsal, Eva, and Takara Tobashi. "Geschichtsbewusstsein und Zeitzeugnis. Nietzsches Genealogie als Anregung zum philosophischen Dialog mit Kindern." ETHICS IN PROGRESS 5, no. 2 (September 1, 2014): 283–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/eip.2014.2.19.
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The paper confronts the reader with Nietzchean critical approach to history, truth, life, and education. Far away from progressive-euphoric ideologies of 19th, the authors consider the following questions: How children live historical occurences when being tought in classrooms (for example in Italy, Japan, etc.), how can we strengthen their ability for reflected relations to history as well as for interconnecting between past, present, and future life? Psychological, pedagogical, and philosophical considerations meet intercultural contexts.
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Aldrich, Daniel P. "Base Politics: Democratic Change and the U.S. Military Overseas. By Alexander Cooley. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2008. 321p. $29.95." Perspectives on Politics 7, no. 2 (May 15, 2009): 389–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709090987.
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On September 5, 1995, three United States military personnel abducted and raped a 12-year-old schoolgirl on Okinawa, an island in the Pacific that houses roughly 75% of the U.S. military facilities in Japan. After a month and a half of smaller rallies, more than 85,000 demonstrators gathered in late October that year to protest not only the crime itself but also the presence of the U.S. bases on this string of islands that sit a thousand miles south of mainland Japan. Despite the enormous tragedy of this incident, the widespread international attention it received, and the Okinawan governor's refusal afterwards to renew land to the bases, more than 48,000 U.S. military personnel, their dependents, and civilians remain today on the island, which is roughly the size of Los Angeles. Tragedies at other U.S. bases overseas have similarly not altered the bilateral contracts with the host nation. In 1998, for example, a marine airplane accidentally severed a ski-lift cable for a gondola in Cavalese, Italy, killing all 20 passengers aboard, but this incident did not negatively impact the presence of the U.S. military in that nation.
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Pempel, T. J., Sheldon Garon, Junko Kato, Yves Tiberghien, and Richard J. Samuels. "Roundtable Discussion of Richard J. Samuels'sMachiavelli's Children: Leaders and Their Legacies in Italy and Japan." Journal of East Asian Studies 6, no. 1 (April 2006): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800000023.
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Richard Samuels's bookMachiavelli's Children: Leaders and Their Legacies in Italy and Japanraises a number of important issues concerning political leadership and the role individual leaders can play in a nation's history. The book won the 2003 Marraro Prize from the Society for Italian Historical Studies and the 2004 Jervis-Schroeder Prize for the best book in International History and Politics, awarded by the International History and Politics section of the American Political Science Association. This is a roundtable involving four critical essays and the author's response. Discussion centers on the book, its methods, its broader applicability, and the ways in which it dovetails with other intellectual concerns, particularly as these apply to contemporary East Asia.
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Betts, Lucy R., Ken J. Rotenberg, Serena Petrocchi, Flavia Lecciso, Atsushi Sakai, Kazumi Maeshiro, and Helen Judson. "An investigation of children’s peer trust across culture: Is the composition of peer trust universal?" International Journal of Behavioral Development 38, no. 1 (October 21, 2013): 33–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0165025413505248.
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The components of children’s trust in same-gender peers (trust beliefs, ascribed trustworthiness, and dyadic reciprocal trust) were examined in samples of 8–11-year-olds from the UK, Italy, and Japan. Trust was assessed by children’s ratings of the extent to which same-gender classmates kept promises and kept secrets. Social relations analyses confirmed that children from each country showed significant: (a) actor variance demonstrating reliable individual differences in trust beliefs, (b) partner variance demonstrating reliable individual differences in ascribed trustworthiness, and (c) relationship variance demonstrating unique relationships between interaction partners. Cultural differences in trust beliefs and ascribed trustworthiness also emerged and these differences were attributed to the tendency for children from cultures that value societal goals to share personal information with the peer group.
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CURINI, LUIGI. "Negative Campaigning in No-Cabinet Alternation Systems: Ideological Closeness and Blames of Corruption in Italy and Japan Using Party Manifesto Data." Japanese Journal of Political Science 12, no. 3 (November 2, 2011): 399–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109911000181.
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AbstractWithin a one-dimensional spatial framework, we deduce that parties’ incentives ‘to go negative’, by blaming alleged insufficiencies of the rival concerning commonly shared values, increase with their ideological proximity. We test our hypothesis by considering the long period of no-cabinet alternation that characterized both Italy and Japan. In particular, we focus on the (spatial) incentives of the Italian Communist Party and of the Japanese Socialist Party to emphasize on a particular topic related to negative campaigning, i.e. political corruption issues. The status of the perennial opposition held by both parties, together with the existence of several political corruption scandals during the period considered, makes the Italian and the Japanese political systems particularly apt to test our hypothesis. The results, based on data derived from electoral programs, support our theoretical insights.
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Urbano, Annalisa. "Reto Hofman. The Fascist Effect: Japan and Italy, 1915-1952. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2015. 203 pp. ISBN: 9780801453410. $35.00." Itinerario 43, no. 01 (April 2019): 179–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115319000159.
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Zhytariuk, Mar’yan. "Ukraine-Czechoslovakian and Ukraine-Romanian Relations in the Interpretation of the Magazine “Dilo” (Lviv)." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 37-38 (December 20, 2018): 198–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2018.37-38.198-207.
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The Lviv daily “Dilo”, as well as the Ukrainian press in Galicia, Bukovina, Volyn and Transcarpathia in the interwar period, could not keep a way from the numerous and systematic facts of Ukrainophobia and immediately responded to the form available to it, mainly as digest and translations of foreign publications about Ukrainians and Ukrainian ethnic land.
Thirties of the Twentieth century entered the Ukrainian history under the sign of Polish “pacification” in Eastern Galicia (there were also the petitions of Ukrainian and British representations to the League of Nations), artificially created famine and genocide in Soviet Ukraine, the Bolshevik terror (not only against the national Ukrainian intellectuals, but also against the Ukrainian leadership of the Communist Party of the Bolsheviks), the German propaganda concerning the prospects of independent Ukraine and other significant phenomena, which formed together the basis of the "Ukrainian problem". All this in general was reflected by the European press (Great Britain, Germany, France, Switzerland, Belgium, Austria, Italy) and the US press, Canada, Japan. At the same time, from the standpoint of advocacy and sympathy, there was hardly any publication in the press of Czechoslovakia, Poland, Romania (except for Ukrainian-language editions), in the Soviet periodicals, however the governments of these countries were interested in further weakening and leveling of Ukrainian ethnic, mental, religious, historical and other factors that could cement Ukrainians nationally.
Keywords: magazine “Dilo” (Lviv), interethnic relations, Bukovyna, Galychyna, interwar period
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Goodman, John B., and Louis W. Pauly. "The Obsolescence of Capital Controls?: Economic Management in an Age of Global Markets." World Politics 46, no. 1 (October 1993): 50–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2950666.
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Between the late 1970s and the early 1990s, after decades of trying to limit short-term international capital movements, advanced industrial states moved decisively in the direction of decontrol. What has driven this remarkable policy convergence? The answer lies not in ideological change or shifts in relative political power, but in the prior development of international financial markets and in the increasing globalization of business. In a policy environment fundamentally reshaped by these factors, financial institutions and multinational firms were able to threaten or implement strategies of evasion and exit. Thus, the usefulness of controls declined as their effective costs rose sharply. In this light, the cases of Japan, Germany, Italy, and France are examined. The analysis points to the tightening link between short-term capital movements and foreign direct investment, issues that have long been treated as conceptually distinct. It also underlines the intricate connection between national policies governing capital movements and those aimed at managing international financial markets.
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Reynolds, Bruce. "Phibun Songkhram And Thai Nationalism in the Fascist Era." European Journal of East Asian Studies 3, no. 1 (2004): 99–134. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570061033004686.
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Abstract During the late 1930s a political style, generally called 'fascist,' aimed at mobilising nations in the pursuit of expansionist aims had a profound impact around the world. Based on the apparent success of Germany, Italy, and Japan and the impending victory of Francisco Franco's forces in the Spanish Civil War, by early 1939 many observers saw fascism as the wave of the future. Among the Asian political leaders strongly influenced by the success of the fascist states was Phibun Songkhram, the military strongman of Thailand, the lone independent nation in Southeast Asia. Phibun and his adviser Wichit Wathakan promoted a jingoistic version of Thai nationalism, sought to militarise the nation, and adopted an aggressive policy towards neighbouring French Indochina in the wake of France's defeat in June 1940. In the short term these actions gave momentum to Phibun's efforts to consolidate his power and his plans to transform Thai society. Phibun's involvement with Japan and the arrival of Japanese troops in Thailand in December 1941, however, would lead to his temporary political eclipse in 1944 and modification of the more extreme elements of his program.
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Rodríguez Marrero, Ismael. "La imagen del Japón imperial a través de la prensa canaria: los inicios de la segunda guerra sino-japonesa." Vegueta. Anuario de la Facultad de Geografía e Historia 21, no. 2 (July 26, 2021): 161–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.51349/veg.2021.2.07.
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El estallido de la segunda guerra sino-japonesa supuso, junto con la Guerra Civil española, uno de los eventos bélicos preliminares de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. A raíz de ello, tanto España como Japón fueron generando una filia con respecto a Alemania e Italia y también una intensificación de las relaciones hispano-japonesas. Unas relaciones que proyectaron, entre otros elementos, un acercamiento propagandístico del que la prensa canaria no era ajena. Mediante el análisis de las principales cabeceras de Gran Canaria desde julio de 1937 hasta finales de 1938, este trabajo pretende ahondar en la conformación de la imagen del Japón imperial, así como la información de guerra proporcionada durante este conflicto. The outbreak of the Second Sino-Japanese War was, along with the Spanish Civil War, one of the preliminary military episodes of the Second World War. This led to both Spain and Japan cultivating a relationship with Germany and Italy, as well as an intensification of Spanish-Japanese relations. Amongst other elements, these relations began to display a propagandistic inflection which did not escape the attention of the Canarian press. By analysing the main headlines in Gran Canaria from July 1937 to the end of 1938, this work delves into the construction of Imperial Japan’s image, as much as coverage of conflict during the course of the war.
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Rodríguez Marrero, Ismael. "La imagen del Japón imperial a través de la prensa canaria: los inicios de la segunda guerra sino-japonesa." Vegueta. Anuario de la Facultad de Geografía e Historia 21, no. 2 (July 26, 2021): 161–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.51349/2021.2.07.
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El estallido de la segunda guerra sino-japonesa supuso, junto con la Guerra Civil española, uno de los eventos bélicos preliminares de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. A raíz de ello, tanto España como Japón fueron generando una filia con respecto a Alemania e Italia y también una intensificación de las relaciones hispano-japonesas. Unas relaciones que proyectaron, entre otros elementos, un acercamiento propagandístico del que la prensa canaria no era ajena. Mediante el análisis de las principales cabeceras de Gran Canaria desde julio de 1937 hasta finales de 1938, este trabajo pretende ahondar en la conformación de la imagen del Japón imperial, así como la información de guerra proporcionada durante este conflicto. The outbreak of the Second Sino-Japanese War was, along with the Spanish Civil War, one of the preliminary military episodes of the Second World War. This led to both Spain and Japan cultivating a relationship with Germany and Italy, as well as an intensification of Spanish-Japanese relations. Amongst other elements, these relations began to display a propagandistic inflection which did not escape the attention of the Canarian press. By analysing the main headlines in Gran Canaria from July 1937 to the end of 1938, this work delves into the construction of Imperial Japan’s image, as much as coverage of conflict during the course of the war.
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Thompson, Mark. "Book Review: International and Comparative Industrial Relations: Industrial Conflict Resolution in Market Economies: A Study of Australia, the Federal Republic of Germany, Italy, Japan and the USA." ILR Review 39, no. 3 (April 1986): 454–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979398603900317.
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Ferdinand, Peter. "The party's over ‐ market liberalization and the challenges for one‐party and one‐party dominant regimes: The cases of Taiwan and Mexico, Italy and Japan." Democratization 1, no. 1 (March 1994): 133–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510349408403384.
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Blondel, J. "Richard J. Samuels, Macchiavelli's Children: Leaders and their Legacy in Italy and Japan, Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2003, pp. xiv + 361 + notes, references and index." Japanese Journal of Political Science 4, no. 2 (November 2003): 369–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109903231285.
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Kondrat’ev, V. "Automotive Industry: Crisis and Innovations." World Economy and International Relations, no. 3 (2011): 12–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-3-12-21.
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Banking and financial collapse of late 2008 extremely heavily hit the automotive industry in most countries. In 2009, the production of cars in the world dropped to 57 million units compared to 68 million in 2007. At the same time, recent statistics show that the industry is rapidly recovering from the worst crisis in its history. In the 1st quarter of 2010 car production in the world increased by 57% compared to the same period of 2009. In China, Canada, Mexico and Great Britain it increased by more than 70%. Volkswagen, Ford Motor Company and FIAT announced major investment plans, particularly in China and Latin America. Accordingly, it is expected that in 2010 the global car production will grow to 70 million units, and to 88 million by 2016, 40% of all sales will be in the Asia-Pacific region. Reduction of the automotive industry in Russia turned out to be deeper than anywhere else – 49% in 2009 against the previous year's level. For comparison: in the United States reduction amounted to 21%, in Spain – to18, in Japan – to10, in the UK – to 6.4, in Italy – to 0.2; while in China the production grew by 44%. Nevertheless, the Russian automotive industry is also showing signs of recovery, primarily because of the governmental program of recycling old cars.
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STAFIICHUK, Valentyn. "PRIORITY RATING OF COUNTRIES OF THE WORLD FOR UKRAINE’S NATIONAL INTERESTS." Ekonomichna ta Sotsialna Geografiya, no. 84 (2020): 13–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2413-7154/2020.84.13-22.
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After the Russian occupation of Crimea and a part of Donbas the political and geographical position of Ukraine as well as its positioning in the modern world significantly changed. Previously, Ukraine had placed greater focus on non-bloc status in the multipolar world and on development of mutually beneficial bilateral relations with all its partners. For this reason, it is very important to calculate the country priority rating for Ukraine. This rating contains two groups of indicators from all spheres of interstate relations. The first group shows the current level of interaction and the second group shows the importance of states in the modern world. From six priority groups of countries the top-priority for Ukraine is cooperation with Germany, the USA, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Italy, France, Canada, Spain and Switzerland. The second priority group includes most of European countries (such as the Czech Republic, Poland, Austria, Belgium, Sweden, Denmark, Portugal, Hungary, Romania, Norway, Iceland, Finland, Slovakia), Japan, Israel, Australia, South Korea, Turkey and Singapore. Contrary to popular belief of supporters of indispensable friendship with Russia this country is not so important for cooperation nowadays and, moreover, it is not a landmark for the future as it is only in the third priority group. This group also includes Bulgaria, Malaysia, China, New Zealand, Estonia, Greece, Latvia, Thailand, Brazil, etc.Cooperation with more prosperous countries will help to get rid of the negative moments of Russian colonization, to reach higher economic and socio-political standards. With certain modifications this rating can be used for calculation of cooperation priority ratings for any country in the world.
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Gul, Nazia, and Hafiz M. Yasin. "The Trade Potential of Pakistan: An Application of the Gravity Model." LAHORE JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS 16, no. 1 (January 1, 2011): 23–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.35536/lje.2011.v16.i1.a2.
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This paper attempts to estimate Pakistan’s trade potential, using the gravity model of trade. Panel data for the period 1981-2005 across 42 countries is employed in the analysis. The coefficients obtained from the model are then used to predict the country’s trade potential worldwide as well as within specific trading regions. The results reveal that Pakistan’s trade potential is highest with countries in the Asia-Pacific region (the Association of Southeast Asian Nations [ASEAN]), the European Union (EU), the Middle East, Latin America, and North America. Specifically, the maximum potential exists with Japan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Malaysia, the Philippines, New Zealand, Norway, Sweden, Italy, and Denmark. Therefore, Pakistan should explore ways and means to further improve its trade relations with the countries concerned, and also concentrate on ASEAN, the Middle East, and the EU to increase its market share as far as possible. The volume of trade between Pakistan and other members of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) and Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO) is very low, despite the existence of significant potential. The main obstacles to this end are the political and social tensions among neighboring countries, particularly between Pakistan and India, which are the main players of SAARC. The same obstacles exist in the case of the EU and NAFTA, where Pakistani exports are adversely affected by political considerations.
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Volodin, A. "Russia: “Late-Take Off Society” in the Whirlwind of World Politics." World Economy and International Relations 64, no. 11 (2020): 42–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2020-64-11-42-52.
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Russia is regarded as a “late take-off” society (other participants in this “cohort” – Germany, Japan, Italy), the modernization of which was guided from above, by the state and its agencies, indirectly reflecting the lack of alternative, spontaneous modernization option. The author, while exploring the phenomenon of modern Russian society in the unity of historical, economic, sociocultural and political forms of existence, tries to identify the similarities as well as differences between the domestic society, on the one hand, and the “classical” West, that is Northwest Europe, on the other. The comparison demonstrates: Russia is the most complex organism among the “late take-off” societies, in the modernization of which the state has played and continues to play a pivotal role in its various historical and political forms and manifestations. The paper outlines the main stages of the “guided” transformation of Russian society. Fundamental to the modernization of Russia were: Peter and Catherine’s societal transformations, the first industrial revolution in the country (1850–1890s), emergence of the “organized capitalism” system in Germany, Japan, and later in the USA, the October Revolution, World War II, Soviet-American bipolarity. The accelerated transition of Russia from rural to industrial society was accompanied by deformations (deviations from the West European “standard”), return movements (“counter-reforms”), and impediments to reception of representative institutions and practices by the masses. External pressure reinforced the tendency of state domination over society, which subsequently transformed into paternalistic behavior patterns. Migration flows were not accompanied by social and professional diversification of Russian society. From now on, the logic of the accelerated development of Russia was shaped by competition with the West that was undergoing the industrial revolution. This competition endangered the homeostatic equilibrium of traditional society. The World War I revealed the peripheral, subordinate position of Russia in the international system. The most radical approach to regaining a major power status in world politics was proposed by the Bolshevik Party, who led the October Revolution of 1917. The Communist model has become instrumental of advancing transformation of traditional/rural society into a modern, urban one. Subsequently, the exhaustion of the communist model’s internal resources gave rise to a painful search for a new modernization and development paradigm. Currently, Russia’s existential task is to accelerate the pace of economic growth, help society enter the trajectory of sustainable development and, consequentially, participate in the world system on the basis of “strategic autonomy” that is unconditional sovereignty.
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Mironyuk, Sergei A. "Participation of Britain and its role in the elaboration of the London Inter-Allied Conference’s decisions on the “Russian question” (December 11-13, 1919)." RUDN Journal of World History 11, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 351–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2019-11-4-351-360.
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The London Inter-Allied Conference on the "Russian question" (December 11-13, 1919) is rarely mentioned by historians, but a landmark event in the history of British participation in foreign intervention in Russia - and in a broad sense an interesting phenomenon in world history. During the Conference in London participants - Britain, Italy, USA, France and Japan - discussed the future of the intervention and in general a new foreign policy strategy regarding Russia in the context of the evident Bolsheviks’ victory in the Civil War and the formation of a new system of international relations after the First World War, in which it was necessary to determine the position of Russia. The approaches and methods adopted in London, as practice shows, seem to be currently relevant. The purpose of this article is to analyze the participation of Britain and determine its role in the development of decisions of the London Inter-Allied Conference on the "Russian question" on the basis of previously uninvolved documents of the Cabinet of Ministers and the Parliament of the United Kingdom, as well as sources of personal origin. The decisions of the London Conference on the "Russian question" put an end to largescale military assistance to the White movement and thus contributed to the end of the Russian Civil War. The British government played a key role in producing the decisions of the London Conference. The Government had prepared thoroughly for the Conference and had proposed its draft decisions.
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Esherick, Joseph W. "The Origins of the Boxer War: A Multinational Study. By Lanxin Xiang. [London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003. xvii +382 pp. $80.00. ISBN 0-7007-1563-0.]." China Quarterly 176 (December 2003): 1110–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741003370638.
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This old-fashioned political and diplomatic history of the conflict between the Qing court and foreign powers in 1900 makes a significant, if not always convincing, contribution to our understanding of the Boxer troubles. Arguing that previous studies have been flawed by an excessive focus on “the so-called ‘Boxer Rebellion’ ” (p. vii), this book focuses on how the Qing court came to declare war on the foreign powers in June of 1900. Its close analysis of court politics and actions of the foreign diplomatic corps in Beijing makes excellent use of archival records from Belgium, China, France, Germany, Great Britain, Italy, and the United States plus published documents from Russia and Japan – an impressive research accomplishment that adds an important new dimension to our understanding this critical moment in modern Chinese history.In four chapters tracing the background to the Boxer incident, Xiang argues that the death of Prince Gong in 1898 deprived the Qing court of a critical balancing figure. When southern reformers overplayed their hand in the 1898 reforms, the Empress Dowager responded in a coup that brought an incompetent group of ultra-conservative Manchu princelings to power. At the same time, a new kind of imperialism representing an “unholy alliance” of nationalist elites, commercial interests and Christian missionaries threatened China with the scramble for concessions. Xiang is particularly effective in describing the catch-up imperialism of Germany, spurred by the erratic Catholic bishop Anzer, and the “theatrical performance” of the Italians, whose rebuff by the Qing court emboldened the conservative princes.
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Miglietta, Nicola, and Enrico Battisti. "Financial System and Corporate Governance Around the World. Lessons for Emerging Markets." Journal of Corporate Finance Research / Корпоративные Финансы | ISSN: 2073-0438 7, no. 1 (April 26, 2013): 59–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/j.jcfr.2073-0438.7.1.2013.59-70.
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Authors: Nicola Miglietta
Enrico Battisti
This work explores the main features of the models of Corporate Governance around the world. The goal is to verify the existence of an optimal model of Corporate Governance that could be a datum point for Emerging Markets. Corporate Governance is deeply tied to different Financial Systems. Usually a Corporation is a kind of partnership amongst managers – employees who operate the firm and commit human resource instead of financial capital – and outside investors. Its financial objective is to maximize shareholders’ value. According to United States and United Kingdom Corporation Law, managers are legally required to act in the interests of the shareholders. In this sense, the Board of Directors is supposed to represent shareholders’ interest, however laws and traditions differ from country to country and it is common to distinguish in between market-based and bank-based systems.We could divide the article in two parts. The first part explores the relations between Corporate Finance and Corporate Governance. The second one examines the Developed Markets’ Corporate Governance Models (Anglo-Saxon Countries, Germany, Japan, Italy) and the Emerging one (most notably Brazil, Russian Federation, India and China) in order to identify if the differences between countries can be regarded as more or less relevant. In conclusion, the work highlights the key elements of a Corporate Governance pointing out social and company’ benefits and it identifies in a system of Network Governance, founded on a more active involvement of all stakeholders, a reference point for the Emerging Markets.
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Turina, Stefano. "Beyond the silkworm eggs. The role of the Italian semai (silkworm eggs merchants) in spreading knowledge of Japan in Italy in the second half of the nineteenth century between art and science." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 26, no. 2 (March 15, 2021): 141–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2020.1866292.
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Han, Chirok, and Kwanho Shin. "What Explains Current Account Surplus in Korea?" Asian Economic Papers 17, no. 2 (June 2018): 70–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep_a_00610.
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Since the currency crisis in 1998, Korea has experienced continuous current account surpluses. Recently, the current account surplus increased more rapidly—amounting to 7.7 percent of GDP in 2015. In this paper, we investigate the underlying reasons for the widening of Korea's current account surpluses. We find that the upward trend in Korea's current account surpluses is largely explained by its demographical changes. Other economic variables are only helpful when explaining short run fluctuations in current account balances. Moreover, we show that Korea's current account surplus is expected to disappear by 2042 as it becomes one of the most aged economies in the world. Demographic changes are so powerful that they explain, quite successfully, the current account balance trends of other economies with highly aged populations such as Japan, Germany, Italy, Finland, and Greece. When we add the real exchange rate as an additional explanatory variable, it is statistically significant with the right sign, but the magnitude explained by it is quite limited. For example, to reduce the current account surplus by 1 percentage point, a 12 percent depreciation is needed. If Korea's current exchange rate is undervalued 4 to 12 percent less than the level consistent with fundamentals, it is impossible to reduce Korea's current account surplus to a reasonable level by adjusting the exchange rate alone. Another way to reduce current account surplus is to expand fiscal policies. We find, however, that the impact of fiscal adjustments in reducing current account surplus is even more limited. According to our estimates, reducing the current account surplus by 1 percentage point requires an increase in budget deficits (as a ratio to GDP) of 5 to 6 percentage points. If we allow endogenous movements of exchange rate and fiscal policy, the impact of exchange rate adjustment increases by 1.6 times but that of fiscal policy decreases that it is no longer statistically significant.
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Chernyavsky, S. I. "The People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs (NKID) of the USSR in the City of Kuibyshev (1941-1943)." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 4 (September 4, 2020): 178–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-4-73-178-198.
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This article analyzes the work of the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs (NKID) of the USSR in the city of Kuibyshev (now Samara), where it was evacuated in 1941- 1943 together with other central government agencies and the diplomatic corps accredited in the USSR. Although this period was quite short, and though key decisions were, of course, made in Moscow, intense rough work was being carried out in the “reserve capital”, which ensured the solution of the tasks set by the country's leadership to the NKID apparatus.The aggression of Nazi Germany found the Soviet Union poorly prepared not only militarily, but also diplomatically. Due to the opposition of the Western powers, domestic diplomacy failed to create a collective security system to prevent the aggression of Germany, Italy and Japan. Negotiations with representatives of Great Britain and France, which were conducted in 1939, were interrupted and relations with these countries were virtually frozen.Some important strategic tasks were set before Soviet diplomacy. First of all, it was about the concentration of diplomatic activity in specific areas that could provide real assistance to the Red Army in obtaining the necessary weapons and strategic raw materials. Among other tasks were the search for allies, establishing effective military, economic and political cooperation with them, counteracting the expansion of the Nazi coalition at the expense of Sweden and Turkey, and conducting an extremely balanced policy in the Far East in order to avoid a military clash with Japan.Due to the deterioration of the military situation on the Western Front and the imminence of the capture of Moscow, on October 16, 1941, the main staff of the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs, headed by its Deputy Chairman A. Vyshinsky, as well as members of the diplomatic corps were evacuated to Kuibyshev (now Samara). V. Molotov and a small group of assistants remained in Moscow.The relations between the NKID and the embassies evacuated to Kuibyshev evolved differently. The level and the intensity of contacts with them largely depended on bilateral relations with the respective nations. Contacts with the embassies of Great Britain and the USA were naturally at the top of the agenda. By way of ambassadors of these countries the key tasks of forming the anti-Hitler coalition were being solved, and the dates of summit meetings were agreed upon.The crowding of the central office staff and foreign diplomats in a small regional city certainly introduced difficulties into the practical implementation of many tasks. Nevertheless, the striving for a common victory and the awareness of responsibility to their own country, united this motley crew of diplomats, and facilitated the search for compromise solutions. The return to Moscow of the employees of the People’s Commissariat and the diplomatic corps took place after the victory in the Battle of Kursk in the summer of 1943. Only at the end of 1943 Kuibyshev did finally cede its status of the capital of the USSR to Moscow.
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Caprara, Gian Vittorio, Michele Vecchione, Shalom H. Schwartz, Harald Schoen, Paul G. Bain, Jo Silvester, Jan Cieciuch, et al. "The Contribution of Religiosity to Ideology: Empirical Evidences From Five Continents." Cross-Cultural Research 52, no. 5 (May 20, 2018): 524–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1069397118774233.
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The current study examines the extent to which religiosity account for ideological orientations in 16 countries from five continents (Australia, Brazil, Chile, Germany, Greece, Finland, Israel, Italy, Japan, Poland, Slovakia, Spain, Turkey, Ukraine, the United Kingdom, and the United States). Results showed that religiosity was consistently related to right and conservative ideologies in all countries, except Australia. This relation held across different religions, and did not vary across participant’s demographic conditions (i.e., gender, age, income, and education). After controlling for basic personal values, the contribution of religiosity on ideology was still significant. However, the effect was substantial only in countries where religion has played a prominent role in the public sphere, such as Spain, Poland, Greece, Italy, Slovakia, and Turkey. In the other countries, the unique contribution of religiosity was marginal or small.
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Derzhaliuk, M. "The Treaty of Trianon as a Source of Instability in the Central-Eastern Europe (Part 2)." Problems of World History, no. 13 (March 18, 2021): 53–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-13-3.
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The article notes that the Trianon Peace Treaty of June 4, 1920 between the Entente countries and Hungary, as a result of the First World War, turned out to be, like all the other six treaties of the Versailles system, mostly unfair. Forcibly the territory of Hungary decreased by 2/3, the population decreased 2,7 times, a third of the Hungarian ethnic group became part of neighboring states.
It is noted that during 1920-2020. In Hungary, there were no powerful political forces of various trends and trends that would recognize the Trianon Peace Treaty as just. At the same time, the ruling political elites of the neighboring states of Hungary considered and still consider the conditions of the Trianon fair. Such opposite assessments of the consequences of Versailles engendered antagonism, making it impossible to reach a compromise between the countries of Central-Eastern Europe.
Attention is drawn to the fact that during the domination in Europe of the coalition of countries led by Germany of the Versailles Peace Treaty, including the Trianon, were dismantled, a new order was introduced, in which opponents of Versailles – Germany, Italy, Japan, the USSR, Hungary, Bulgaria. played an active role
It is noted that the winners of the World War ІІ restored the borders of the countries of Germany’s allies in Europe, in accordance with their own geopolitical interests, which corresponded by 70% to the borders established by the Entente after the World War І. The Trianon borders were restored over Hungary by the Paris Peace Treaty of February 10, 1947. The USSR, Great Britain, France and the United States acted from a hegemonic position, were guided by the right of the winner and in many respects imposed on the defeated countries the conditions of the Versailles system were discredited, did not draw proper conclusions and did not build international relations on principles close to justice, but preserved the complicated territorial contradictions of the past with the corresponding treaties.
It is indicated that the threat of assimilation and disappearance of foreign Hungarians is one of the main reasons for the revitalization of modern Hungary. Measures to overcome the syndrome of the dismemberment of the Hungarian nation in Central-Eastern Europe have been going on for centuries with little results; The rate of decline in the number of Hungarians in neighboring states over the past century is the highest, so Budapest believes that there is no time to delay the introduction of autonomy for foreign Hungarians, because in the next 25 years the very need for it will disappear through their disappearance.
It is emphasized that the level of ensuring the rights of the Hungarian minority in Transcarpathia especially affects the relationship of Hungary with Ukraine. The improvement of relations between Hungary and Ukraine has minimal chances, since the positions of the parties on the procedure for the application of educational and language laws in Transcarpathia do not coincide.
Taking into account the decisive activity of Hungary and the Hungarian foreign communities in 2020 (the century of the signing of the Trianon Peace Treaty on June 4, 1920), it is concluded that this problem will not lose its relevance, but will significantly increase.
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Derzhaliuk, M. "The Treaty of Trianon as a Source of Instability in the Central-Eastern Europe (Part 3)." Problems of World History, no. 14 (June 10, 2021): 26–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-14-2.
Full textAbstract:
The article notes that the Trianon Peace Treaty of June 4, 1920 between the Entente countries and Hungary, as a result of the First World War, turned out to be, like all the other six treaties of the Versailles system, mostly unfair. Forcibly the territory of Hungary decreased by 2/3, the population decreased 2,7 times, a third of the Hungarian ethnic group became part of neighboring states.
It is noted that during 1920-2020. In Hungary, there were no powerful political forces of various trends and trends that would recognize the Trianon Peace Treaty as just. At the same time, the ruling political elites of the neighboring states of Hungary considered and still consider the conditions of the Trianon fair. Such opposite assessments of the consequences of Versailles engendered antagonism, making it impossible to reach a compromise between the countries of Central-Eastern Europe.
Attention is drawn to the fact that during the domination in Europe of the coalition of countries led by Germany of the Versailles Peace Treaty, including the Trianon, were dismantled, a new order was introduced, in which opponents of Versailles – Germany, Italy, Japan, the USSR, Hungary, Bulgaria. played an active role.
It is noted that the winners of the World War ІІ restored the borders of the countries of Germany’s allies in Europe, in accordance with their own geopolitical interests, which corresponded by 70% to the borders established by the Entente after the World War І. The Trianon borders were restored over Hungary by the Paris Peace Treaty of February 10, 1947. The USSR, Great Britain, France and the United States acted from a hegemonic position, were guided by the right of the winner and in many respects imposed on the defeated countries the conditions of the Versailles system were discredited, did not draw proper conclusions and did not build international relations on principles close to justice, but preserved the complicated territorial contradictions of the past with the corresponding treaties.
It is indicated that the threat of assimilation and disappearance of foreign Hungarians is one of the main reasons for the revitalization of modern Hungary. Measures to overcome the syndrome of the dismemberment of the Hungarian nation in Central-Eastern Europe have been going on for centuries with little results; The rate of decline in the number of Hungarians in neighboring states over the past century is the highest, so Budapest believes that there is no time to delay the introduction of autonomy for foreign Hungarians, because in the next 25 years the very need for it will disappear through their disappearance.
It is emphasized that the level of ensuring the rights of the Hungarian minority in Transcarpathia especially affects the relationship of Hungary with Ukraine. The improvement of relations between Hungary and Ukraine has minimal chances, since the positions of the parties on the procedure for the application of educational and language laws in Transcarpathia do not coincide.
Taking into account the decisive activity of Hungary and the Hungarian foreign communities in 2020 (the century of the signing of the Trianon Peace Treaty on June 4, 1920), it is concluded that this problem will not lose its relevance, but will significantly increase.
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Derzhaliuk, M. "The Treaty of Trianon as a Source of Instability in the Central-Eastern Europe (Part 1)." Problems of World History, no. 12 (September 29, 2020): 122–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-12-7.
Full textAbstract:
The article notes that the Trianon Peace Treaty of June 4, 1920 between the Entente countries and Hungary, as a result of the First World War, turned out to be, like all the other six treaties of the Versailles system, mostly unfair. In the forcibly the territory of Hungary decreased by 2/3, the population decreased 2,7 times, a third of the Hungarian ethnic group became part of neighboring states.
It is noted that during 1920-2020. In Hungary, there were no powerful political forces of various trends and trends that would recognize the Trianon Peace Treaty as just. At the same time, the ruling political elites of the neighboring states of Hungary considered and still consider the conditions of the Trianon fair. Such opposite assessments of the consequences of Versailles engendered antagonism, making it impossible to reach a compromise between the countries of Central-Eastern Europe.
Attention is drawn to the fact that during the domination in Europe of the coalition of countries led by Germany of the Versailles Peace Treaty, including the Trianon, were dismantled, a new order was introduced, in which opponents of Versailles – Germany, Italy, Japan, the USSR, played an active role. Hungary, Bulgaria.
It is noted that the winners of the World War ІІ restored the borders of the countries of Germany’s allies in Europe, in accordance with their own geopolitical interests, which corresponded by 70% to the borders established by the Entente after the World War І. The Trianon borders were restored over Hungary by the Paris Peace Treaty of February 10, 1947. The USSR, Great Britain, France and the United States acted from a hegemonic position, were guided by the right of the winner and in many respects imposed on the defeated countries the conditions of the Versailles system were discredited, did not draw proper conclusions and did not build international relations on principles close to justice, but preserved the complicated territorial contradictions of the past with the corresponding treaties.
It is indicated that the threat of assimilation and disappearance of foreign Hungarians is one of the main reasons for the revitalization of modern Hungary. Measures to overcome the syndrome of the dismemberment of the Hungarian nation in Central-Eastern Europe have been going on for centuries with little results; The rate of decline in the number of Hungarians in neighboring states over the past century is the highest, so Budapest believes that there is no time to delay the introduction of autonomy for foreign Hungarians, because in the next 25 years the very need for it will disappear through their disappearance.
It is emphasized that the level of ensuring the rights of the Hungarian minority in Transcarpathia especially affects the relationship of Hungary with Ukraine. The improvement of relations between Hungary and Ukraine has minimal chances, since the positions of the parties on the procedure for the application of educational and language laws in Transcarpathia do not coincide.
Taking into account the decisive activity of Hungary and the Hungarian foreign communities in 2020 (the century of the signing of the Trianon Peace Treaty on June 4, 1920), it is concluded that this problem will not only not lose its relevance, but will significantly increase.
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Liu, Hong Bin, Yong Sheng Shi, Lei Zhang, and Ming Qiu. "Present Situation of Exploitation and Utilization of Geothermal Resources in China." Applied Mechanics and Materials 541-542 (March 2014): 911–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amm.541-542.911.
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Geothermal energy provides the renewable energy sector with an opportunity to produce base load power, whilst meeting current government objectives of many countries in relation to greenhouse gas emission and renewable energy portfolio standards. The utilization of geothermal power develops well in many developed countries, such as America, Japan, France, Italy, Iceland, etc. But it is still at an early stage in China. The development of alternative energy such as geothermal energy is as a basic national policy. It is also an important issue for China how to make good use of geothermal resource currently. In this paper, according to the distribution, we introduce the development and utilization of Chinese geothermal resources.
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Ohe, Yasuo. "Accessing demand characteristics of agritourism in Italy." Tourism and hospitality management 18, no. 2 (2012): 281–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.20867/thm.18.2.8.
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The purpose – The aim of this paper is to investigate the demand characteristics of agritourism in Italy, which has not been fully investigated despite the relatively high number of the supply-side studies on the Italian agritourism. Design – First this paper conceptually characterized the features of agritourism as the old and modern types and outlined the trend of supply and demand in agritourism in Italy in comparison with Japan. Second, this paper statistically examined the characteristics in the demand side for agritourism in Italy in comparison with tourism demand in general, such as that for hotels. Methodology and approach – Data were obtained from ‘Annuario Statistico Italiano’ edited and issued by ISTAT (Istituto Nazionale di Statistica). Data from 1997 were compared with those from 2006. We examined the regional characteristics and trends in the composition of domestic and inbound tourists in relation to agritourism. Findings – (1) Agritourism experienced rapid growth in the number of beds available and of those tourists who stayed overnight during the last decade while the operation rate of agritourism is much lower than that of tourism in general. (2) The market for agritourism domestic demand accounted for more than half of the total agritourism demand. The remaining demand was filled by inbound tourists from European countries. These inbound tourists are driving the growth of agritourism in this country. Even if we consider the particular reasons for low barriers to travel in Europe, these findings clearly indicate that it is essential for the development of agritourism to count not only on domestic but also inbound tourists to raise the operation rate. Originality of the research – The originality comes from the investigation of agritourism in Italy by focusing on the demand factors in comparison with tourism in general.
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Yoo, Taeyoung. "Country of Origin and Diners’ Perceptions of a Cuisine: The Moderating Effects of Culinary and Institutional Factors." Journal of Hospitality & Tourism Research 42, no. 3 (January 6, 2015): 420–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1096348014565026.
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This study examines the roles of country of origin in diners’ perceptions of a cuisine in relation to the moderating effects of culinary and institutional factors. Using the survey data on 247 adults in Seoul, South Korea, this study finds that the country of origin shows substantial impacts on diners’ perceptions of a cuisine. Korea, as a country of origin, functions negatively, whereas China, Japan, and France/Italy assume positive roles. Noteworthy is that the effects of the country of origin are moderated by culinary or institutional factors in accordance with a country’s context. Interestingly, in the case of Korea, where the country’s image is weak, culinary factors, such as menu development, help overcome the negative effects of the country of origin. Therefore, it is proposed that the dynamics underlying country of origin and culinary and institutional factors shape a wide range of formulae to transform diners’ perceptions of a cuisine.
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TROVATO, FRANK, and NILS B. HEYEN. "A VARIED PATTERN OF CHANGE OF THE SEX DIFFERENTIAL IN SURVIVAL IN THE G7 COUNTRIES." Journal of Biosocial Science 38, no. 3 (April 25, 2005): 391–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021932005007212.
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Over the course of the 20th century the sex differential in life expectancy at birth in the industrialized countries has widened considerably in favour of women. Starting in the early 1970s, the beginning of a reversal in the long-term pattern of this differential has been noted in some high-income countries. This study documents a sustained pattern of narrowing of this measure into the later part of the 1990s for six of the populations that comprise the G7 countries: Canada, France, Germany, Italy, England and Wales (as representative of the United Kingdom) and USA. For Japan, a persistence of widening sex differences in survival is noted. The sex differences in life expectancy are decomposed over roughly three decades (early 1970s to late 1990s) from the point of view of four major cause-of-death categories: circulatory diseases, cancers, accidents/violence/suicide, and ‘other’ (residual) causes. In the six countries where the sex gap has narrowed, this has resulted primarily from reduced sex differences in circulatory disease mortality, and secondarily from reduced differences in male and female death rates due to accidents, violence and suicide combined. In some of the countries sex differentials in cancer mortality have been converging lately, and this has also contributed to a narrowing of the difference in life expectancy. In Japan, males have been less successful in reducing their survival disadvantage in relation to Japanese women with regard to circulatory disease and cancer; and in the case of accidents/violence/suicide, male death rates increased during the 1990s. These trends explain the divergent pattern of the sex difference in life expectation in Japan as compared with the other G7 nations.
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Tiribelli, Claudio, Mauro Melato, Lory S. Crocè, Luigi Giarelli, Kunio Okuda, and Kunihiko Ohnishi. "Prevalence of hepatocellular carcinoma and relation to cirrhosis: Comparison of two different cities of the world—Trieste, Italy, and Chiba, Japan." Hepatology 10, no. 6 (December 1989): 998–1002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/hep.1840100618.
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Satdykov, A. I., and B. A. Sazonov. "Recognition of Qualifications Obtained as a Result of Non-Formal and Informal Learning: Foreign Experience and Prospects for Russian Practice." Vysshee Obrazovanie v Rossii = Higher Education in Russia 29, no. 11 (November 28, 2020): 98–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.31992/0869-3617-2020-29-11-98-111.
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The article discusses modern approaches to the procedures for awarding qualifications based on the results of formal, non-formal, and informal education. The article analyzes domestic and best foreign practices that have received recognition from the world educational community. Innovative tools for assessing qualifications are considered. In this regard, the experience of South Korea described in the article is interesting, using the Register of Academic Credit Units as the main tool for the recognition of qualifications. Similar systems are used in France and Denmark. In Germany, Norway and Japan, modern information and communication systems are being actively introduced to accumulate information about the qualifications of the adult population. In Italy, it is legally established that qualifications obtained through formal, non-formal, and informal means are equivalent. The experience of Italy is valuable in that the results of not only non-formal but also informal learning are taken into account during the qualification recognition procedure. The educational legislation of the Russian Federation makes it possible to take into account certain documented results of non-formal and informal learning obtained in the course of mastering additional education programs, including in relation to higher education programs. However, some learning outcomes can be difficult to recognize, especially if they are not documented. The article proposes a project model for the recognition of qualifications obtained in the course of non-formal and informal education, which could be considered as promising for the Russian Federation.
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Leone, Massimo. "Nature and culture in visual communication: Japanese variations on Ludus Naturae." Semiotica 2016, no. 213 (November 1, 2016): 213–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sem-2015-0145.
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AbstractThe neurophysiology of vision and cognition shapes the way in which human beings visually “read” the environment. A biological instinct, probably selected as adaptive through evolution, pushes them to recognize coherent shapes in chaotic visual patterns and to impute the creation of these shapes to an anthropomorphic agency. In the west as in the east, in Italy as in Japan, human beings have identified faces, bodies, and landscapes in the bizarre chromatic, eidetic, and topologic configurations of stones, clouds, and other natural elements, as though invisible painters and sculptors had depicted the former in the latter. However, culture-specific visual ideologies immediately and deeply mold such cross-cultural instinct of pattern recognition and agency attribution. Giants and mythical monsters are seen in clouds in the west as in the east; both the Italian seventeenth-century naturalist and the Japanese seventeenth-century painter identify figures of animals and plants in stones. And yet, the ways in which they articulate the semantics of this visual recognition, identify its icons, determine its agency, and categorize it in relation to an ontological framework diverge profoundly, according to such exquisitely paths of differentiation that only the study of culture, together with that of nature, can account for.
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Goncharenko, A. V., and T. O. Safonova. "Great Britain and the tvolution of the colonial system (end 19th – beginning 20th centuries)." SUMY HISTORICAL AND ARCHIVAL JOURNAL, no. 35 (2020): 60–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/shaj.2020.i35.p.60.
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The article investigates the impact of Great Britain on the evolution of colonialism in the late ХІХ and early ХХ centuries. It is analyzed the sources and scientific literature on the policy of the United Kingdom in the colonial question in the late ХІХ – early ХХ century. The reasons, course and consequences of the intensification of British policy in the colonial problem are described. The process of formation and implementation of London’s initiatives in the colonial question during the period under study is studied. It is considered the position of Great Britain on the transformation of the colonial system in the late XIX – early XX centuries. The resettlement activity of the British and the peculiarities of their mentality, based on the idea of racial superiority and the new national messianism, led to the formation of developed resettlement colonies. The war for the independence of the North American colonies led to the formation of a new state on their territory, and the rest of the “white” colonies of Great Britain had at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries had to build a new policy of relations, taking into account the influence of the United States on them, and the general decline of economic and military-strategic influence of Britain in the world, and the militarization of other leading countries. As a result, a commonwealth is formed instead of an empire. With regard to other dependent territories, there is also a change in policy towards the liberalization of colonial rule and concessions to local elites. In the late ХІХ – early ХІХ centuries the newly industrialized powers (Germany, Italy, and Japan) sought to seize the colonies to reaffirm their new status in the world, the great colonial powers of the past (Spain, Portugal, and the Netherlands) sought to retain what remained to preserve their international prestige, and Russia sought to expand. The largest colonial empires, Great Britain and France, were interested in maintaining the status quo. In the colonial policy of the United Kingdom, it is possible to trace a certain line related to attempts to preserve the situation in their remote possessions and not to get involved in conflicts and costly measures where this can be avoided. In this sense, the British government showed some flexibility and foresight – the relative weakening of the military and economic power of the empire due to the emergence of new states, as well as the achievement of certain self-sufficiency, made it necessary to reconsider traditional foreign policy. Colonies are increasingly no longer seen as personal acquisitions of states, and policy toward these territories is increasingly seen as a common deal of the international community and even its moral duty. The key role here was to be played by Great Britain, which was one of the first to form the foundations of a “neocolonial” system that presupposes a solidarity policy of Western countries towards the rest of the world under the auspices of London. Colonial system in the late ХІХ – early ХІХ century underwent a major transformation, which was associated with a set of factors, the main of which were – the emergence of new industrial powers on the world stage, the internal evolution of the British Empire, changes in world trade, the emergence of new weapons, general growth of national and religious identity and related with this contradiction. The fact that the First World War did not solve many problems, such as Japanese expansionism or British marinism, and caused new ones, primarily such as the Bolshevik coup in Russia and the coming to power of the National Socialists in Germany, the implementation of the above trends stretched to later moments.
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Perepelytsya, Maria. "Virtual currency as an object of financial monitoring: taking into account the experience of foreign countriesin the formation of national legislation." Law and innovations, no. 2 (34) (June 18, 2021): 58–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.37772/2518-1718-2021-2(34)-7.
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Problem setting. On April 28, 2020, the Law of Ukraine “On Prevention and Counteraction to Legalization (Laundering) of Proceeds from Crime, Financing of Terrorism and Financing of the Proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction” came into force, which expands the range of state financial monitoring entities a new category of subjects of primary financial monitoring – providers of services, related to the circulation of virtual assets. The space of virtual currencies has expanded to include a number of new products and services, activities and interactions. In turn, the rapid development, growing recognition and global nature of products and services based on virtual currency have increased the risks of using such a financial asset to legalize illicit income. Contributing to this fact that payment products and services based on virtual currency do not recognize borders and transactions with them can be carried out without any apparent link to a particular jurisdiction. Therefore, the financial system of any state can be used to legalize (launder) proceeds of crime. This issue is extremely important for Ukraine, because the state of this problem is at a low level, and the issue of its solution is only being raised. The purpose of the research. Research of the approaches that some countries are currently using, and some are going to apply in the near future, in the field of regulation of payment products and services based on virtual currency as an object of financial monitoring in order to take them into account when developing national legislation in this area. Analysis of resent researches and publications. The problem of virtual currency as a new means of payment, its functionality and types were studied in the works of domestic scientists – M. Kucheryavenko, A. Kud, E. Smychok, A. Ovcharenko, O. Glushchenko, S. Khvalinsky and foreign – Fredrik Schneider, E. Gots. But the author of the article draws attention to a separate aspect of this problem - the legal uncertainty and unregulated implementation of transactions with virtual currency in legal relations in the field of financial monitoring. Article’s main body. Having analyzed the experience of foreign countries in the formation of national legislation, we consider it possible to offer the following recommendations for regulating financial monitoring, where the object is virtual currency: 1) registration in a special body of service providers related to virtual assets, both national and foreign origin; 2) conducting activities by the national financial monitoring service (seminars, lectures, webinars, issue of reports, collections of cases, etc.) on illegal use of crypto-assets, both among the subjects of primary financial monitoring and among individuals and legal entities whose activities are not associated with virtual currency in order to eliminate financial illiteracy; 3) licensing of activities; 4) creation of a separate department in the structure of the financial monitoring service for supervision and control of providers of services in the field of virtual currency, which would evaluate programs, business plans of such providers in order to prevent neutralization of risks in the field of virtual assets, combating money laundering; 5) the obligation directly to the providers of virtual services to periodically provide reports on the risks that exist in their activities; 6) differentiation of services with virtual assets depending on the subject or object of the service itself: services in the field of money transfer, services in the field of securities, services in the field of exchange goods and derivatives and development of typology and risk indicators for each area ; 7) establishing close cooperation between state national authorities on the exchange of any information related to the implementation of activities in the field of virtual currency. Conclusions. The article, based on a study of the approaches used by some countries in the field of regulation of payment products and services based on virtual currency as an object of financial monitoring, provides suggestions for their application in national legislation. The experience of regulatory supervision over the use of virtual currencies in the field of financial monitoring is studied on the example of Italy, USA, Norway, Japan, Sweden, Mexico, Finland and the most effective measures are singled out. The focus is on the cross-border nature of virtual currency transactions as an object of financial monitoring and ways to track them.
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Ansari, Mohd Arshad, Salman Haider, and N. A. Khan. "Does trade openness affects global carbon dioxide emissions." Management of Environmental Quality: An International Journal 31, no. 1 (January 13, 2020): 32–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/meq-12-2018-0205.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to analyze the effect of economic growth, international trade and energy consumption on the global carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions, in the case of top CO2 emitters, namely, USA, Japan, Canada, Iran, Saudi Arabia, UK, Australia, Italy, France and Spain using the annual data from 1971 to 2013. Design/methodology/approach For this purpose, the time series, data technique is applied. Unit root test with structural break and the bounds testing approach for cointegration in the presence of structural break is tested. Finally, a vector error correction model for the Granger causality test is applied to detect the direction of causality. The authors have used the techniques that will help in examining the structural break in the time series data. Findings The results reveal that their exists a long-run relationship between CO2 emissions and its determinants in the USA, Canada, Iran, Saudi Arabia, the UK, Australia, Italy, France and Spain, energy consumption is the main determinant of carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions in the long run and for direction of causality, the authors found bidirectional causality in the long run between energy consumption and CO2 emissions in the USA, Canada, Iran, Saudi Arabia and the UK, and Granger causality running in opposite direction in the case of Australia from CO2 emissions to energy consumption was analyzed. In terms of growth-trade-pollution nexus (USA, Canada, Iran and France) hold one-way causality running from economic growth and trade openness to CO2 emissions (IV) the environmental Kuznets curve hypothesis is validated only for the USA. Robust policy implications can be derived from this study. First, without harming the economy, these countries can reduce the use of energy consumption for lower pollution. Second, the amount of trade should be decreased to lower the emissions because the authors find that an increase in trade does Granger cause to CO2 emissions in the long run. Originality/value There has been no study that investigated the relationship between CO2 emissions, real income, consumption of energy and international trade in the environmental Kuznets relation for the top CO2 emitter’s countries over the period of 1971–2013. The authors did a comparative study of the empirical finding among these nations.
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Остапович, Игорь, and Igor Ostapovich. "JUDICIAL AUTHORITIES OF CONSTITUTIONAL CONTROL AS “NEGATIVE LEGISLATOR” IN MODERN PRACTICE IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES." Journal of Foreign Legislation and Comparative Law 1, no. 4 (October 29, 2015): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/14265.
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In the modern context judicial authorities actively participate in the creation of legal norms acting as a negative legislator (repealing operation of an unconstitutional bill or abrogating a by-law). The article consistently reveals peculiarities of carrying out by judicial authorities of constitutional control over the “negative legislator’s” functions in the frame of Anglo-Saxon, American and European model. This activity is directly linked both with the right to interpret the provisions of the state’s Constitutional law, and the right to make decisions on compliance of legal norms with that law. Difference is possible in relation to the volume of interpretation, consequences of decision-making as part of the subsequent constitutional control, and also different roles of judicial bodies. The article analyzes in detail constitutional and legal sources of such countries as Great Britain, the USA, Germany, Austria, Italy, Spain, Japan, Israel and Switzerland. The article also investigates various points of view of Russian and foreign scientists on this topic. Investigation of peculiarities in the process of building-up and development of the constitutional justice institute in Islamic states is of particular interest. It is noted in the study that it is not only Kelsen model (constitutional courts) that act as a “negative legislator”, but also other traditional models of bodies of constitutional control. The “negative legislator’s” functions performed by a body of constitutional control are inherent to any well-known model of its implementation, they have common features and at the same time certain particularities, conditioned by the structure of a national legal framework.
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Bertoncello, Alexandre Godinho. "POLÍTICAS PÚBLICAS EFICIENTES PARA O NOVO CORONAVÍRUS NO MUNDO." Colloquium Socialis 4, no. 1 (May 7, 2020): 52–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5747/cs.2020.v04.n1.s090.
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New Coronavirus (COVID 19) is a pandemic and, among its characteristics, two stand out: its morbidity above the average of viruses and its media capacity. In Brazil, the word “coronavirus”, between the 15th and 21st of March, reached the index 100 on a scale of0 to 100 on Google trends, in Italy it had an index of 64, in the United Kingdom 61, in the United Arab Emirates 52, in France 50, in the United States 48, in Singapore 31, in Sweden 19, in Japan 12, in South Korea 8 and, there are no data on China. The response to the pandemic was regional, each country or, in some cases, each state, province, and city reacted differently to the same challenge. This study looks at the effect of government actions in each country. In a quantitative analysis, using officialdata, it was verified the number of infected and deaths, the restrictions imposed and, at the same time, the effects of it on the level of economic activity in these countries, such as market values. In addition, it was investigated the correlation between effect and cause, in the first quarter of 2020, in the above countries. It was found a strong relation between quarantine and acute recessions, but not between quarantine and a decreased new Coronavirus progression. We conclude that there is a need for an in-depth debate about health systems, information shared between countries and the way COVID 19 could be seen in economic statistics for decades, as it happened with World War I, the Spanish flu and World War II, however, without the global demographic impact characteristic of these three events.
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Skvortsova, Irina, and Arina Sidelnikova. "Impact of Intellectual Capital on Mergers and Acquisitions: Evidence from Developed and Emerging Capital Markets." Journal of Corporate Finance Research / Корпоративные Финансы | ISSN: 2073-0438 14, no. 2 (September 24, 2020): 35–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/j.jcfr.2073-0438.14.2.2020.35-57.
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In this article, we analyse the influence of intellectual capital on M&A performance in developed and emerging capital markets with the use of the event studies and regression analysis methodologies. In contrast to previous research studies in this area, we assess the impact of the components of intellectual capital (human, structural, and relational capital) on firm value as a result of mergers and broaden the scarce level literature on this specific topic. We additionally present a comparative analysis of the influence of intellectual capital components on M&A performance vis-à-vis the performance of acquirers from developed and emerging capital markets.Our research sample consists of 194 cross-border deals closed in the period 2010–2018. We compare developed markets based on firms from USA, Canada, Germany, Great Britain, France, Italy and Japan and emerging markets based on firms from China, India, Brazil and Malaysia.Our findings contribute to the literature in several ways. Firstly, we document a positive and significant dependence between the level of intellectual capital of the target firm and the M&A performance level of the acquirer, irrespective of the market where the acquirer operates. We provide empirical support for the postulation that the higher the level of intellectual capital of the target firm, the higher M&A performance of the acquirer will be in both developed and emerging markets. Secondly, we empirically prove that each of the components of intellectual capital of the target firm increases M&A performance: the higher the level of human, structural or relational capital of the target firm, the higher the M&A performance level of the acquirer in both developed and emerging capital markets. Thirdly, we show that the level of impact of human capital on M&A performance is higher for emerging market acquirers, and the impact of structural capital is higher for developed market acquirers.
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Hedinger, Daniel. "The imperial nexus: the Second World War and the Axis in global perspective." Journal of Global History 12, no. 2 (June 8, 2017): 184–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022817000043.
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AbstractTo date, the alliance between Tokyo, Berlin, and Rome has been interpreted primarily as an alliance between nation-states and has therefore been studied using bi-national approaches. However, this article argues that the strength and globality of the Axis becomes comprehensible if we understand it first and foremost as an alliance between empires. By discussing the interwar years from the viewpoint of trans-imperial cooperation and competition, we discover an imperial nexus. The history, characteristics, diversity, and consequences of this imperial nexus are shown in three parts. The first describes how the nexus helped to bring the distantly located partners together. This occurred against the backdrop of what they called proletarian imperialism, which turned out to be a kind of post-colonial imperialism. The second part analyses how the imperial nexus led others, such as Great Britain, to believe in the existence and strength of a global Axis. In this context, the anti-colonial tendencies put forth mostly by the Japanese turned out to be dangerous. The last part shows how and why the imperial Axis remained intact during the war. Considered from the standpoint of an imperial nexus, the familiar reading of the alliance as well as of the world war shifts. First, Japan and Italy play more important roles than often assumed, while the primacy of Germany is relativized. Second, the chronologies change in relation to the genesis of the Axis and thus the origins of the Second World War. These origins are more strongly associated with non-European world regions and ‘colonial peripheries’, particularly with China and Ethiopia. Third, the issue of ideological similarities and thus of fascism once again becomes a key focus. Fourth and finally, the Axis appears far more diverse and also stronger than previously understood.
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Canzian, Federico, Katia Beider, Gabriele Buda, Felipe de Arriba de la Fuente, Marek Dudzinski, Charles Dumontet, Ramon Garcia-Sanz, et al. "The International Multiple Myeloma Research (IMMEnSE) Consortium: Genetics of Multiple Myeloma Risk and Prognosis." Blood 124, no. 21 (December 6, 2014): 3421. http://dx.doi.org/10.1182/blood.v124.21.3421.3421.
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Abstract We established the IMMEnSE (International Multiple Myeloma rESEarch) consortium, to increase our understanding of the genetic determinants of multiple myeloma (MM) risk, response to therapy and survival. At present we have DNA samples of over 3200 MM cases and 3000 healthy controls from 10 countries, mainly in Europe. For the majority of the cases clinical data on known prognostic factors, therapy outcome and survival have been also collected. We already performed several association studies in the context of the IMMEnSE consortium. In particular, associations were found between MM risk and SNPs in the ABCB1 gene, which encodes for an efflux pump that has a key role in protecting cells from chemical damage (rs10264990: odds ratio (OR) =0.79, 95% confidence interval (CI) 0.68-0.91; p=0.001, and rs17327442: OR=1.99; 95%CI 1.32-3.02; p=0.001). We also investigated the 8q24 region, which has been shown to harbor multiple loci of susceptibility to various cancers, and found an association between a SNP mapping in this region and MM risk (rs2456449: OR=1.37; 95%CI 1.12-1.68; p=0.0022). In addition, IMMEnSE cases and controls were also genotyped for three MM risk SNPs from the first genome-wide association study (GWAS), and the association of two of them (rs4487645 on chromosome 7p15.3 and rs6746082 on chromosome 2p23.3) was confirmed. Finally, SNPs of key telomere-related genes were genotyped and telomere length was measured in MM cases and controls, and a pleiotropic and functional variant of the TERT gene was found to be associated with reduced MM risk (rs2242652: OR=0.81; 95%CI 0.72-0.92; p=0.001). A suggestive association between longer telomeres and increased MM risk was also found (ptrend=0.01). We will study new SNPs emerging as promising candidates from ongoing GWAS on MM risk and survival, as well as SNPs of key genes involved in the pathogenesis of MM. Finally, we plan to study methylation status of key genes involved in MM etiology, and mitochondrial copy number. The role of all these factors will be investigated in relation to MM risk and prognosis. Collection of samples and data of MM cases and controls is ongoing, as well as of subjects with monoclonal gammopathy of undetermined significance (MGUS). Table 1. MM cases and healthy controls collected in the IMMEnSE consortium Country Cases Median age(5th-95th percentile) Controls Median age(5th-95th percentile) Control type Italy 232 63 (46-78) 237 59 (42-76) General population Poland 1,286 63 (42-82) 200 68 (43-79) Blood donors Spain 322 64 (46-82) 1,131 66 (43-84) Hospitalized subjects France 642 57 (37-68) 191 48 (18-63) Blood donors Portugal 70 68 (45-82) 100 58 (53-79) Blood donors Hungary 148 68 (34-90) 105 74 (55-87) Hospitalized subjects Denmark 348 56 (43-65) 1,000 63 (52-73) Blood donors Israel 109 60 (41-77) 95 - Blood donors Canada 62 58 (42-70) - - - Japan 51 66 (47-84) - - - Total 3,270 63 (37-84) 3,059 63 (18-92) Figure 1 Centers involved in IMMEnSE Figure 1. Centers involved in IMMEnSE Disclosures No relevant conflicts of interest to declare.