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Journal articles on the topic 'Japan-South Korea Relations'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 9 February 2022

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1

Hu, Jasmine. "Symmetry, Violence, and The Handmaiden's Queer Colonial Intimacies." Camera Obscura: Feminism, Culture, and Media Studies 36, no. 2 (2021): 33–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/02705346-9052788.

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Abstract The Japanese annexation of Korea (1910–45) implicates a crisis of representation in South Korean national history. Both the traumatic wounds and complex intimacies of Japan's rule over its Korean subjects were met with postcolonial suppression, censorship, and disavowal. This article examines Park Chan-wook's The Handmaiden (Ah-ga-ssi, South Korea, 2016), a period film set in 1930s Korea under Japanese rule, in relation to the two nations’ fraught but interconnected colonial and postcolonial histories. By analyzing the film's explicit sexual depiction through discourses of ethnicity,

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JO, Yanghyeon, and Peng Er LAM. "South Korea-Japan Relations in the 2010s: Ambivalent Strategic and Economic Partners?" East Asian Policy 11, no. 03 (2019): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930519000254.

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The power shift in the international system, the domestic politics of South Korea and Japan, and the attitudes of their top political leaders towards a historical reconciliation have worsened bilateral relations. Nevertheless, they share common strategic interests amidst a nuclearising Pyongyang. If Korean reunification is attained within the next few decades, developmental assistance from Tokyo will be immensely useful, making Japan a partner to Korea in the future.

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Horesh, Niv, Hyun Jin Kim, Peter Mauch, and Jonathan Sullivan. "Is My Rival's Rival a Friend? Popular Third-Party Perceptions of Territorial Disputes in East Asia." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 32, no. 1 (2014): 5–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v32i1.4594.

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This article examines how China's rise and increasing tensions with Japan are portrayed by South Korean bloggers. The deterioration in relations between China and Japan over the last two years generally projects onto the ways and means by which China's rise is portrayed in South Korea. Since Korea's relations with both its more populous neighbours have been historically fraught, and since it is also implicated in various territorial disputes with both countries, determining Korean sensibilities is an important way of gauging shifts in public opinion across the region. Although the conservative

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Gemilang, Aldean Tegar. "DAMPAK SENGKETA PULAU DOKDO/TAKESHIMA KOREA SELATAN - JEPANG TERHADAP PERKEMBANGAN HALLYU DI JEPANG." Global Political Studies Journal 3, no. 1 (2019): 32–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.34010/gpsjournal.v3i1.2003.

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This study aims to determine how the impact of the disputed Dokdo Island / Takeshima between South Korea and Japan on the development of Hallyu in Japan Year 2012-2015. The purpose of this study was to determine the impact of the disputed Dokdo / Takeshima between South Korea and Japan on the development of Hallyu in Japan after re-simmering dispute over Dokdo Island / Takeshima by the visit of South Korean President Lee Myung Bak in 2012. Methods The study was qualitative. Most of the data were collected through interviews, literature study, observation, documentation, and online data searche

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Gracellia, Jennifer. "IMPLIKASI PENANGANAN MASALAH COMFORT WOMEN TERHADAP HUBUNGAN JEPANG DAN KOREA SELATAN PADA TAHUN 2015-2019 [THE IMPACT OF RESOLVING THE COMFORT WOMEN ISSUE TO JAPAN AND SOUTH KOREA RELATIONS DURING 2015 - 2019]." Verity: Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional (International Relations Journal) 11, no. 21 (2020): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.19166/verity.v11i21.2451.

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<p>The issue of comfort women that has occured since 1932 continues to impact bilateral relations between Japan dan South Korea. Various efforts have been made by two countries to deal with this issue, one of which is the agreement in 2015 that stating the comfort women issue has been completed and this agreement cannot be canceled. Instead of solving the problem, this agreement marked as the beginning of a worsening relation between the two countries. Poor relations led to several implications which then became a new problem to Japan and South Korea relations. This research finds that t

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Nugroho, Fahrizal, and M. Mossadeq Bahri. "History and Japanese South Korea Trade Wars." Japanese Research on Linguistics, Literature, and Culture 2, no. 1 (2019): 46–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.33633/jr.v2i1.3353.

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The trade war between Japan and South Korea is now entering a new phase. South Korea is currently counteracting by boycotting goods originating from Japan, such as FMCG (fast-moving consumer goods) companies, fast retaling and automotive. Japan itself has now downgraded the status of South Korea which was originally included in group A or White List Countries or Preferred Trade Partner List Countries into group B, namely countries and regions participating in international export control regimes and satisfying certain conditions (Excluding those in group A) . As we know, this trade war was pre

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7

Lynn, Hyung Gu. "Systemic Lock: The Institutionalization of History in Post- 1965 South Korea–Japan Relations." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 9, no. 1-2 (2000): 55–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656100793645976.

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AbstractLegal and diplomatic guidelines for relations between Japan and the Republic of Korea (ROK) have been in place since the Treaty of Normalization and accompanying Agreements of June 1965. Tokyo and Seoul have also cultivated extensive economic ties. Since 1965, Japan has been a major supplier of technology and capital for Korea, while Korea has consistently been among the top four export markets for Japan. Unlike relations between other neighboring countries in Asia (such as China and Vietnam, Vietnam and Cambodia, China and India, India and Pakistan, or South and North Korea), there ha

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8

Tamaki, Taku. "It takes two to Tango: the difficult Japan–South Korea relations as clash of realities." Japanese Journal of Political Science 21, no. 1 (2019): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109919000161.

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AbstractWhy do Japan–South Korea relations remain tense despite repeated efforts to overcome the past? Elite narratives in Japan and South Korea reify the bilateral relationship as a difficult problem. For the Japanese policy elites, the difficulty is due to South Korean unwillingness to embrace a future-oriented relationship; whereas for the South Korean policy elites, the source of the problem is the unwillingness of the Japanese to sincerely address past wrong-doing. The result is a self-fulfilling prophecy of an intractable mutual misapprehension, suggesting that the difficult relationship

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9

Harold, Scott W. "How Can Japan Improve Relations with South Korea?" Asia-Pacific Review 22, no. 1 (2015): 124–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13439006.2015.1038886.

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10

SATOH, Haruko. "Japan and Korea: A Fragile Relationship." East Asian Policy 12, no. 03 (2020): 92–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930520000252.

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Japan-South Korea relations are vital to the maintenance of the liberal order in Asia, and yet they are also beset by bitter contest over past history of Japanese colonisation of the Korean Peninsula. Mutual suspicion that has deepened in recent years threatens to undermine the US hub-and-spokes system. There needs to be a shared sense of urgency between the two to improve relations for regional and global security amidst intensifying China-US rivalry.

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Kang, David C., David Leheny, and Victor D. Cha. "Dialogue about Elections in Japan and South Korea." Journal of Asian Studies 72, no. 2 (2013): 233–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911813000478.

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The year 2012 was fascinating for domestic politics and international relations in Northeast Asia. Perhaps most notably, every country in the region experienced a change of leadership. China, Russia, North Korea, South Korea, and Japan all saw new leaders begin their tenure. In addition, regional relations took a turn for the worse, with numerous countries engaging in territorial and maritime disputes, disagreeing over interpretations of their shared histories.

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You, Chaekwang, and Wonjae Kim. "LOSS AVERSION AND RISK-SEEKING IN KOREA–JAPAN RELATIONS." Journal of East Asian Studies 20, no. 1 (2020): 53–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2019.36.

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AbstractSince Korea's transition to democracy in 1987, Korean leaders have become increasingly confrontational toward Japan, with such steps ranging from verbal threats filled with hawkish rhetoric to material threats, such as displays of military force and threats of actually using it. To explain South Korean leaders’ hawkish approach to Japan, we build a theory of “prospective diversion” by combining insights from the diversionary theory of international conflict and prospect theory. We argue that foreign policy leaders have a strong tendency to overvalue political losses relative to compara

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Denisov, V. "Russia and Korean Peninsula in the New International Situation." Journal of International Analytics, no. 1 (March 28, 2015): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2015-0-1-39-48.

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Recent trends in international situation around Korean peninsula and the policy of main stateactors are being considered. The USA is trying to reinforce its military presence in South Korea. Seoul is seeking to revise its previous agreements with USA in the sphere of nuclear energy. Trilateral interaction (US-Japan-South Corea) on the problem of North Korean nuclear potential is strengthening. US policy towards North Korea is aimed at counteraction to reinforcement of Russian and Chinese influence in the region. At the same time the USA provides support to North-South dialogue while pressurizi

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Becker-Weinberg, Vasco. "South Korea Boundary Disputes in the East China Sea and the Yellow Sea." Asia-Pacific Journal of Ocean Law and Policy 5, no. 2 (2020): 303–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24519391-05020004.

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Abstract South Korea faces a complex situation of overlapping claims in the East China Sea and the Yellow Sea, in addition to those in the East Sea (or Sea of Japan). The boundary disputes in the East China Sea and the Yellow Sea raise two distinctive challenges. The first concerns the joint development agreement signed with Japan almost four decades ago. This agreement is at a stalemate and its initial term of fifty years is fast approaching. There are also reports that the dormancy of the agreement might be partly attributed to an alleged material breach by Japan. Therefore, South Korea shou

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CHOO, Jaewoo. "Rocky Road Ahead for South Korea." East Asian Policy 07, no. 01 (2015): 142–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930515000124.

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The year 2015 kicked off with South Korean President Park Geun-hye's approval rate taking a dive. Economically, for 2015 forecast, government-related think tanks offer favourable forecasts, but private institutions showed greater pessimism. Inter-Korean relations are likely to remain tumultuous. South Korea's relations with the United States are likely to remain strong and unshaken as the two had already kicked off the New Year by materialising the United States' long-sought military strategy involving Japan.

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Chun, Jahyun. "Social Divisions and International Reconciliation: Domestic Backlash against Foreign Policymaking between Japan and South Korea." International Studies Perspectives 20, no. 4 (2019): 373–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isp/ekz013.

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Abstract The so-called “Comfort Women” Agreement, ratified in December 2015, was intended to bring closure to South Korea's historic grievances against Japan regarding the issue of wartime sexual slavery. However, tensions were reignited when the process and content of the deal were heavily criticized, exacerbating the strained relations between the two countries, as well as divisions within them. Little attention has been given to what happened after the Asian Women's Fund was established in 1995, how bilateral relations shifted, and how the politics changed within South Korea and Japan. This

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Koga, Kei. "The Yasukuni question: histories, logics, and Japan–South Korea relations." Pacific Review 29, no. 3 (2015): 331–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09512748.2015.1022583.

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Phillips, Joe, Wondong Lee, and Joseph Yi. "Future of South Korea–Japan Relations: Decoupling or Liberal Discourse." Political Quarterly 91, no. 2 (2019): 448–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.12786.

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YANG, Chun Hee, and Hahnkyu PARK. "Time to Forgive and Learn: A Better Future for South Korea and Japan." East Asian Policy 12, no. 03 (2020): 80–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930520000240.

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The recent conflict between South Korea and Japan has been one of the worst since 1965. Although most experts believe that the downward spiral in bilateral relations is impossible to reverse, this paper explores the possibility of South Korea forgiving Japan and of Japan following in the footsteps of Germany. A key roadblock lies in the lack of a deep understanding of the past. The politicians, media and scholars could do much to enhance that understanding.

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PARK, CHEOL HEE. "Who's Who and Whereabouts of Japanese Political Studies in South Korea: With a Focus on the Third Generation Japan Specialists." Japanese Journal of Political Science 11, no. 3 (2010): 307–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109910000137.

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AbstractThis article is an attempt to identify who's who and the whereabouts of Japanese political studies in South Korea. Previous studies suggest that South Korea made a delayed start in Japanese studies because of submerged anti-Japanese feeling among the general public, and that linguistic and humanistic studies were prevalent while social scientific studies lagged behind. The second generation scholars, who actively published their academic works on Japan between the late 1970s and the early 1990s, contributed to the development of objective, social scientific understanding of Japan. Thei

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Rozman, Gilbert, and Shin-wha Lee. "Unraveling the Japan-South Korea ““Virtual Alliance””: Populism and Historical Revisionism in the Face of Conflicting Regional Strategies." Asian Survey 46, no. 5 (2006): 761–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2006.46.5.761.

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Domestic politics combined with strategic repositioning toward the U.S. set back ties between Japan and South Korea in 2004––05. Despite the North Korean nuclear crisis and the challenge of shifting great power relations in Asia, as well as closer economic and cultural bilateral ties, politicized forces are pulling the two countries apart.

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Yi, Kil J. "In Search of a Panacea: Japan-Korea Rapprochement and America's "Far Eastern Problems"." Pacific Historical Review 71, no. 4 (2002): 633–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2002.71.4.633.

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The United States had three challenges in Asia in the mid-1960s: a hostile China, an assertive Japan, and a faltering South Vietnam. The Johnson administration's solution to these problems was to promote the normalizing of relations between its two vital Asian allies, Japan and South Korea. The two countries had refused to recognize each other diplomatically since the end of Japan's colonial rule over Korea after World War II. The acrimonious relations between Seoul and Tokyo weakened the containment wall in Northeast Asia while depriving Korea of Japanese investments, loans, and markets. Thes

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Hoang Tien, Nguyen. "The friendly and cooperative relationship between Korea and Vietnam: The nature, current development and potential." Science & Technology Development Journal - Economics - Law and Management 3, no. 4 (2020): 418–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdjelm.v3i4.584.

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Diplomatic relations between Vietnam and South Korea officially began on December 22, 1992. Looking back over twenty years after the end of the Cold War, along with the profound changes in the world’s situation and the situation in Asia-Pacific region, Vietnam-South Korea relationship has grown exponentially. In the history of international relations, very few relationships have not gone through the ups and downs; but growing up steadily. It seems that the relationship between Vietnam and South Korea is an exception. In a quite short period of time, since the establishment of the diplomatic re

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KIM, JUNG HYOUN. "The Comparative Analysis of Public Support for Developing Regional Regime in East Sea Rim (Sea of Japan) Region." Japanese Journal of Political Science 15, no. 1 (2014): 131–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109913000388.

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AbstractThe East Sea (or Sea of Japan) (ESR/SOJ) Rim region, in which five countries – Japan, China, Russia, and North and South Korea – have their own coastal areas, is complex and dynamic, with many emerging regional security concerns. In this paper, the author tries to show that there is the possibility of a maritime regional regime in the ESR/SOJ region by investigating the level of public support, in Japan and South Korea, for the formation of a regional regime. Based on the theoretical assumptions of constructivism, the author analyzes what kinds of individual's social position factors i

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Korostelina, Karina, and Yuji Uesugi. "Japanese Perspective on Korean Reunification: An Analysis of Interrelations between Social Identity and Power." International Studies Review 21, no. 1 (2020): 47–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-02101003.

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The paper explores how experts in Japan assess and understand the process and consequences of the unification of the Republic of Korea (South Korea) and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (North Korea). Based on the theoretical framework of interrelations between social identity and power, this paper asks how Japanese experts frame the process of Korean unification and evaluate its impact on Japan. The data was collected in Tokyo, Japan, through 37 semi-structured and focus group interviews, then examining these interviews using phenomenological and critical discourse analysis. Analysis

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Le, Tom Phuong. "Negotiating in Good Faith: Overcoming Legitimacy Problems in the Japan-South Korea Reconciliation Process." Journal of Asian Studies 78, no. 03 (2019): 621–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911819000664.

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This article examines why the “history issue” continues to hinder Japanese-Korean relations after nominally successful negotiations such as the 1965 Treaty on Basic Relations between Japan and the Republic of Korea and the 2015 comfort women agreement. It contends that leaders put off and quite possibly sacrificed reconciliation in order to achieve treaties and agreements that addressed more immediate security, economic, and political needs. However, because agreements were not transparently negotiated, partly due to the lack of a neutral third-party mediator, Koreans believe the treaties were

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Valery KISTANOV. "Japan and South Korea: Allies, Partners, Adversaries? The Anatomy of Relations." Far Eastern Affairs 48, no. 003 (2020): 15–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/fea.62453854.

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CHOO, Jaewoo. "South Korea’s Politics 2018: Unpredictable External Relations and a Slowing Economy." East Asian Policy 11, no. 01 (2019): 100–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930519000096.

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South Korea will face enormous challenges on two fronts for 2019. The country’s economic base will collapse because of the government’s inability to counter the trap it has laid on itself with a dramatic elevation of minimum wage and tax rates on property and housing. The government will be diplomatically isolated for its blind love towards North Korea, and confronted with rising friction with Japan over history issues and China on Terminal High Altitude Area Defence.

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Marlinda, Ajeng Puspa, Bambang Cipto, Faris Al-Fadhat, and Hasse Jubba. "South Korea's Halal Tourism Policy - The Primacy of Demographic Changes and Regional Diplomacy." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 10, no. 3 (2021): 253. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2021-0081.

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Halal tourism policies are alternatives in the diversification of the tourism industry. In non-Muslim majority countries, such as Singapore, Thailand, Japan, and South Korea, these policies expand the market segmentation, especially tourists from Muslim majority countries. This paper explains the halal tourism policy in South Korea, which only started in the last 5 years. Specifically, it analyzes various factors supporting halal tourism in South Korea, despite being a non-Muslim majority country. The study uses qualitative data collected through direct observation and interviews. This paper a

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Hoare, Jim E. "Changing power relations in northeast Asia: implications for relations between Japan and South Korea." Asia Pacific Business Review 19, no. 1 (2013): 144–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602381.2012.693768.

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Manger, Mark S. "The Economic Logic of Asian Preferential Trade Agreements: The Role of Intra-Industry Trade." Journal of East Asian Studies 14, no. 2 (2014): 151–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800008894.

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Are preferential trade agreements (PTAs) in the Asia-Pacific region merely a political phenomenon with no economic basis, as some critics say? I challenge this interpretation; in this article I present an explanatory model based on intra-industry trade to indicate what economic interests should drive Japanese and South Korean PTAs with ASEAN partners, and derive specific predictions. An analysis of the actual tariff barrier elimination in the agreements suggests important, but highly specific, economic benefits. First, preference margins are substantively greater for intra-industry trade, and

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Song, Jung-hyun, and Ki-tae Lee. "Plan for the New-Korea Peninsula System Considering the Relations Among South Korea, North Korea and Japan." Comparative Japanese Studies 50 (December 31, 2020): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.31634/cjs.2020.50.001.

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Vekasi, Kristin, and Jiwon Nam. "Boycotting Japan: Explaining Divergence in Chinese and South Korean Economic Backlash." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 6, no. 3 (2019): 299–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797019886725.

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Japan has a ‘cold politics, hot economics’ relationship with both China and South Korea where political relations are tense and business overall flourishes. Despite the similarities, the political mobilisation of consumers in response to Japanese business interests diverge: event, trade and tourism data show that South Koreans are less likely to link economic interests with their political grievances with Japan compared to their Chinese counterparts even though the sources of the tensions are largely parallel. The divergence arises from different ways economic globalisation has shaped national

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IIDA, KEISUKE. "Japanese Political Studies and Japanese International Relations in China, Japan, and Korea." Japanese Journal of Political Science 11, no. 3 (2010): 275–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109910000113.

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AbstractThis article summarizes the findings of this special issue focusing on five questions: (1) who studies Japanese politics and international relations in China, Japan and the Republic of Korea?; (2) what is being studied in each of these countries?; 3) how are Japanese politics studied in each of these countries?; (3) what determines the nature of the study of Japanese politics and international relations?; and 4) what is the impact of the study of Japanese politics in each of these three countries? The findings on the first questions are that most scholars in each of these countries are

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Lee, Seong-Hyon. "Seoul’s up-and-down Romance with China amid US-China Rivalry: A Korean Perspective." China Report 57, no. 3 (2021): 309–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00094455211023908.

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South Korea’s quest to become a middle power, articulated through autonomy in foreign policy, has been challenged in the ambience of great power competition reality between the USA and China. This article delineates South Korean foreign policy’s complex nature in the evolving East Asian regional context, focusing on Seoul’s relationship with China in particular. Many observers noted that South Korea has in recent years been increasingly leaning towards China, despite the fact that it is a military-pact ally of the USA. It also comes as a bewilderment to outsiders to notice that South Korea has

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CHUN, JA-HYUN. "Have Korea and Japan Reconciled? A Focus on the Three Stages of Reconciliation." Japanese Journal of Political Science 16, no. 3 (2015): 315–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109915000213.

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AbstractPrevious studies on international reconciliation have focused on the security and economic interests of the countries involved, treating reconciliation as an end-goal rather than an ongoing process. This study divides the process of reconciliation into three stages. ‘Procedural reconciliation’, which refers to the mending of international relations through institutional change, is the most basic. In the ‘material reconciliation’ phase, the perpetrator(s) provides the victim(s) – either at the individual or state level – with economic compensation for inflicting harm. The third stage, ‘

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Stelzer, Diana Astrid. "East Asian Technical Cooperation Initiatives in Central America: A Comparative Analysis of Japan and South Korea in Guatemala." Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies 11, no. 1 (2019): 92–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/vjeas-2019-0004.

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Abstract This article describes the similarities and differences of Japanese and South Korean technical cooperation approaches in Guatemala. The literature review illustrates the transition from an initially donor-centric results chain approach towards one that is increasingly recipient-balanced due to new cooperation principles such as horizontality and demand-drivenness. Such approaches are mainly fostered by the rise of new emerging donors on the international development cooperation horizon, such as the advocates of South-South Development Cooperation (SSDC). An analysis based on a framewo

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Hyun, Jun Suk, and William Stueck. "“The U.S.–rok Relationship into Full Bloom: From ‘Little Strategic Interest’ to Alliance Partner, 1947–1966”." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 26, no. 2 (2019): 103–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02602002.

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U.S. relations with South Korea had a rocky start during U.S. occupation when American planners rated the peninsula low on the list of U.S. strategic priorities. The psychology of the relationship improved in 1948, when the United States helped create the Republic of Korea (rok), and even more after June 1950, when U.S. military intervention prevented North Korea from conquering South Korea. With the July 1953 armistice in the Korean War, the United States reluctantly agreed to a bilateral alliance that eventually became the centerpiece of American defense strategy there. With concerns ongoing

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Al Syahrin, M. Najeri. "Kompleksitas Keamanan Kawasan dan Tantangan Kerja Sama Keamanan Asia Timur." Nation State Journal of International Studies 1, no. 1 (2018): 24–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.2018v1i1.88.

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This article will explain the regional security complex as a key challenge in the establishment of regional security cooperation in East Asia. The complex of security in East Asia described by explaining the security relations between North Korea and South Korea, China and Japan, the United States with Japan, and China with the United States and a pattern of chain reaction to the various security policies of these countries. This security complex makes it difficult to establish effective regional security cooperation. The Challenge of the regional security complex that most decisive in the for

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Husenicova, Lucia. "U.S. Foreign Policy Towards North Korea." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 22, no. 1 (2018): 65–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1641-4233.22.05.

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The U.S. relations to Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) are since the end of the Cold War revolving around achieving a state of nuclear free Korean peninsula. As non-proliferation is a long term of American foreign policy, relations to North Korea could be categorized primarily under this umbrella. However, the issue of North Korean political system also plays role as it belongs to the other important, more normative category of U.S. foreign policy which is the protection of human rights and spreading of democracy and liberal values. In addition, the North Korean issue influences U.

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Pratidina, Indah S. "Online Perspectives on ASEAN-Japan Relations: An Analysis of ASEAN-related Japanese Tweets." IKAT : The Indonesian Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 2, no. 1 (2018): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/ikat.v2i1.37393.

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ASEAN targets internal integration and strong external relations with its partner countries. Japan has stressed its long-standing support for ASEAN. The year 2013 saw the 40th anniversary of Japan-ASEAN relations when Japanese state actors put considerable efforts into marking this anniversary. Although Japan remains one of ASEAN's largest trading partners and sources of foreign direct investment, recent years has witnessed power relations dynamic in the region with China and South Korea actively engaging as well. State actors’ statements and mainstream media coverage on ASEAN-Japan relations,

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Brustad, Sam, and Ji Young Kim. "Identity politics and Asia-Pacific security relations: understanding the foundation of Australia–Japan versus Japan–South Korea defence relations." International Politics 57, no. 4 (2019): 663–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41311-019-00196-6.

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Katsurajima, Nobuhiro. "55 Years of Normalization of Diplomatic Relations between Japan and South Korea and the Current State of Mutual Recognition between Japan and South Korea." Korean Journal of Japanology 127 (May 31, 2021): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.15532/kaja.2021.05.127.1.

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SON, KEY-YOUNG. "Middle Powers and the Rise of China: ‘Identity Norms’ of Dependency and Activism and the Outlook for Japan–South Korea Relations vis-à-vis the Great Powers." Japanese Journal of Political Science 15, no. 1 (2014): 91–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109913000364.

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AbstractHow do state identities and their accompanying norms affect security behaviour especially when states consider forming alliances or alignments? Are middle powers different from great powers in their security norms and preferences? This article identifies dependency and activism as two ‘identity norms’ that constitute and reproduce medium-sized states as bona fide middle powers. This article argues that, due to the identity norms of a middle power, Japan and South Korea are reluctant to form a bilateral alliance between themselves and their efforts to socialize with China do not necessa

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Junya, Nishino. "Strategic Japan-South Korea Cooperation: Prime Minister Nakasone Yasuhiro and Korean Peninsula Diplomacy." Asia-Pacific Review 27, no. 1 (2020): 113–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13439006.2020.1775422.

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Clemens, Walter C. "North Korea and the World: A Bibliography of Books and URLs in English, 1997–2007." Journal of East Asian Studies 8, no. 2 (2008): 293–325. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800005336.

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This survey of books in English on North Korea, 1997–2007, identifies nearly 240 titles—mostly by US authors but also by authors in Australia, Europe, Japan, the Republic of Korea, and Russia. The books fall into eleven categories: history and culture; the Korean War revisited; the DPRK regime and its leaders; human rights and humanitarian issues; the economy: Juche, Songun, collapse, or reform; DPRK military assets and programs; relations with the United States; arms control negotiations and outcomes; regional and world security; prospects for North-South unification; and North Korea's future

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Ye, Min. "Policy Learning or Diffusion: How China Opened to Foreign Direct Investment." Journal of East Asian Studies 9, no. 3 (2009): 399–432. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s159824080000672x.

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When China embarked on economic reform in the late 1970s, its leaders aspired to learn from Japan's developmental policies that were restrictive of foreign capital. In the 1990s, China strove again to emulate Japan and South Korea in restricting foreign direct investment and promoting indigenous corporations. Despite these efforts, China's industrial catch-up was in fact led by FDI, in sharp contrast to the classic Japanese/Korean paradigm where FDI was strictly circumvented. Why was China unsuccessful in learning restrictive FDI policies? How did a new developmental path emerge in China? The

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Machado, Kit G. "Malaysian Cultural Relations with Japan and South Korea in the 1980s: Looking East." Asian Survey 27, no. 6 (1987): 638–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2644541.

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Kim, Soong-bae. "South Korea and Japan Relations of ‘Liberation’ and ‘Postwar’ : Divergence Immediately after 1945." Journal of Asiatic Studies 62, no. 2 (2019): 109–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31930/jas.2019.06.62.2.109.

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Machado, Kit G. "Malaysian Cultural Relations with Japan and South Korea in the 1980s: Looking East." Asian Survey 27, no. 6 (1987): 638–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1987.27.6.01p00645.

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