Relevant bibliographies by topics / Japanese Constitution

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Japanese Constitution'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 25 April 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Japanese Constitution"

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Yu, Wenjun, Mingyue Ma, Xuemei Chen, Jiayu Min, Lingru Li, Yanfei Zheng, Yingshuai Li, Ji Wang, and Qi Wang. "Traditional Chinese Medicine and Constitutional Medicine in China, Japan and Korea: A Comparative Study." American Journal of Chinese Medicine 45, no. 01 (January 2017): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0192415x1750001x.

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Traditional Chinese medicine (TCM), Japanese–Chinese medicine, and Korean Sasang constitutional medicine have common origins. However, the constitutional medicines of China, Japan, and Korea differ because of the influence of geographical culture, social environment, national practices, and other factors. This paper aimed to compare the constitutional medicines of China, Japan, and Korea in terms of theoretical origin, constitutional classification, constitution and pathogenesis, clinical applications and basic studies that were conducted. The constitutional theories of the three countries are all derived from the Canon of Internal Medicine or Treatise on Febrile and Miscellaneous Diseases of Ancient China. However, the three countries have different constitutional classifications and criteria. Medical sciences in the three countries focus on the clinical applications of constitutional theory. They all agree that different pathogenic laws that guide the treatment of diseases govern different constitutions; thus, patients with different constitutions are treated differently. The three countries also differ in terms of drug formulations and medication. Japanese medicine is prescribed only based on constitution. Korean medicine is based on treatment, in which drugs cannot be mixed. TCM synthesize the treatment model of constitution differentiation, disease differentiation and syndrome differentiation with the treatment thought of treating disease according to three categories of etiologic factors, which reflect the constitution as the characteristic of individual precision treatment. In conclusion, constitutional medicines of China, Japan, and Korea have the same theoretical origin, but differ in constitutional classification, clinical application of constitutional theory on the treatment of diseases, drug formulations and medication.
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Yokodaido, Satoshi. "Constitutional stability in japan not due to popular approval." German Law Journal 20, no. 2 (April 2019): 263–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/glj.2019.16.

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AbstractThe Japanese Constitution has never experienced any amendment since its enactment in 1947. This article claims that the reason is not the Japanese people’s support of it from the heart. The hypothesis presented in this article is that many other political, structural and cultural reasons have gradually deprived the Constitution’s normative force among people, and have made constitutional amendment unnecessary in Japanese politics.
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Bix, Herbert P. "Whither Japan? Seven Decades After Defeat." Monthly Review 67, no. 6 (November 2, 2015): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-067-06-2015-10_2.

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The hard-won lessons of Japan's wartime defeat are enshrined in its National Constitution and Article 9 in particular.&hellip; For the past seventy years, Article 9 remained a fundamental principle of Japanese diplomacy, undergirded by memories of the Asia-Pacific War and the U.S. occupation, buttressed by important revisionist histories of Japanese imperialism. A politically recovered, economically restored Japanese populace still appreciates the Constitution and the relevance of Article 9. But conservative politicians who never believed in the Constitution's ideals repeatedly challenged and worked around Article 9 despite the majority's support for it.&hellip; Today, once again, Article 9 stands in danger of abandonment by interpretation rather than revision by constitutional processes.<p class="mrlink"><p class="mrpurchaselink"><a href="http://monthlyreview.org/index/volume-67-number-6" title="Vol. 67, No. 6: November 2015" target="_self">Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the <em>Monthly Review</em> website.</a></p>
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Aikyo, Koji. "The British Constitution in Japanese Constitutional Studies." King's Law Journal 26, no. 2 (May 4, 2015): 213–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09615768.2015.1072983.

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Shibata, Ria. "Identity, Nationalism and Threats to Northeast Asia Peace." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 13, no. 3 (December 2018): 86–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2018.1516157.

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The escalating public debate over amendment of the Japanese constitution centres on the war-renouncing principles of Article 9 — the symbol of Japan's pacifist identity. Since elected to power, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and his supporters have been steadfastly pushing to revise the constitution to remove pacifist constraints on the nation's Self-Defense Forces. In the face of growing insecurities generated by long economic stagnation, regional threats posed by North Korean missiles and rising Chinese hegemony, Japanese conservative politicians feel it is time to overhaul Japan's humiliating postwar regime represented by the pacifist constitution and restore Japan's pride and independence. This article examines the resurgence of nationalist discourse in Japan as a response to Japan's threatened identity and esteem. As the Japanese people become increasingly exposed to nationalist narratives and realistic threats, how have these affected their desire to maintain a pacifist identity? This paper further examines the pacifist attitudes of today's Japanese youth and to what extent they are in favour of changing the constitution to adopt a stronger military defence.
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TAKEDA, Mariko. "Japanese Constitution and Family." TRENDS IN THE SCIENCES 21, no. 12 (2016): 12_94–12_97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5363/tits.21.12_94.

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Akiyama, Hajime. "COVID-19 measures and the Japanese Constitution." F1000Research 10 (March 23, 2021): 230. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/f1000research.50861.1.

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Since March 2020, the Act on Special Measures for Pandemic Influenza and New Infectious Diseases Preparedness and Response has been a significant statute in dealing with COVID-19 in Japan. The Act mandates requests and orders for business suspension and shortened business hours, as well as stay-at-home requests. Although there have been no penalties as of January 2021, these requests and orders limit freedom of movement and establishment, guaranteed rights under the Japanese Constitution. This article poses the following research question: “Does the Japanese Constitution allow measures against COVID-19 such as requests and orders for business suspension and shortened business hours, and stay-at-home requests?” It also asks: “Are measures with penalties allowed by the Constitution?” This paper introduces constitutional concepts that guarantee or limit individual freedom. Concepts that guarantee individual freedoms include freedom of establishment and movement. These freedoms derive from the constitutional values of freedom to choose one’s occupation and choose and change one’s residence (Art. 22) and the right to own or hold property (Art. 29). Concepts that limit individual freedom include the right to life (Art. 13), welfare rights and public health (Art. 25), and public welfare (Art. 13). Individual freedom that threatens right to life, welfare rights and public health, and public welfare may not be guaranteed. This paper argues that since measures against COVID-19 are considered public welfare, the Constitution allows the limiting of freedom of establishment and movement. Furthermore, from the perspectives of the right to life, welfare rights, and public health, the government is responsible for reducing the risk to life from COVID-19. It also argues that the Constitution permits measures with penalties, while proportionality needs to be considered.
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오가타 타케시. "Social Equality and Constitution - From the Japanese Constitutional Law Perspective -." Journal of Constitutional Justice 4, no. 1 (June 2017): 187–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.35215/jcj.2017.4.1.006.

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MATSUI, Shigenori. "Fundamental Human Rights and ‘Traditional Japanese Values’: Constitutional Amendment and Vision of the Japanese Society." Asian Journal of Comparative Law 13, no. 1 (February 22, 2018): 59–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asjcl.2017.25.

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AbstractEver since the Constitution of Japan was enacted in 1946, conservative Japanese people must have been unhappy with it. Their past attempts to enact a new constitution or to make radical revisions have been unsuccessful, but they might finally accomplish their goal under the current Abe Cabinet. Why are conservative people unhappy with the Constitution? It is because the Constitution prevents Japan from becoming a ‘normal state’, and it is deemed not in line with ‘traditional Japanese values’. The fundamental human rights provisions are their main target. Therefore, conservative people want to restore ‘traditional Japanese values’ by amending the bill of rights of the Constitution. This article will examine the reasons why conservative people are upset with the Constitution, how they would like to amend it, and whether their arguments are persuasive. It will conclude that their arguments, just like the ‘Asian values’ theory, are hardly justifiable and could completely undermine the foundation of individual rights protection.
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Ogawa, Akihiro. "Security Paradigms and Social Movements." Asian Journal of Social Science 46, no. 6 (November 29, 2018): 725–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04606006.

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Abstract In 2014, Japan’s cabinet approved a significant change to national security policy. Previously barred from using military force, except in cases of self-defence, a constitutional reinterpretation by the cabinet allowed “collective self-defence”—using force to defend itself and its allies. The decision was controversial, considering post-war pacifism is firmly entrenched in Japanese national identity. I analyse how national security has been portrayed in the policymaking process for reinterpreting the Constitution. Meanwhile, since the early 2010s, Japanese society has been rocked by demonstrations opposing this. I explore the rise of a new youth activist movement in response to the proposed legislation. In particular, I argue that new ideologies and strategies appealed to young people in the organising of various protests, focusing on how they interpret the national security discourse and locating these social movements in Japanese post-war peace activism.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Japanese Constitution"

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Williams, Noel Kevin. "The right to life under the Japanese constitution." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.332887.

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Samuelsson, Jacob. "Article 9 and the Japanese Constitution : How did Japan change its constitution without amending it?" Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-77593.

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The purpose of the essay is to evaluate how the early years of the post-war political system laid the foundation for the amendment process. This turned out to be because of early adoption of a policy direction coupled with institutional memory let these decisions cement themselves as the de facto policy for Japan. Using path dependency by Paul Pierson the reasons for this could be analyzed using four analytical pointers that could explain the normative growth of certain ideas. History is not a straight line and the early decision making have long term effects implying that current day political discourse can have its roots decades back in time. Japans political group chose stability over national pride. Article 9 wasn’t amended because the people did not want to jeopardize their ticket to peace and prosperity. Japan chose economic recovery over military buildup and practiced a policy of non-aggression and sealed themselves off under the US security umbrella. Conservative politicians have hollowed out Article 9 by expanding the military over time. The original reasoning for upholding Article 9 no longer stand and the reasons for not amending it, while still prevalent, do not exist anymore.
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Tollefson, Julie Jo. "Japan's Article 9 and Japanese Public Opinion: Implications for Japanese Defense Policy and Security in the Asia Pacific." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1526812071227061.

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Spencer, Stephen C. "Japan's Push to Rearm: Neo-Militarism or Self-Preservation." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1118.

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This piece tries to determine whether or not Japan’s movement towards rearmament is indicative of a renewed militaristic sentiment or driven by the necessity of improving its defense in view of mounting threats from its age-old enemy, China. The goal of this work is to create a framework using both international events and domestic responses in which to ascertain whether or not the reformation of Article 9 is, in of itself, a reemergence of pre-war bushido/nationalist sentiment or a response to both outside and inside influences necessitating the need for a “normalized” state. The work focuses on three distinct time periods – early 2000s, latter 2000s, and the 2010s – in which to highlight the initial development, progression, and foreseeable resolution to the Article 9 debate. These stages emphasize several elements persistent in Japan’s quest for a more normalized state, including: the hostile external environment created by the rise of foreign assertiveness, and internal domestic pressures (which to some extent are driven by external pressures) along with its own desire to seek a more normalized position in the international community as well as to gain an enhanced sense of national pride. Additionally a brief synopsis of both the foreign and domestic entities which have contributed to the Japanese reformation movement has been included for better foundational understanding of the question at hand. In general, results suggested that, though there is some merit towards a reemergence of pre-WWII nationalistic sentiment (especially in the case of the Net Uyoku), the reformation of Article 9 is primarily driven in response to growing tensions – both within East Asia as well as world-wide – as well as a need to assert some semblance of nationalistic identity (an area seriously lacking in Japanese society). Results further implicate that, though the process of reforming Article 9 and thereby revising Japan’s anti-war policy may not be immediate, movement within the Japanese state towards constitutional reformation is indeed on the rise – rearmament being the primary target of said reforms.
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Inagamov, Behzod. "JAPANESE INTERNAL INFLUENCES ON FOREIGN POLICY AFTER THE WORLD WAR II." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-113620.

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This dissertation focuses on Japanese policy as a whole, internal and external policy priorities and objectives, in order to illustrate the role, and analyze the level of effectiveness of conducted foreign policy tools. This paper explores some of the reasons and factors of conducted internal and external policy tools. Therefore, it shows how effective and in timely manner reaction of Japanese to state's internal policy, has influenced and played a key role during the country recovery and restoration. Moreover, proper policy objectives not only have restored the country but also made Japan one of the most advanced world centers. Japan is in a number of the advanced countries of the world, participating in modern world political process which dynamics has the general laws and the tendencies of development connected with transformation of the Pacific Rim into the center of global activity of the leading countries of the world. Changes in global scale, aftermath of the World War II affect the significant characteristic of foreign policy, official and economic diplomacy of Japan towards peace and security advocating country.
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Fuwongcharoen, Puli. "Constitutions and legitimisation : the cases of Siam's permanent constitution and Japan's postwar constitution." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283934.

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Shu, Robert. "Japan's strategic future : coalition operations /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Mar%5FShu.pdf.

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Duke, Stephen E. "Japan's Constitution, prospects for change impact on U.S. presence in Japan /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2001. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA392057.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, June 2001.
Thesis advisor(s): Olsen, Edward A. "June 2001." Includes bibliographical references (p. 89-92). Also Available online.
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Stavale, Giuseppe A. "The evolution of Japan's constitution and implications for U.S. forces on Okinawa." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Dec%5FStavale.pdf.

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Fraser, Nicholas A. R. "Constitutional oligarchy : the complex unity of the imperial Japanese state in the face of crisis." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/15878.

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Under the Meiji Constitution, a political system designed to create an institutional framework that allowed for the sustained oligarchic rule of the Meiji Genrō, Japan experienced multiple crises generated by popular upheaval against the government during the interwar years. One was an economic crisis in 1918 triggered by Japan’s participation in the First World War which generated an unprecedented level of popular protests in the form of nation-wide riots and some strikes. Known as the Rice Riots, this crisis threatened to unleash a confrontation of the Meiji Genrō by political parties holding seats in the Diet who sought to establish party-led cabinets. A second crisis occurred in 1936 when 1400 soldiers of the Imperial Army stationed in Tokyo occupied government buildings and assassinated several high-ranking government officials in an attempt to set up a an all-military cabinet. While both party-politicians and military officers had further expanded their influence over the policy-process after these crises neither set of actors suspended, revised or replaced the Meiji Constitutional system. It is the purpose of this thesis to explore the reason why the Imperial Japanese polity was not structurally altered as a result of power change that accompanied the Rice Riots and the 1936 Incident. This essay makes two arguments about the Meiji Constitutional system’s sustainability during the prewar years. First, it argues that the Meiji Constitutional system due to institutional design and elite political culture functioned in practice as an oligarchic state. Second, it argues that the reason the Meiji Constitution was never revised, suspended or discarded during the course of regime change was because political parties and high ranking military officers ended up using the same strategies as the Meiji Genrō to successfully maneuver the institutional structure of the policy-process. Hence, in the process of learning how to master the institutional dynamics of the political system, they eventually overcame legislative deadlock and in the process stabilized the oligarchic state without having to reform it in order to expand their power within it.
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Books on the topic "Japanese Constitution"

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Nish, Ian. The Japanese constitution of 1889. London: Suntory Toyota International Centre for Economics and Related Disciplines, 1989.

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Cho, Sung Yoon. Japan's International Peace Cooperation Law and the Japanese Constitution. [Washington, D.C.]: Far Eastern Law Division, Library of Congress, 1992.

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1943-, Koseki Shōichi, and Igarashi Masako, eds. Makkāsā no Nihonkoku Kenpō: MacArthur's Japanese Constitution. Tōkyō: Kirihara Shoten, 1994.

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Rethinking the constitution: An anthology of Japanese opinion. Kawasaki, Japan: Japan Research Inc., 2006.

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Myung, Park Moon. A review of alien rights under the Japanese constitution. Ann Arbor: University Microfilms International, 1987.

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We, the Japanese people: World War II and the origins of the Japanese constitution. Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 2002.

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Inoue, Kyoko. MacArthur's Japanese Constitution: A linguistic and cultural study of its making. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991.

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Inoue, Kyoko. MacArthur's Japanese Constitution: A linguistic and cultural study of its making. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991.

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Port, Kenneth L. Transcending law: The unintended life of Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution. Durham, N.C: Carolina Academic Press, 2010.

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Port, Kenneth L. Transcending law: The unintended life of Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution. Durham, N.C: Carolina Academic Press, 2010.

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Book chapters on the topic "Japanese Constitution"

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Okada S.J.D., Junta. "Meanings of Archivists in the Japanese Constitution." In Archives, Accountability, and Democracy in the Digital Age, 37–44. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-33-6715-9_4.

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Akimoto, Daisuke. "Tsutomu Hata: The Shortest-Serving Premier Under the Postwar Constitution." In Japanese Prime Ministers and Their Peace Philosophy, 229–34. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-8379-4_25.

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Hardacre, Helen. "Revision of Administrative Law as Shortcut to Constitutional Revision." In Japanese Politics Today, 201–17. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230370838_12.

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Katagiri, Nori. "Japanese Concepts of Deterrence." In NL ARMS, 201–14. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-419-8_11.

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AbstractJapan has consistently adopted a deterrence-by-denial strategy in the post-war period. Its ability to deter foreign attacks depends more heavily on its ability to deny hostility than to punish perpetrators. Japan’s deterrence-by-denial posture has faced at least two major problems. One problem is the inherent limit on its ability to deter foreign attacks. This posture is more oriented toward defence-by-denial than real deterrence. Japan’s national security resources and institutions are positioned to deny hostility to defend the homeland, but they are not suited to deter foreign attackers because Japan bans itself from having the ability to conduct offensive military operations—a necessary factor for deterrence by the imposition of threats. Existing restrictions on the use and threat of force stem from post-war constitutional and normative constraints that have proven anachronistic today.
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Watanabe, Akio. "Japan’s Postwar Constitution and Its Implications for Defence Policy: A Fresh Interpretation." In Japan’s Military Renaissance?, 35–49. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22777-8_2.

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Peters, Benjamin A. "Constitutions as Peace Systems and the Function of the Costa Rican and Japanese Peace Constitutions." In Peace Ethology, 191–209. Chichester, UK: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118922545.ch11.

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Akimoto, Daisuke. "Shinzo Abe (I): ‘Toward a Beautiful Country’ and Constitutional Revision." In Japanese Prime Ministers and Their Peace Philosophy, 277–83. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-8379-4_31.

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Sims, Richard. "The Constitutional Experiment and the Beginning of Compromise Politics, 1890–1905." In Japanese Political History since the Meiji Renovation 1868–2000, 69–92. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-63240-4_3.

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Berkofsky, Axel. "Japan’s US-‘Imposed’ Post War Constitution: How, Why and What for?" In Perspectives in Business Culture, 67–92. Milano: Springer Milan, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-88-470-2568-4_5.

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Fujishige, Hiromi Nagata, Yuji Uesugi, and Tomoaki Honda. "Introduction: The Pursuit of “Integration” and “Robustness” in Japan’s Peacekeeping Policy." In Japan’s Peacekeeping at a Crossroads, 1–19. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-88509-0_1.

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AbstractHere we will present two research questions: first, why did Japan suddenly discontinue a quarter-century history of troop contribution to United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKOs) in 2017; second, is there any possibility of resuming large-scale military deployment. Hypothetically, we will argue that Japan’s retreat from South Sudan in 2017 should be regarded not as the revival of old anti-militarism but as a recent tendency of reluctance among the Global North countries, concerning the personnel deployment to the UNPKOs. Since the start in 1992, Japan had deployed only the limited personnel contribution under the strict constitutional ban. To overcome this situation, Japan had tried to trace the global trends of “robustness” and “integration”: the former encourages more proactive use of arms for peacekeepers to remove obstacles for the UNPKOs, while the latter promotes peacebuilding-like military roles along with the cooperation with civilians. In the late 2010s, however, Japan could no longer accommodate the recent international trends, mainly due to the increasing insecurity in the UNPKOs today. Likewise, the other Global North countries had also become hesitant for the personnel contribution to the UNPKOs. We will argue that Japan’s retreat falls in the common trend among the Global North countries.
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Conference papers on the topic "Japanese Constitution"

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Al-Badawi, Habib. "Sengo kenpo 1947 Vs. Meiji kenpo 1889: comparative study." In Development of legal systems in Russia and foreign countries: problems of theory and practice. ru: Publishing Center RIOR, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/02061-6-20-37.

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This article is a comparative study between not only two manuscripts of constitutions of Japan, but also analytic research revealing all the cultural, ideological, and political aspects that led the Japanese authorities to adopt each of them. The Meiji Constitution was proclaimed in 1889 during the imperialistic phase of Japanese history where the country was named Empire of Greater Japan (大日本帝国), where Tokyo was a dominant world power. While the recent Constitution of Japan (日本国憲法) was issued in 1947 under the supervision of the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers (SCAP), which is eventually, a foreign occupation authority. Through the detailed analysis, premising, and reasoning this study will reveal the historical events that resulted those constitutions and will open the debate to discuss the future prospects of the Japanese armament attempts, which is confined and restricted by Article 9 (日本国憲法第9条).
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Zappa, Marco. "Pleasing the ‘Bubble:’ Abe Shinzō’s Strategic Self-Exhibition on Facebook." In GLOCAL Conference on Asian Linguistic Anthropology 2020. The GLOCAL Unit, SOAS University of London, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47298/cala2020.16-4.

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Not only is Abe Shinzō on the way to becoming Japan’s longest-serving Prime Minister in the country’s history. With more than 1 million followers on Twitter and slightly less than 600 hundred thousand fans on Facebook, he is by far the most successful Japanese political leader on social media. Commentators have described Abe’s turn to social networking services (SNS) as a “revenge” against “traditional” media against the background of a growing use of SNSs by other major Japanese political actors. At any rate, particularly through Facebook, combining text and pictures of himself on and off duty, Abe has successfully established his own mode to communicate with and “exhibit” himself to voters, citizens and the global community of netizens. This paper aims to address the following research question: on which themes and key concepts is this “presentation of the self” based? In other words, how is the Prime Minister communication staff constructing Abe’s “social” image and to which audience is this aimed? Based on Goffman’s theorization and later application of his work on the study of online social interactions, this paper illustrates the strive to ensure the consistency of Abe’s use of the SNS with previously expressed concepts and ideas (e.g., in the 2006 book “A Beautiful Country”), with the aim of pleasing the “bubble” of like-minded individuals constituting Abe’s (online) support base, and avoid issues that might possibly harm the Prime Minister’s reputation. Abe’s Facebook activity (a combination of text and pictures) during a critical time in his second tenure (2017), in which he faced cronyism allegations while coping with gaffes and scandals involving cabinet members, provided a case in point for multimedia content analysis.
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Iwata, Koji, Chuanrong Jin, Yasuhisa Karakida, and Naoto Kasahara. "Applicability of the Multilayer Kinematic Hardening Model to Predict Inelastic Behavior of Piping Systems Under Excessive Seismic Loading." In ASME 2016 Pressure Vessels and Piping Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/pvp2016-63216.

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For assessing possible failure of piping structures under excessive seismic loading, dynamic structural analysis methods employing advanced constitutive models need to be established. The multilayer kinematic hardening model for cyclic plasticity, which is applicable up to large strain, was proposed in the previous paper by the authors for carbon steel STS410 (JIS, Japanese Industrial Standard) to represent precisely nonlinear stress-strain relation as well as cyclic hardening, and was validated through its application to quasi-static cyclic bending tests of an elbow. In this paper, the applicability of the model to dynamic analysis of piping systems under earthquake loading is evaluated. An existing simulated earthquake excitation test of a piping system made of carbon steel STPT370 (JIS) is dealt with for validation of the finite element nonlinear dynamic analysis method using the presented model. To emphasize the advantage of this model, analyses using the conventional linear kinematic hardening model are also conducted. The results by the latter model are shown to be highly variable depending on the method of bilinear approximation of stress-strain curves. It is shown that the multilayer kinematic hardening model can predict well inelastic strains in piping systems under excessive earthquakes, which is important for the failure assessment.
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Nagashima, Hideaki, Hiroshi Shibamoto, Kazuhiko Inoue, Naoto Kasahara, and Daisuke Sadahiro. "Application of a Classification Method to Obtain Primary Stresses Without Evaluation Sections to Perforated Structures." In ASME 2005 Pressure Vessels and Piping Conference. ASMEDC, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/pvp2005-71690.

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Conceptual design studies of Japanese commercialized Fast Breeder Reactor (abbreviated to FBR) are carried out. With the aim of reducing the construction cost, number and size of components are reduced. For example, Intermediate Heat Exchangers (abbreviated to IHXs) are integrated with primary pumps; number of main cooling loops is reduced from 3 to 2 and piping is shortened; the reactor vessel is simplified. Accompanying the reduction of cooling loops, Steam Generators (abbreviated to SGs) become larger, and semi-sphere perforated plates in 3-D structures are adopted for large sized steam generator to endure primary stress caused by pressurized steam. In “Design by Analysis” for these nuclear components, the stresses in these structures are classified into primary and secondary stresses. Conventional method of stress classification uses an evaluation section; however, it is difficult to define evaluation sections in 3-D structures. For this reason, an alternative evaluation method without evaluation sections, which can be easily applied to 3-D structures, is necessary. Primary stress is the so-called load controlled stress; this is decided as the stress in equilibrium with external loading and is independent of inelastic behavior of materials. Paying attention to above feature, there is an idea to obtain primary stress from a Re-distribution node (abbreviated to R-node), where stress is constant during stress re-distribution. One of concrete method is GLOSS (Generalized local Stress Strain) method proposed by R. Seshadri et al. [1–3]. To generate artificial stress re-distribution, this method needs to carry out two elastic analyses with different values of material constants. All stresses are different between two calculations except R-node and the stress at this point can be evaluated as the primary stress. This method adopts elastic analysis with special material constants that is determined from post-processing of stress distributions of the first elastic analysis due to the insufficient power of earlier computer. Recent progress of computer technologies reduces computational time and cost of inelastic calculation. Furthermore, it is not difficult for an elastic-plastic calculation to be carried out with classical constitutive equations provided by commercial codes. In this paper, an alternative method is proposed, which uses elastic-plastic analysis for artificial stress re-distribution instead of elastic analysis in GLOSS method. The proposed method is confirmed through the application to the example problem for a thick cylinder and the ability to be applied to actual structures is confirmed through the application to the example problem for a perforated plate.
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5

Basini, Virginie, Sander de Groot, Pierre Guillermier, Franc¸ois Charollais, Fre´de´ric Michel, David Bottomley, Jean-Pol Hiernaut, et al. "High-Temperature Reactor Fuel Technology in the RAPHAEL European Project." In Fourth International Topical Meeting on High Temperature Reactor Technology. ASMEDC, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/htr2008-58123.

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Within the scope of the 5th EURATOM Framework Programme (FP) for the HTR-F and HTR-F1 projects, a new 4-year integrated project on very high temperature reactors (RAPHAEL: ReActor for Process Heat And Electricity) was started in April 2006 as part of the 6th Framework Programme. The Sub-Project on Fuel Technology (SP-FT) is one of eight sub-projects constituting the RAPHAEL project. R&D conducted in this sub-project focuses on understanding fuel behaviour, determining the limits of state-of-the-art fuel, and developing potential performance improvements. Fabrication processes were worked out for alternative fuel kernel composition (UCO instead of UO2) and coating (ZrC instead of SiC): i) UCO microstructure reduces fission product migration and is thus considered superior to UO2 under high burn-ups and high temperature gradients. For this reason, the manufacturing feasibility of UCO kernels using modified external sol-gel routes was addressed. The calcining and sintering steps were particularly studied. ii) For its better high temperature performance, ZrC is a candidate coating material for replacing SiC in TRISO (TRistructural ISOtropic) particles. One of the objectives was therefore to deposit a stoichiometric ZrC layer without impurities. An “analytical irradiation” experiment currently performed in the HFR — named PYCASSO for PYrocarbon irradiation for Creep And Swelling/Shrinkage of Objects — was set up to measure the changes in coating material properties as a function of neutron fluence, with samples coming from the new fabrication process. This experiment was started in April 2008 and will provide data on particle component behaviour under irradiation. This data is required to upgrade material models implemented in the ATLAS fuel simulation code. The PYCASSO irradiation experiment is a true Generation IV VHTR effort, with Korean and Japanese samples included in the irradiation. Further RAPHAEL results will be made available to the GIF VHTR Fuel and Fuel Cycle project partners in the future. Post-irradiation examinations and heat-up tests performed on fuel irradiated in an earlier project are being performed to investigate the behaviour of state-of-the-art fuel in VHTR normal and accident conditions. Very interesting results from destructive examinations performed on the HFR-EU1bis pebbles were obtained, showing a clear temperature (and high burn-up) influence on both kernel changes (including fission product behaviour) and the coating layers. Based on fuel particle models established earlier, the fuel modelling capabilities could be further improved: i) Modelling of fuel elements containing thousands of particles is expected to enable a statistical approach to mechanical particle behaviour and fission product release. ii) A database on historical and new fuel properties was built to enable validation of models. This paper reports on recent progress and main results of the RAPHAEL sub-project on fuel technology.
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Reports on the topic "Japanese Constitution"

1

Deming, Rust. Japan's Constitution and Defense Policy: Entering a New Era? Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, November 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada430090.

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2

Sultenfuss, James T. Japan's Constitutional Reform Debate and the Potential for Collective Self-Defense. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, May 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada546132.

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3

Fisher, Justin D. 9+96=51: The Effect of Amending Japan's Constitution on the Principles of Joint Operations of Bilateral Operations Between PACOM and the JSDF. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, May 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada546176.

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