Relevant bibliographies by topics / Japanese defense politics

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Japanese defense politics'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 17 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Japanese defense politics"

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Nakamura, K. "Party Politics and Defense Budget: US-Japanese Negotiations over Defense Contribution, 1953-55." Annuals of Japanese Political Science Association 49 (1998): 195–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku1953.49.0_195.

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Schmid, Andre. "Rediscovering Manchuria: Sin Ch'aeho and the Politics of Territorial History in Korea." Journal of Asian Studies 56, no. 1 (February 1997): 26–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2646342.

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In the years immediately prior to Japan's annexation of Korea in 1910, the historian Sin Ch'aeho posed a fundamental challenge to conventional assumptions about the limits of Korean territoriality: was the nation bound to the peninsula or did it more properly extend into the lands of Manchuria? For Sin, the answer was straightforward. Despite writing during the waning years of the Chosŏn dynasty—a time when the court could neither defy Japan's imposition of a protectorate nor resist Japanese pressure for Emperor Kojong to cede the throne, and when thousands in the Righteous Armies (Ŭibyŏng) were dying at the hands of the Japanese military in defense of the peninsula—Sin nevertheless called brazenly for a Korean Manchuria.
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Stratford, Jean Slemmons, Juri Stratford, and Helen Heitmann Ives. "The politics of Japanese defense: Managing internal and external pressures." Journal of Government Information 21, no. 6 (November 1994): 657–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/1352-0237(94)90089-2.

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Noble, Gregory W. "The Decline of Particularism in Japanese Politics." Journal of East Asian Studies 10, no. 2 (August 2010): 239–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800003453.

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Particularistic spending has played a storied role in Japanese politics, but during the last decade of LDP rule, expenditures on roads, bridges, agricultural projects, and the like steadily lost ground to more programmatic outlays on social welfare, science and technology, and public order (but not defense or foreign aid). Prime Minister Koizumi played an important role in this shift, but the trends preceded him and continued under his much weaker successors. The end of the Cold War, increasing foreign investment, and the weakness of the domestic economy probably played mostly minor roles in the decline of particularism. The aging of Japanese society, not least in rural areas, created direct pressure for programmatic spending, while partisan upheaval, the growing share of floating voters, and reforms to the electoral and administrative systems created both an incentive and a greater capacity to redirect attention to the concerns of median voters.
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KAGOTANI, KOJI. "National Security Environments, Patriotism, and Japanese Public Opinion." Japanese Journal of Political Science 16, no. 1 (February 10, 2015): 96–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109914000401.

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AbstractThis study examines Japanese reactions to neighboring countries’ behavior by addressing possible micro-motives, such as patriotism, the rational demand for national defense, and retrospective policy evaluation. This theoretical development leads to distinctive hypotheses from different motivations and directly tests them using macro-data (not survey data). This research will apply this framework to Japanese politics and will show that foreign threats stimulate patriotism in the public mind and enhance political support for national leaders. It will also demonstrate that the Japanese public has no optimistic view of the new prime minister and that the honeymoon effect in previous research may be confounded with the patriotic effect because the new leader is less experienced and is often challenged by foreign countries.
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Pempel, T. J. "Japan in 2016." Asian Survey 57, no. 1 (January 2017): 79–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2017.57.1.79.

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Japanese domestic politics, foreign policy, economics and society continued along well-established paths in the year 2016. And long-term demographic trends remained a major unresolved challenge. Yet three exceptions to continuity stood out: first, controversial legislation that expanded the legality of collective self-defense; second, the likely collapse of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP); and third, the election of Donald Trump.
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Hofmann, Reto. "What's Left of the Right: Nabeyama Sadachika and Anti-communism in Transwar Japan, 1930–1960." Journal of Asian Studies 79, no. 2 (November 12, 2019): 403–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911819000688.

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This article examines the thought and career of Nabeyama Sadachika (1901–79) from communist militant in 1920s Japan to his conversion to the emperor system in the 1930s and, finally, to his role in shaping the postwar anti-communist movement. Using Nabeyama's recently released private papers, the article shows how he brokered his anti-communist expertise to a range of postwar actors and institutions—the police, the Self-Defense Forces, business circles, politicians—as well as to foreign states, especially the Republic of China (Taiwan). These networks indicate that important sections of Japan's postwar establishment rallied behind anti-communism in the face of reforms that threatened their power at home and their vision for Japan in the world order after 1945. As a transwar history, this article adds to our understanding of Japan's transition from the age of empire to that of liberal democracy by qualifying narratives about the “progressive” nature of postwar Japanese politics. It argues that the vitality of anti-communism is symptomatic of the durability of particular political traditions, and reveals that, despite the significant reforms that Japan underwent after 1945, the Right was able to claim a space in the country's political culture that has been neglected by historians.
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Clausen, Daniel. "Examining Japanese Defense Policy and Politics Through Failures of Leadership: The Case of Prime Minister Hatoyama Yukio." Asian Politics & Policy 4, no. 4 (October 2012): 507–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1943-0787.2012.01371.x.

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Inoguchi, Takashi. "Nambara Shigeru (1889–1974): how a Japanese liberal conceptualized eternal peace, 1918–1951." Japanese Journal of Political Science 19, no. 4 (December 2018): 612–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109918000373.

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AbstractNambara Shigeru was a rara avis of Japanese liberal academics at hard times in that he survived difficult times without being punished by the oppressive government in the pre-war Japan and the occupation authorities in the immediate post-war Japan. He specialized in Western political philosophy especially in Immanuel Kant and Johann Gottlieb Fichte, known as proponents of German idealism and nationalism. His magnum opus was published, without being punished, in 1944, arguing that the Nazi politics was totally against the Western political tradition. In 1945–46, he made clear his opposition to the draft new Constitution in which the emperor be symbolic and the armed forces be abolished. In 1949–1950, he made clear his view that Japan, once Japan admitted to the United Nations, what would become Japanese Self-Defense Forces should donate portions to what would become United Nations Peace Keeping Operations. On the basis of his writings in the war period and the occupation period, comparisons of his positions with Roger Scruton, Vladislav Surkov, Yanaihara Tadao, Akamatsu Kaname, Nitobe Inazo, and Yanagida Kunio on such concepts as democracy promotion, national self-determination, peace keeping are attempted to see the extent to which the pent-up Wilsonian moment burst in the immediate post-war period.
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Shaikh, Khalil ur Rehman. "FOREIGN POLICY OF JAPAN." Asia-Pacific - Annual Research Journal of Far East & South East Asia 38 (February 5, 2021): 167–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.47781/asia-pacific.vol38.iss0.2333.

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In post war era, Japan emerged as a pacifist country. The constitution of Japan restrained from developing armed forces for offensive but permitted only for defensive purpose. Thus, Japan raised Self Defense Force. This posture greatly contributed in its emergence as world economic power. In post-cold war period, Japan appeared with advanced step in its foreign policy and sent its forces abroad as a part of UN Peace Keeping Force abroad. It little questioned the objective of creating SDF. 9/11 incidents changed the global politics. Japanese citizens also fall prey to it. Japan joined coalition on War on Terror and helped to fight against terrorism. In post 9/11, Japan has improved its relations with China despite territorial dispute. However, it plays its role in global political, economic, cultural and strategic areas.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Japanese defense politics"

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Clausen, Daniel L. "Political Strategy, Leadership, and Policy Entrepreneurship in Japanese Defense Policy and Politics: A Comparison of Three Prime Ministerships." FIU Digital Commons, 2013. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/906.

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Since the end of the Cold War, Japan’s defense policy and politics has gone through significant changes. Throughout the post cold war period, US-Japan alliance managers, politicians with differing visions and preferences, scholars, think tanks, and the actions of foreign governments have all played significant roles in influencing these changes. Along with these actors, the Japanese prime minister has played an important, if sometimes subtle, role in the realm of defense policy and politics. Japanese prime ministers, though significantly weaker than many heads of state, nevertheless play an important role in policy by empowering different actors (bureaucratic actors, independent commissions, or civil actors), through personal diplomacy, through agenda-setting, and through symbolic acts of state. The power of the prime minister to influence policy processes, however, has frequently varied by prime minister. My dissertation investigates how different political strategies and entrepreneurial insights by the prime minister have influenced defense policy and politics since the end of the Cold War. In addition, it seeks to explain how the quality of political strategy and entrepreneurial insight employed by different prime ministers was important in the success of different approaches to defense. My dissertation employs a comparative case study approach to examine how different prime ministerial strategies have mattered in the realm of Japanese defense policy and politics. Three prime ministers have been chosen: Prime Minister Hashimoto Ryutaro (1996-1998); Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro (2001-2006); and Prime Minister Hatoyama Yukio (2009-2010). These prime ministers have been chosen to provide maximum contrast on issues of policy preference, cabinet management, choice of partners, and overall strategy. As my dissertation finds, the quality of political strategy has been an important aspect of Japan’s defense transformation. Successful strategies have frequently used the knowledge and accumulated personal networks of bureaucrats, supplemented bureaucratic initiatives with top-down personal diplomacy, and used a revitalized US-Japan strategic relationship as a political resource for a stronger prime ministership. Though alternative approaches, such as those that have looked to displace the influence of bureaucrats and the US in defense policy, have been less successful, this dissertation also finds theoretical evidence that alternatives may exist.
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Gerval, Adam J. "Seeking Autonomy: Comparative Analysis of the Japanese & South Korean Defense Sectors." The Ohio State University, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1462802738.

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Tollefson, Julie Jo. "Japan's Article 9 and Japanese Public Opinion: Implications for Japanese Defense Policy and Security in the Asia Pacific." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1526812071227061.

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Ishida, Ryota. "An analysis of political and economic factors that impact sustainment of the Japanese defense industry." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/02Jun%5FIshida.pdf.

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Howell, Dennis H. "Japan's Security Decisions: Allison's Conceptual Models and Missile Defense Policy." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/42780.

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This research project assesses the continued utility of Allisonâ s three policy-making models in analyzing contemporary foreign policy problems. It also explores the effect of cultural considerations on Allisonâ s concepts by delving into the unique themes of Japanese politics. The climate in which this policy decision is made is framed through a discussion of the strategic environment and Japanese defense policy following the Cold War and 9/11. The rational actor, organizational process, and bureaucratic politics models are applied to Japanâ s 2003 decision to field a missile defense system through a qualitative analysis of English-language secondary hard-copy and online sources. Some Japanese government materials are reviewed as well; the Japanese language, however, presented challenges to research. Despite the expectation that the rational actor model best describes the Japanese approach to missile defense, this project shows the true value of Allisonâ s theories lies in their capacity to expose issues relevant to policy problems from varying perspectives. Japanâ s missile defense policy likely resulted from a combination of the three models, each influenced in varying degrees by the cultural aspects of Japanese politics.
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Shabalin, Maxim N. "The logic of ballistic missile defence procurement in Japan (1994-2007) : from hedging through self-imposed restraints toward hedging from the position of military strength." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:73b6dc56-e10b-4bc4-abba-0abcd3a0d204.

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This thesis asks why Japan decided to procure BMD if it meant building an infrastructure which, because of its technological nature, had the potential to disrupt Japan’s preferred security strategy of hedging, that is, maintaining ambiguity of commitment, vis-à-vis China and the US. The investigation was divided into three parts dealing with the following questions – Why did Japan's BMD procurement matter? Who mattered? Why were the BMD and related decisions made? Such a structure of research was informed by “neoclassical realism,” according to which the relative material power of a country sets the parameters of its foreign policy, but the policy choices within these international constraints are made by political elites. A range of policymaking heuristics were used to investigate the domestic element of the approach. In addition to the conventionally specified policymaking actors such as MOD, MOFA, Prime Ministers, an original attempt was made to identify the possible influences of several elite networks. On the basis of the notes from the Japan-US Security Strategy Conference, two elite networks were analysed, namely the Japan’s Congressional National Security Research Group and Japan-US Centre for Peace and Cultural Exchange. It was concluded that they have probably had some influence on shaping Japan's BMD decisions. The conclusion of this research is that BMD was procured despite its disruptive potential because it was a tool of shifting Japanese policy from one hedging policy to another, that is, from one based on self-imposed restraints toward one exercised from the position of military strength. An analysis of international relations in East Asia in 1994-2007 and an analysis of the views of the security elites make Japan's transition toward a military strength-based hedging appear rational and confirm BMD's utility as a tool in this transition. Some negative consequences of a possible disruption to hedging, induced by BMD, can be contained exactly because of such a reformatting of hedging.
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Garcia, Zenel. "China's Military Modernization, Japan's Normalization and its Effects on the South China Sea Territorial Disputes." FIU Digital Commons, 2014. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1315.

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China’s military modernization has allowed it to take a more assertive position on the territorial disputes it currently has with Japan and its Southeast Asian neighbors. The South China Sea (SCS) dispute is a clear example. Meanwhile, Japan is normalizing its military status to play a more proactive security role in the region. Japan’s normalization process has been greatly influenced by China’s growing military capabilities as it fears that China could pose a threat to its sea lanes of communications. Although Japan does not have territorial claims in the SCS, it regards the SCS as a strategically vital area. It is this particular concern that has brought Japan into the current territorial disputes in the SCS. This thesis analyzes how Japan has tried to forge partnerships with Southeast Asian countries in the form of foreign aid and the provision of military equipment and training that can potentially offset China’s assertiveness.
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Campbell, Sally Howard. "Consensus politics and Japanese defense budget policy, 1960-1975." Thesis, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1911/13419.

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During the Vietnam War period, the Japanese defense budget grew eight-fold, from 158 billion yen in 1960 to 1367 billion yen in 1975. In spite of the opposition parties' aversion to growth in the military, little was heard in the way of protests to such growth. In this political system where consensus decision-making dominates, it is unusual not to hear accusations of "tyranny of the majority" when the opposition is shut out of decision making, as was the case with the 1960 Treaty Crisis. However, the growing Japanese economy allowed the LDP to satisfy its desire for increased funds for the military while at the same time appeasing the opposition by restricting the defense budget's percentage of GNP to a minimum. The combination of a tradition of consensus decision making, the desire to avoid a political crisis and an expanding economy led to the ability to reach a minimum consensus on this very divided issue in Japanese politics.
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Sebata, Takao. "Japan's military expansion an analysis of bureaucratic politics and change of the defense policy and the decision making process /." 1992. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/28386077.html.

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Books on the topic "Japanese defense politics"

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Maswood, Syed Javed. Japanese defense: The search for political power. Pasir Panjang, Singapore: Regional Strategic Studies Programme, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1990.

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Renwick, Neil. Japan's alliance politics and defence production. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1995.

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Japan's alliance politics and defence production. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1995.

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Renwick, Neil. Japan's Alliance Politics and Defence Production. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230371453.

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Japan's defense policy and bureaucratic politics, 1976-2007. Lanham, Md: University Press of America, 2010.

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Maswood, Syed Javed. Japanese defence: The search for political power. Pasir Panjang, Singapore: Regional Strategic Studies Programme, Institute of Southeast Asean Studies, 1990.

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Henderson, Stewart. Japanese national security policy: Changing perceptions and responses. Ottawa: Policy Planning Staff, External Affairs and International Trade Canada, 1992.

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Governor Ralph Carr: Defender of Japanese Americans. Palmer Lake, Colo: Filter Press, LLC, 2011.

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Hoyt, Edwin Palmer. The militarists: The rise of Japanese militarism since WW II. New York: D.I. Fine, 1985.

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Koizumi diplomacy: Japan's kantei approach to foreign and defense affairs. Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press, 2007.

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Book chapters on the topic "Japanese defense politics"

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Hayes, Louis D. "Defense." In Introduction to Japanese Politics, 218–34. Sixth edition. | New York, NY : Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315277097-14.

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Hosoya, Yuichi. "Japanese Politics Concerning Collective Self-Defense." In Asia’s Alliance Triangle, 127–41. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137541710_10.

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Renwick, Neil. "Japan’s Alliance Politics." In Japan's Alliance Politics and Defence Production, 1–7. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230371453_1.

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Renwick, Neil. "‘Defence Inc.’?" In Japan's Alliance Politics and Defence Production, 67–84. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230371453_4.

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Renwick, Neil. "Japan’s Secondary Alliance Dilemma." In Japan's Alliance Politics and Defence Production, 8–31. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230371453_2.

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Renwick, Neil. "Japan’s Alliance after the Cold War." In Japan's Alliance Politics and Defence Production, 105–51. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230371453_6.

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Renwick, Neil. "Japan’s Self-Defence Forces and the Alliance." In Japan's Alliance Politics and Defence Production, 32–66. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230371453_3.

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Renwick, Neil. "Alliance Techno-Nationalism." In Japan's Alliance Politics and Defence Production, 85–104. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230371453_5.

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"Defense." In Introduction to Japanese Politics, 266–86. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315289458-24.

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Umegaki, Michio. "The Politics of Japanese Defense." In Security in Northeast Asia, 53–74. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429305719-4.

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