Journal articles on the topic 'Järn'

Short, Terse or Angular? Notes on Expressionism and Prose in the Nordic Countries 1910–1930
 With Pär Lagerkvist’s earliest collections of short prose, Motiv (1914) and Järn och människor (1915) as a point of reference, the article discusses ”shortness” in relation to the problems of defining expressionist prose. Most researchers agree that expressionist prose is, first and foremost, short, with the argument that the expressionist intensity or tendency towards abstraction works against a narrative pace. However, in examining how authors critically concerned with expressionism in Germany, as well as in the Nordic countries, create and imagine an expressionist or modern prose, it becomes obvious that shortness is not a dominant requirement or idea. It is at least equally important to note that authors often strive to achieve inter-medial effects: aspiring, for instance, to the angularity, hardness and abstraction of cubist art, or to the tempo and technique of modern film. It also becomes evident that the term ”expressionist” needs to be more carefully applied in the Nordic than in the German context, in order to be meaningful. In the end, the concept of ”shortness” per se, does not aid in the definition of expressionist prose. Moreover, it cannot be concluded that Nordic authors utilize short forms in their literary experiments more consistently than they use longer forms. However, it is apparent that Lagerkvist is extremely attentive to the different effects of reducing or expanding his texts, particularly in order to let his readers see and see beyond the ”angularity” of his art.

Kesällä 2020 ja keväällä 2021 sain mahdollisuuden tuottaa kaksi uitto- ja metsätyöaiheista näyttelyä: Ensimmäinen nousi Savukoskelle kotiseututalo Puistolaan, toista rakennetaan parhaillaan Iin kotiseutumuseoon. Vaikka aihepiiri on käytännössä sama, löytyi paikkakuntien teollisuushistorian väliltä paljon mielenkiintoisia eroavaisuuksia. Molempia näyttelyitä yhdistää aiheena uitto ja metsätyö, mutta näyttelyistä muodostui lopulta muuten hyvin erilaiset. Savukoskella uitto jäi huomattavasti pienempään rooliin kuin metsätyömaat, sillä juuri savotoilla oli selvästi suurempi paikka Kemijoen alkulähteiden seutuvilla asuvien Saulaisten sydämissä. Iissä jokisuun asukkailla oli vain hataria mielikuvia suursavotoista, sillä suurin osa paikallisista oli ollut töissä paikallisesti, siis nimenomaan tukkien uitossa tai erottelulla. Iloitsin kuitenkin siitä, että itse olen päässyt läheisesti tutustumaan pohjoisen suurten jokien molempiin todellisuuksiin. Eniten jäin kaipaamaan enemmän aiheen sosiaalihistoriaan liittyvää tutkimusta.

Järnsjön, a lake in the Swedish river Emån, contains approx. 400 kg of PCB which is slowly leaching out from the sediments. An analysis program has shown that the Järnsjön sediments are the primary source for ongoing discharge of PCB to the river. Based on the current yearly discharge of 7 kg PCB, the sediments will cause problems during several decades. The Emän river is classified as a resource of national importance. Remediation of Järnsjön is necessary if continued damage is to be avoided. However, remedial activities in lake Järnsjön can lead to an additional load on Emån. Restrictions on such releases during remediation of Järnsjön will therefore be stringently applied. The feasibility of remediating Järnsjön, has been examined in a number of studies carried out by the Swedish EPA together with different universities, institutes and consulting companies. A primary alternative has been selected. This alternative includes vacuum dredging within a protective barrier of silt screens. Dredged material will be dewatered and disposed of in a special landfill. This remedial action is estimated to cost appr. 40 million Swedish kronor. (6 - 8 million dollars). The remediation has started and will be concluded in 1994.

The aim of this partial study is to analyse how the economies of different Sami reindeer management households are structured, and how the adaptation is structured if profit maximation is a goal. Earlier research demonstrates that different regions provides various terms. Consequently there exists a different economic structure among different households. Based on a selection of households from districts /villages from a range of geographical locations, management patterns, and region size, different economic structures are searched for. Households with similar economic structures are grouped in categories. The standard deviation confirms whether the grouping in categories. Sami Reindeer Management in Norway and Sweden has during the period from 1992/93 to 2002/03 provided recognized slaughterhouses with an even quantum of meat supply. That indicates that it probably is the same set of factors that influence the slaughter quantities of both countries. The relationship between the stock value of reindeer and the commercial value of reindeer meat, with in each household, suggests whether there is an accumulation in herd size and its magnitude. The herd increment depends on the competitive situation between the households in the district/village. As a single household cannot influence wholesale price of reindeer meat, the sales quantum is the single factor that can influence total sales. The efforts to increase herd size, due to the competitive situation, prevent the household from a maximum slaughter quantum, which thereby reduce the returns from reindeer management. Common factors for the different structures are sought for. The indication is that nether sale price of reindeer meat or line of politics influence sales quantum. The Sami reindeer herding seams to be a way of life were the size of the reindeer herd is in focus.Analys av den samiska renskötselns ekonomiska tillpassning. Renen, intäktskälla eller kulturfäste?Abstract in Swedish / Sammandrag: I denna studie analyseras hur olika renskötarhushålls ekonomier är strukturerad samt hur de tillpassar sig de ekonomiska förutsättningar som existerar för att maximera den ekonomiska avkastningen, i de fall en ekonomisk vinstmaximering är målsättningen. Tidigare forskning visar att renskötselområden uppvisar skilda betingelser. Köttförsäljningvärde, produktionsbidrag och ersättningsstorlek vid förlust av renar skiljer sig åt. Främst mellan Norge och Sverige men även regionalt inom det enskilda landet. Det medför att det existerar olika ekonomiska strukturer hos renskötarhushållen. Genom ett urval av hushåll från olika distrikt och samebyar baserat på geografisk lokalisering, driftsmönster och renskötselsområdesstorlek söks olika ekonomiska strukturer. Hushåll med liknade ekonomisk struktur grupperas i kategorier. Standardavvikelsen bekräftar om hushållen bildar en hushållskategori. Den samiska renskötseln i Norge och renskötseln Sverige har från år 1992/93 till år 2002/03 haft en kvantitetsmässigt jämn köttförsäljningsnivå till godkända slakterier. Det indikerar att det troligtvis är samma faktorer som påverkar ländernas slaktkvantitet. Förhållandet mellan lagervärde av renar och försäljningsvärdet av renkött, i det enskilda hushållet, åskådliggör om det föreligger någon tillväxt i renantalet och tillväxtens storlek. Tillväxten i renantalet beror av den konkurrenssituation som finns mellan hushållen inom distriktet/samebyn. Strävan efter att uppnå ett högre renantal, på grund av konkurrenssituationen, förhindrar hushållet att göra ett maximalt slaktuttag vilket därmed minskar avkastningen från renskötseln. Allt pekar mot att slaktkvantiteten inte påverkas av uppköpspriset på renkött eller av politiska tilltag. Den samiska renskötseln tycks vara en levnadssätt där renantalet står i centrum.

Suositun Valtaistuinpeli (Game of Thrones) -tv-sarjan myötä George R. R. Martinin Tulen ja jään laulu -kirjasarjaan perustuvasta transmediauniversumista on tullut ilmiö, jolla on faneja huomattavasti laajemmin kuin vain fantasiaharrastajien piirissä. Tässä artikkelissa pyrin selvittämään tapoja, joilla ihmiset kokevat Valtaistuinpelin maailman, hahmot ja tapahtumat, ja sitä, miten he niitä tulkitsevat ja suhteuttavat omaan elämänkokemukseensa. Hypoteesina on, että Let’s Play -videot tarjoavat hedelmällisen aineiston pelien ja yleisemmin populaarikulttuurin synnyttämien kokemusten tarkasteluun.Tutkimusmenetelmänäni on Game of Thrones -videopelistä tehtyjen Let’s Play -videoiden analysointi erityisesti pelaaja-kertojan esiintymiseen keskittyen. Tutkimuksen aineisto on koottu satunnaisotantana kahdelta eri videonjakoalustalta (Twitch, Youtube). Ääniraidalla pelaaja-kertojat ensisijaisesti sanallistavat ruudulla näkyviä tapahtumia ja käyttävät runsaasti aikaa myös pelin edellyttämien moraalisten valintojen pohtimiseen ja selittämiseen. Videoissa on myös tärkeässä roolissa pelaaja-kertojien tunnereaktioiden esittäminen, mikä korostaa Let’s Play -videoiden performatiivista luonnetta.
 Let’s Play -videot tarjoavat tavan sekä esittää että kasvattaa fanikulttuurista pääomaa. Let’s Play -videoiden kautta pelaaja-kertojat osallistuvat fandomin aineettomaan vaihdantaan, tuoden oman panoksensa Valtaistuinpelin universumiin. Game of Thrones -pelin Let’s Play -videoissa pohdinta keskittyy moraalisiin valintoihin. Videot avaavat näkymän pelaaja-kertojien yksityiseen vastaanottoprosessiin ja sen aikana tapahtuvaan joustavaan erilaisten moraalikoodistojen limittymiseen. Let’s Play -videot näyttävät tarjoavan faniuden esittämiselle uudenlaisen alustan, jossa intiimi vastaanoton hetki voidaan tuottaa yhteisölliseksi kokemukseksi.
 
 Game of Thrones Let’s Play Videos and the Reception of Popular Culture as Performance
 The highly popular TV series Game of Thrones has made the transmedia universe originally based on George R. R. Martin’s novel cycle The Song of Ice and Fire into a phenomenon, which has gained fans from much wider audience than fantasy fandom. In this article, I look at the ways how people experience the world, characters, and events of the Game of Thrones, and how they interpret these and relate them to their own lives. I take it as my hypothesis that Let’s Play videos provide fruitful material for scrutinizing the experiences evoked by video games, and more generally, by popular culture productions. My research method consists of analyzing Let’s Play videos based on the Game of Thrones videogame (Telltale 2014–15), focusing especially on the performance of the player-narrators.
 The data set of this research was sampled from two online video publication platforms (Twitch, Youtube). On the audio track the player-narrators mainly verbalize things happening on the screen while playing Game of Thrones, and they also extensively dwell in the reflections and explanations regarding moral choices prompted by the game. Showing off emotional responses of the player-narrators plays an important role, too, which emphasizes the performative aspect of Let’s Play videos.
 Let’s Play videos provide a way to show and increase one’s fancultural capital. Through publishing Let’s Play videos the player-narrators participate in the immaterial exchange economy of fandom, by contributing their share into the Game of Thrones universe. In the Game of Thrones Let’s Play videos the reflection focuses on moral choices. These videos open up views to private reception processes of the player-narrators, and to the flexible shifts and overlaps between various moral codes during these processes. Let’s Play videos seem to offer a new kind of platform to perform one’s fan activities, in which the intimate moment of reception may be opened up to a communal experience.

People live amidst objects, things, articles, items, artefacts, materials, substances, and stuff – described in social sciences and humanities as material culture, which denotes both natural and human-made entities, which form our physical environment. We, humans, relate to this environment by using, depicting, interacting with or thinking about various material objects or their representations. In other words, material culture is never just about things in themselves, it is also about various ideas, representations, experiences, practices and relations. In contemporary theorising about material culture, the watershed between the tangible and intangible has started to disappear as all the objects have multiple meanings. This paper theorises objects mostly in terms of contemporary socio-cultural anthropology and ethnology by first giving an overview of the development of the material culture studies and then focusing upon consumption studies, material agency, practice theory and the methods for studying material culture.
 Both anthropology and ethnology in the beginning of the 20th century were dealing mostly with ‘saving’; that is, collecting the ethnographical objects from various cultures for future preservation as societies modernised. The collecting of the everyday items of rural Estonians, which had begun in the 19th century during the period of national awakening, gained its full momentum after the establishment of the Estonian National Museum in 1909. During the museum’s first ten years, 20,000 objects were collected (Õunapuu 2007). First, the focus was on the identification of the historical-geographical typologies of the collected artefacts. In 1919, the first Estonian with a degree in ethnology, Helmi Reiman-Neggo (2013) stressed the need for ethnographical descriptions of the collected items and the theoretical planning of the museum collections. The resulting vast ethnographical collection of the Estonian National Museum (currently about 140,000 items) has also largely influenced ethnology and anthropology as academic disciplines in Estonia (Pärdi 1993).
 Even though in the first half of the 20th century the focus lay in the systematic collection and comparative analysis of everyday items and folk art, there were studies that centred on meaning already at the end of 19th century. Austrianethnologist Rudolf Meringer suggested in 1891 that a house should be studied as a cultural individual and analysed within the context of its functions and in relation to its inhabitants. Similarly, the 1920s and 1930s saw studies on the roles of artefacts that were not influenced by Anglo-American functionalism: Mathilde Hain (1936) studied how folk costumes contribute to the harmonious functioning of a ‘small community’, and Petr Bogatyrev (1971) published his study on Moravian costumes in 1937. This study, determining the three main functions – instrumental, aesthetic and symbolic – of the folk costume, and translated into English 30 years after first publication, had a substantial influence on the development of material culture studies.
 The 1970s saw the focus of material culture studies in Western and Northern Europe shifting mainly from the examination of (historical) rural artefacts to the topics surrounding contemporary culture, such as consumption. In Soviet Estonian ethnology, however, the focus on the 19th century ethnographic items was prevalent until the 1980s as the topic was also partially perceived as a protest against the direction of Soviet academia (see Annist and Kaaristo 2013 for a thorough overview). There were, of course, exceptions, as for instance Arved Luts’s (1962) studies on everyday life on collective farms. Meanwhile, however, the communicative and semiotic turn of the 1970s turned European ethnology’s focus to the idea of representation and objects as markers of identity as well as means of materialising the otherwise intangible and immaterial relationships and relations. The theory of cultural communication was established in Scandinavian ethnology and numerous studies on clothing, housing and everyday items as material expressions of social structures, hierarchies, values and ideologies emerged (Lönnqvist 1979, Gustavsson 1991). The Scandinavian influences on Estonia are also reflected in Ants Viires’s (1990) suggestion that ethnologists should study clothing (including contemporary clothing) in general and not just folk costumes, by using a semiotic approach.
 Löfgren’s (1997) clarion call to bring more ‘flesh and blood’ to the study of material culture was a certain reaction to the above focus. Researchers had for too long focused exclusively upon the meaning and, as Löfgren brought forth, they still did not have enough understanding of what exactly it was that people were actually and practically doing with their things. Ingold’s (2013) criticism on the studies focusing on symbolism, and the lack of studies on the tangible materiality of the materials and their properties, takes a similar position. In the 1990s, there was a turn toward the examination of material-cultural and those studies that were written within the framework of ‘new materialism’ (Hicks 2010, Coole and Frost 2010) started to pay attention to objects as embodied and agentive (Latour 1999, Tilley et al 2006). Nevertheless, as Olsen (2017) notes, all materialities are not created equal in contemporary academic research: while items like prostheses, Boyle’s air pumps or virtual realities enjoy increased attention, objects such as wooden houses, fireplaces, rakes and simple wooden chairs are still largely unexamined. The traditional material culture therefore needs new studying in the light of these post-humanist theories.
 Where does this leave Estonian ethnology? In the light of the theoretical developments discussed above, we could ask, whether and how has the material Making sense of the material culture turn affected research in Estonia? Here we must first note that for a significant part of the 20th century, Estonian ethnology (or ethnography as the discipline was called before 1990s) has mostly been centred on the material culture (see the overview of the main topics from vehicles to folk costumes in Viires and Vunder 2008). Partly because of this aspect of the discipline’s history, many researchers actually felt the need to somewhat distance themselves from these topics in the 1990s (Pärdi 1998). Compared to topics like religion, identity, memory, oral history and intangible heritage, study of material culture has largely stayed in the background. There are of course notable exceptions such as Vunder’s (1992) study on the history of style, which includes analysis of theirsymbolic aspects. It is also interesting to note that in the 1990s Estonian ethnology, the term ‘material culture’ (‘materiaalne kultuur’) – then seen as incorporating the dualism between material and immaterial – was actually replaced with the Estonian translation of German ‘Sachkultur’ (‘esemekultuur’, literally ‘artefact culture’). Nevertheless, it was soon realised that this was actually a too narrow term (with its exclusion of natural objects and phenomena as well as the intangible and social aspects of culture), slowly fell out of general usage, and was replaced with ‘material culture’ once again. Within the past three decades, studies dealing with material culture have discussed a wide variety of topics from the vernacular interior design (Kannike 2000, 2002, 2012), everyday commodities (Kõresaar 1999b) and spiritual objects (Teidearu 2019), traditional rural architecture (Pärdi 2012, Kask 2012, 2015), museum artefacts (Leete 1996), clothing, textiles and jewellery (Kõresaar 1999a; Järs 2004; Summatavet 2005; Jõeste 2012; Araste and Ventsel 2015), food culture (Piiri 2006; Bardone 2016; Kannike and Bardone 2017), to soviet consumer culture (Ruusmann 2006, Rattus 2013) and its implications in life histories (Kõresaar 1998, Jõesalu and Nugin 2017). All of these these studies deal with how people interpret, remember and use objects.
 The main keywords of the studies of European material culture have been home, identity and consumption (but also museology and tangible heritage, which have not been covered in this article). Material culture studies are an important part of the studies of everyday life and here social and cultural histories are still important (even though they have been criticised for focusing too much on symbols and representation). Therefore, those studies focusing on physical materials and materialites, sensory experiences, embodiment, and material agency have recently become more and more important. This article has given an overview of the three most prevalent thematic and theoretical strands of the study of material culture: objects as symbols especially in the consumer culture, material agency and practice theory as well as discussing some methodological suggestions for the material culture studies.
 To conclude, even though on the one hand we could argue that when it comes to the study of material culture there indeed exists a certain hierarchy of „old“ topics that relate to museums or traditional crafts and „new“ and modern materialities, such as smart phones or genetically modified organisms. However, dichotomies like this are often artificial and do not show the whole picture: contemporary children are often as proficient in playing cat’s cradle as they are with video games (Jackson 2016). Thus, studying various (everyday) material objects and entities is still topical and the various theories discussed in this article can help to build both theoretical and empirical bridge between different approaches. Therefore, there is still a lot to do in this regard and we invite researchers to study objects form all branches of material culture, be they 19th century beer mugs in the collections of the Estonian National Museum that can help us to better give meaning to our past, or the digital and virtual design solutions that can give our academic research an applied direction.
 Keywords: material culture, artefacts, consumption, practice, agency, research methods

Abstract There is a growing awareness of the role of gender in the production of health inequalities. Gender, as a social construct, is built on culturally constructed roles, behaviours, expectations, opportunities and responsibilities that individuals experience throughout their lives in societies. It is also a reflection of relations to others, and of the power -or disadvantages- that fall upon individuals. The main channels through which gender influences health status, independently and in relation to a person’s biological sex or sexual orientation, include differences in exposure to behavioural and environmental risk factors, differences in use of health services and access to treatment, in relationships that form between care providers and patients, and structural determinants such as the design and implementation of public policies and laws. Despite efforts to adopt a gender-sensitive approach in public health research, gender remains too often an afterthought in the research process, or gender differences an accidental finding. Investigating the complexity of gender-related influences on health status comes with methodological challenges, considering the multiple dimensions of gender and gender identities and their interactions with the social environment. Grasping the realities of gender-related inequalities in health calls for interdisciplinary approaches and multi-level analyses. In this workshop, we present methodological developments and lessons from the field that highlight the role of gender as a social determinant of health, and suggest ways to operationalise it in health research. Drawing from intersectionality theory, which examines how multiple social identities (e.g. sex/gender, race/ethnicity, socioeconomic position, sexuality, age, (dis)ability) intersect at the level of the individual and the structural factors that underpin them, Mena & Bolte develop a conceptual framework for intersectionality-based gender sensitivity in multivariable analysis. Focussing on the intersection between gender and migration, Wandschneider et al. identify best practice for the conceptualisation and operationalisation of gender in migration-related epidemiological research. Batram-Zantvoort et al. aim to demonstrate the value of identifying discrimination and imbalance of power in obstetric care at different levels of analysis, looking at structural, organisational and individual level factors. Jähn et al. critically examine the theoretical foundations and measurement methods of gender roles. Finally, Böckmann et al. reflect back on a smoking cessation intervention in South Asia and on discovering discrepancies between researchers’ assumptions and realities of gender roles and behaviours. Between them, presenters will cover several stages of the research process (conceptualisation, measurement, data collection) and cover a range of disciplines, providing a unique opportunity for dialogue and a platform for the development of best practice. Key messages This workshop will highlight the role of gender as a social determinant of health, and suggest ways to operationalise gender in health research. It will also provide a unique opportunity for interdisciplinary dialogue and a platform for the development of gender-sensitive research best practice.

Kokkuvõte: Aarne Michaël Tallgren, Eesti ja Tartu aastal 1920: riigi kuvand kirjavahetuses
 Rahvusvaheliselt tuntud Soome arheoloog Aarne Michaël Tallgren (1885–1945) määrati Eesti Vabariigi Tartu Ülikooli esimeseks Eesti ja Põhjamaade arheoloogia professoriks juunis 1920. Ta oli selles ametis kevadeni 1923. Mida tähendasid talle Eesti, Tartu ja sealsed elamistingimused enne Tartusse kolimist? Milline oli tema ettekujutus Eestist, eriti seoses enda identiteediga? Kuidas ja miks muutus tema vaatenurk sügissemestril 1920?
 Artikkel põhineb suures osas A. M. Tallgreni ema Jenny Maria Montin- Tallgreni kogul, mida hoitakse Soome Rahvusarhiivis. Kirju Mikko Tallgrenilt tema vanimale vennale Oiva Johannes Tallgrenile (hiljem Tuulio) hoitakse viimase kogus Soome Rahvusraamatukogus. Head võrdlusmaterjali pakuvad A. M. Tallgreni kirjad kolleegile ja lähedasele sõbrale Aarne Europaeusele (hiljem Äyräpää), mida hoitakse tema kollektsioonis Soome Muuseumiameti Arhiivis. Hajusaid killukesi leiab ka kirjadest, mille Tallgrenile saatsid tema kolleegid ning mida hoitakse Soome Rahvusraamatukogus.
 Arheoloogia alal lähtus Tallgen uurimisprobleemidest ja arusaamadest soome-ugri mineviku kohta, mille olid sõnastanud Matthias Alexander Castrén ja Johan Reinhold Aspelin. Ta avastas aga peagi, kui ajast maha jäänud need olid, ning võttis omaks rahvusvahelise orientatsiooniga lähenemise Venemaa ja Ida-Euroopa ajaloole, mis keskendus Euroopa pronksiaja lõunapoolsetele juurtele. Samas jätkas ta ka populaarteaduslike tööde kirjutamist Soome esiajast. Vaatamata sellele on 19. sajandi rahvusromantiline lähenemine Soome ajaloole Tallgreni Eesti-sümpaatia selgitamisel keskse tähtsusega.
 Tallgreni maailmavaade põhines seaduslikkusel ja isiklikul vastutusel. Keele küsimuses esindas ta liberaalset vaatenurka, mille oli pärinud oma kakskeelsest, soome- ja rootsikeelsest kodust. Tallgreni isiklikku identiteeti mõjutasid lähedased suhted oma õdede-vendade ning vanematega, eriti emaga. Lisaks mõjutas teda lapsepõlve ja noorusaja Turu piirkond.
 Tallgreni kohale määramine ja Tartusse saabumine said teoks tänu iseseisva Eesti Vabariigi väljakuulutamisele. Soome teadlaste Tartusse määramise akadeemiliseks eeltingimuseks oli otsus arendada Tartu Ülikool eestikeelseks asutuseks. See tähendas vene ja saksa keelt kõnelevate professorite vahetamist eestikeelsete vastu, kuid kuna 1910. aastate teisel poolel oli sobivatest akadeemilise kvalifikatsiooniga eestlastest puudus, otsustati kutsuda Tartusse õpetama ka teadlasi välismaalt. Avati uued õppetoolid, mida peeti oluliseks uue riigi ja selle identiteedi loomiseks, nende hulgas ka arheoloogia õppetool.
 Tallgren ei olnud esimene Soome arheoloog, kellega läbirääkimisi peeti. Oskar Kallas kirjutas esimesena Juhani Rinnele, küsides kas ta oleks huvitatud arheoloogiaprofessoriks ja Eesti Rahva Muuseumi direktoriks saamisest. Ka Aarne Europaeuse nime mainiti juba 1919. aastal vähemalt muuseumiga seoses. Pärast seda, kui Rinne loobus, saadeti 1919. aasta teasel poolel päring Tallgrenile. Märtsis 1920 informeeris Tallgren Eisenit oma loobumisest. Pärast seda asus Tartu Ülikooli soome-ugri keelte professor Lauri Kettunen veenma Tallgreni ümber mõtlema. Lõpuks Tallgren nõustus. Mais ja juunis tegi Tallgren viienädalase ekskursiooni Eestisse ja sel ajal teatati talle, et ülikool on valinud ta professoriks.
 Tartus seadis Tallgren end sisse jurist Oskar Rütli kodus. Rütli oli aktiivne Eesti-Soome suhete edendaja ja tema abikaasa Vilhelmiina/Vilhelmine (Mimmi) oli soomlane.
 Tallgren töötas Tartus 1923. aasta kevadeni, mil sai tõenäoliseks, et ta nimetatakse Helsingi Ülikooli arheoloogiaprofessoriks. Lisaks tundis ta, et on täitnud oma ülesande Tartus, olles arendanud välja nii akadeemilise kõrghariduse arheoloogia valdkonnas kui ka kohaliku muuseumivõrgustiku. Tallgren võttis siiski arheoloogiatudengite eksameid vastu ka 1920. aastate teisel poolel ja võttis osa aruteludest, mille eesmärgiks oli formuleerida pärandiga seotud seadusandlus.
 Pärast Tartusse saabumist mõistis Tallgren peagi, kui palju tööd professuur endast kujutab. Ta sai aru, mida Tartu ja Eesti temalt kui professorilt ootavad ning mida Tartu professuur tema enda jaoks tähendab. Ta tundis, et nii arheoloogiat kui ka Tartu Ülikooli hinnati Eestis kõrgelt, mis süvendas tema optimismi. Tema muljed muuseumitest ja raamatukogudest olid eripalgelised.
 Tallgreni esmamuljed Eestist kui riigist ja eestlastest mais 1920 olid eksootilised. Ta oli „üldiselt lummatud kõigest“, mida nägi. Tartu akadeemilised ja aristokraatlikud tahud meeldisid Tallgrenile kui teadlasele ja romantismi vaimsele järgijale eriti. Samas vaatles ta Eesti ühiskonda ja selle võimalikke pingekoldeid 1918. aasta kodusõjast toibuva Soome vaatenurgast. Ta muretses baltisakslaste isoleerituse pärast. Lisaks kartis ta, et halvenevad majanduslikud tingimused võivad viia sotsiaalse konfliktini.
 Tallgren imetles eestlaste töökust ja iseloomustas eestlasi kui meeldivaid inimesi. Ta leidis, et eestlaste iseloom on elavam kui soomlastel. Ta väärtustas eestlaste sõbralikkust ja heatahtlikkust, kuid hindas ka seda, et linnas oli teisi soomlasi, kellega suhelda. Välismaal olemine omandas Tallgreni jaoks uue tähenduse: see muutus võimaluseks õppida Soomet rohkem hindama ja realistlikumal viisil, ilustamata armastama. Teisest küljest pakkus see võimalust põgeneda Soome Rahvusmuuseumis valitsenud ebameeldivast olukorrast.
 Tallgreni olulisim võrgustik Tartus moodustus tema tudengitest ja see tekkis järk-järgult tema kolmeaastase professuuri jooksul. Selle grupi tuumiku moodustasid 1920. aastal Harri Moora, Marta Schmiedehelm ja Eerik Laid, kellega Tallgren jäi pidevalt suhtlema ka pärast Tartust lahkumist.
 Tallgrenile tähendas Tartusse kolimine eemal viibimist oma vanematest ja teistest sugulastest, kellega tal olid tihedad suhted. Ta ema nägi olukorda Eestis igas mõttes nagu tema poeg. Ka tema oli mures Eestis valitseva olukorra pärast. Tallgreni isa ja vend Oiva kahtlesid, kas Mikko tõesti pühendub Tartus oma professuurile. Seetõttu saatis A. M. Tallgren pidevalt oma sugulastele teateid oma rahulolu kohta ja näib, et nad aktsepteerisid neid. Tallgreni nägemus Eestist ja Tartust ning oma kohast selles, suhtumine oma professorikohustustesse, mõtted Eesti ühiskonna võimalikest arengutest ja suhe koduga olid vastastikuses seoses. 1920. aasta sügiseni põhines Tallgreni kujutlus muinasaegsest Eestist ja üldistel teadmistel. 1920. aasta ekskursiooni käigus hakkas ta mõtlema Eestist kui oma tööpaigast.
 Tallgreni kirjad dokumenteerivad seda arenguprotsessi, mille käigus ta proovis mõista oma ülesandeid ja rolli. Pärast enda Tartusse sisseseadmist püüdis Tallgren üle saada võõristustest, mida Eesti temas tekitas, otsides selles endale tuttavlikke jooni. Samuti proovis ta näidata, et tema identiteedi kujunemise protsess toimus lihtsalt. Võimalik, et ta tegi seda selleks, et rahustada oma vanemaid või kergemini uues keskkonnas kohaneda. Igal juhul rahunes ta esimese semestri jooksul. Seda protsessi võis mõjutada stabiliseeruv poliitiline olukord, Eesti ja Nõukogude Venemaa vaheline rahuleping veebruaris 1920 ja parlamendivalimised novembris. Kuigi ajaline suhe nende vahel on nähtav, ei ole põhjuslikku suhet võimalik tõestada.
 Sotsiaalselt kuulus Tallgren Tartu Soome professorite seltskonda, kuhu kuulusid ka mõned Rootsi professorid, kuid sarnaselt enamikule teistele soomlastele tähendas eesti keele oskus, et ta ei kapseldunud oma gruppi, vaid suutis luua ja hoida kontakte kohalikega.
 Tallgreni kujutlus Eestist ja Tartust põhines pigem elukogemusel ja erialasel taustal kui päevapoliitikal. Arheoloogi ja kultuuriajaloolasena otsis ta nähtule ja kogetule ajaloolisi selgitusi. Sellest vaatenurgast oli oluline, et ta suudaks end ja oma Soomes elavat peret veenda, et tema algne ebakindlus oli olnud alusetu.