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Journal articles on the topic 'Jasenovac'
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1
Odak, Stipe, and Andriana Benčić. "Jasenovac—A Past That Does Not Pass." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 30, no. 4 (July 25, 2016): 805–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325416653657.
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In this article the authors discuss the role of Jasenovac Concentration Camp in Croatian and Serbian political and social spheres. Connecting the historical data with the analysis of the recent mutual accusations of genocide between the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Serbia before the International Court of Justice in The Hague, the authors demonstrate the pervasive presence of Jasenovac in Serbian and Croatian political discourse. Presenting different modes of social construction around Jasenovac, from the end of the Second World War to the present, the article proposes a specific reading of Jasenovac as a form of the “past that does not pass.” In this respect, Jasenovac is seen as a continuous reference point for understanding collective losses and group suffering, both past and present, in Serbian and Croatian society. Although historically distanced by seventy years, the events surrounding Jasenovac are still constantly recurring in both political and private, official and unofficial, spheres of life, functioning as a specific symbol around which narratives of ethnic, national, and religious understanding as well as inter-group conflicts are thought and constructed. The role of political and social factors in the construction of frequently incompatible narratives is further underlined by the analysis of selected oral testimonies related to the war in Yugoslavia in 1990s.
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Geiger, Vladimir. "Pitanje broja žrtava logora Jasenovac u hrvatskoj i srpskoj historiografiji, publicistici i javnosti nakon raspada SFR Jugoslavije – činjenice, kontroverze i manipulacije." Journal of contemporary history 52, no. 2 (July 20, 2020): 517–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.22586/csp.v52i2.11253.
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Najkontroverznije i neriješeno pitanje ljudskih gubitaka Hrvatske, i Jugoslavije, u Drugome svjetskom ratu broj je žrtava logora Jasenovac. Popisi žrtava logora Jasenovac te procjene i izračuni povjesničara i demografa najčešće su znatno različiti i u preširokom rasponu od potpunoga umanjivanja do nemogućih megalomanskih navoda te uvjetovani (dnevno)političkim ozračjem. Napose od vremena raspada SFR Jugoslavije pitanje broja žrtava logora Jasenovac iz jedinoga mogućega jednostranog i „megalomanskog” tumačenja znatno se raslojava. U članku se prikazuju i propituju najvažniji historiografski i publicistički radovi o jasenovačkim žrtvama i njihovi odjeci u javnosti, od pristaša „umanjivanja” do zastupnika „megalomanskih” navoda, kao i malobrojna nastojanja nepristranoga sagledavanja toga pitanja u Hrvatskoj i Srbiji od početka 90-ih godina do sadašnjosti.
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BURAZOR, Gavro. "Druga monografija o logoru Jasenovac." Tokovi istorije 2/2020, no. 28 (August 18, 2020): 287–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2020.2.bur.287-300.
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Steinberg, Jonathan. "The Roman Catholic Church and Genocide in Croatia, 1941-1945." Studies in Church History 29 (1992): 463–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400011487.
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Just before I sat down to write this paper, I heard the editor of the Serbian newspaper in Knin giving an interview to the BBC. ‘Remember’, he said over the crackling telephone line, ‘we Serbs had our Auschwitz too; it was called Jasenovac’ Jasenovac can legitimately be compared with Auschwitz in the annals of human horror. Nobody knows how many Serbs, Jews, and Gypsies were hacked to pieces with butcher knives, beaten to death with clubs and rifle butts, worked to death on detachments, or died of fright, illness, and starvation in the Croatian death camp. A Serb friend of mine recalls being pulled by his mother from the rails of a ferry on the river Sava, near Jasenovac, in 1941 as he stared at the bits of human anatomy bobbing in the current. In the archives of the Italian Foreign Ministry in Rome there is a file of photographs of the butcher knives and mallets used in the camp and elsewhere by the Ustase in their pogroms, as well as pictures of the mutilated victims. Those pictures have been indelibly burned on to the retina of my memory. Vladko Maček, the leader of the Croatian Peasants Party, was arrested and sent to Jasenovac on 15 October 1941, six months after the foundation of the Nezavisna Država Hrvatska, the Independent State of Croatia. He described it in his memoirs: The camp had previously been a brick-yard and was situated on the embankment of the Sava river. In the middle of the camp stood a two-storey house, originally erected for the offices of the enterprise … The screams and wails of despair and extreme suffering, the tortured outcries of the victims, broken by intermittent shooting, accompanied all my waking hours and followed me into sleep at night.
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Karge, Heike. "Sajmiste, Jasenovac, and the social frames of remembering and forgetting." Filozofija i drustvo 23, no. 4 (2012): 106–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1204106k.
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The article discusses the reasons for the construction, in the 1960s, of memorial to the victims of the former camp in Jasenovac in Yugoslavia, although no such memorial was built at the Sajmiste site. How should we explain and understand this difference and what do these two sites stand for in Yugoslav discourses about the past? I will argue that the memorial project for Jasenovac was, due to certain developments, seen as a substitute for similar plans at nearly all the former camp locations in Yugoslavia. Because of this substitution, after the mid 1960s none of the other concentration camp sites in the country benefited from federal financing and thus all of them were excluded from having a real chance at being made into a proper memorial site.
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Cvetković, Dragan. "Geostatistička analiza ljudskih gubitaka u koncentracionom logoru Jasenovac." Istorija 20. veka 37, no. 1/2019 (February 1, 2019): 93–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2019.1.cve.93-120.
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Byford, Jovan. "WHEN I SAY “THE HOLOCAUST,” I MEAN “JASENOVAC”." East European Jewish Affairs 37, no. 1 (April 2007): 51–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501670701197946.
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Cigar, Norman. "Jasenovac: Žrtve rata prema podacima statističkog zavoda Jugoslavije [Jasenovac: War Victims According to the Data of Yugoslavia's Bureau of Statistics]." Journal of Croatian Studies 39 (1998): 146–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jcroatstud1998399.
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Szperlik, Ewa. "Zapiski z „Miasta Umarłych”. Obóz koncentracyjny Jasenovac i Stara Gradiška w literackich narracjach tanatologicznych i dyskursie pamięci obszaru postjugosłowianskiego." Slavica Wratislaviensia 168 (April 18, 2019): 507–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0137-1150.168.43.
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Notes from “the city of the dead”: Jasenovac and Stara Gradiška concentration camps in thanatological narratives and in the memory discourse of the post-Yugoslav areaThis paper discusses selected Holocaust narratives of the post-Yugoslav area, which were set in the history of Hitler’s Europe due to the establishment of the pro-Nazi Pavelić regime The Independent State of Croatia. They were also set in the context of the concealment policy, when both places and events related to concentration camps, Jasenovac and Stara Gradiška, were ousted from collective memory by the authorities of communist Yugoslavia. Concentration camp memoirs and records — autothanatographies J. Derrida, A. Ubertowska — reflecting on the post-Yugoslav area of Tito’s epoch had been a tabooed realm of unsolicited truths S. Buryła for a few decades due to political reasons and have recently been reintroduced into official discourse of memory. They also address the questions of the end of Western civilisation, the topos of the concentration camp as the territory of the reign of death and struggle for survival. The five selected thanatological testimonies present the Holocaust and the nightmare of World War II as an essential part of reflection on the human condition H. Arendt and they also show the phenomenon of collective trauma D. LaCapra. Bilješke iz „Grada Mrtvih”. Konclogor Jasenovac i Stara Gradiška u književnim tanatološkim naracijama i u diskursu kolektivnog pamćenja na području bivše JugoslavijePredmet razmatranja u ovom tekstu su odabrani autobiografski zapisi o Holokaustu sa područja bivše Jugoslavije, stavljene u vizuru povijesti hitlerove Europe povodom osnivanja režima Ante Pavelića kakva je bila NDH. Istodobno vrlo je važan u ovoj analizi kontekst politike prešućivanja te brisanja iz kolektivnog pamćenja mjesta i dogaᵭaja vezanih uz logore smrti: Jasenovac i Stara Gradiška koje su vlasti komunističke Jugoslavije nakon II svjestkog rata uspješno poricale. Vraćene u zadnje vrijeme javnom pamćenju sjećanja i uspomene na logor – „autotanatografije J. Derrida, A. Ubertowska – bile su nekoliko decenija prešućivane ili od javnosti skrivane u Titovoj državi te zbog političkih razloga spadale su u zonu nepoželjnih istina S. Buryła. Zabilježena vlastita sjećanja na konclogora – kasnije proskribiranih autora/svjedoka – bave se univerzalnom temom smrti, rušenja civilizacije zapadnog kruga, konclogora kao područja svevladajuće smrti, istrebljivanja i životnjske borbe za preživljavanje zatočenika. Pet odabranih logorskih testimonija prikazuje traumu II svjestkog rata D. LaCapra te govori o stanju čovječanstva u postratnom razdoblju H. Arendt.
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Hayden, Robert M. "Balancing Discussion of Jasenovac and the Manipulation of History." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 6, no. 2 (March 1992): 207–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325492006002006.
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Atlagić, Marko. "Croatian scientists and politicians falsifying the number of victims in the Jasenovac concentration camp in the ISC from 1941 to 1945." Napredak 1, no. 2 (2020): 79–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/napredak2002079a.
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The Jasenovac Concentration Camp, run by the Ustashas in the ISC from 1941 to 1945, was the largest human slaughterhouse in the Balkans and one of the biggest concentration camps in Europe in the Second World War. In was where the crime of genocide was committed in the most cruel fashion against 800 000 Serbs, 40 000 Jews and 60 000 Roma, as well as the murder of around 4000 Croat, 2000 Slovene and 1800 Muslim antifascists. The terrible crimes of genocide were documented by local as well as foreign historical sources and even the very participants in the events. Recently, we have been witnesses to the daily falsifying of not only the number of Jasenovac victims but also the character of the camp itself by Croatian historians and statesmen. Their aim is to redefine the fascist past of Croatia in order to avoid having to face the crime of genocide committed against Serbs not only in the so-called Independent State of Croatia [ISC] (1941-1945) but also during the so-called Homeland War (1991-1995). This presents a very clear danger for the future of so-called Independent State of Croatia (ISC). Also misrepresented is the nature of the camp itself, which is falsely defined as a labor camp or even holiday camp. Amongst others, the persons involved in this altering of facts are: Ivan Supek, Academy member, Josip Pečarić, Academy member, Prof. Stjepan Razum, Igor Vukić, Mladen Ivezić, Franjo Kuharić, the Society for the Study of the Jasenovac Triple Camp [Društvo za istraživanje trostrukog logora Jasenovac], Dr Franjo Tuđman and Stjepan Mesić. The first and greatest distortion of the number of victims and the character of the camp was performed by Dr Franjo Tuđman, who established the foundations for this in his works, and in particular in his book Wastelands of Historical reality. The aim of these falsifications is a redefining of the fascist past of the country, the misrepresentation of fascists as antifascists and antifascists as fascists. All of this represents a serious danger for the future of Croatia, which is failing to come to terms with the past and refusing to condemn the all of the crimes committed, including genocide. Croatia today, an independent and democratic country, is showing signs of Ustasha tendencies, much like those seen in Pavelić's ISC. It is necessary to face this fact and the sooner it is done, the better it will be for the people of the Republic of Croatia.
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Bács, Zoltán. "Desde Jasenovac hasta Buenos Aires: un destino de dos hermanos." Acta Hispanica 23 (September 25, 2018): 315–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/actahisp.2018.23.315-323.
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Dos de los hermanos Kálnai que emigraron a Argentina en 1920 jugaban un papel determinante en la arquitectura argentina hasta los años cuarenta. Esta obra se dedica a presentar la vida de los hermanos hasta su emigración.
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Boban, Ljubo. "Still More Balance on Jasenovac and the Manipulation of History." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 6, no. 2 (March 1992): 213–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325492006002007.
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Kolstø, Pål. "The Croatian Catholic Church And The Long Road To Jasenovac." Nordic Journal of Religion and Society 24, no. 01 (February 10, 2017): 37–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn1890-7008-2011-01-03.
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Radonic, Ljiljana. "Slovak and Croatian invocation of Europe: the Museum of the Slovak National Uprising and the Jasenovac Memorial Museum." Nationalities Papers 42, no. 3 (May 2014): 489–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.867935.
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Even though self-critical dealing with the past has not been an official criterion for joining the EU, the founding of the Task Force for International Cooperation on Holocaust Education, Remembrance, and Research and the Holocaust conference in Stockholm at the beginning of 2000 seem to have generated informal standards of confronting and exhibiting the Holocaust in the context of “Europeanization of Memory.” Comparative analysis shows that post-Communist museums dealing with the World War II period perform in the context of those informal standards. Both the Jasenovac Memorial Museum in Croatia and the Museum of the Slovak National Uprising in Banská Bystrica were founded in the Communist era and played an important role in supporting the founding myths of the two countries. Both were subjected to historical revisionism during the 1990s. In the current exhibitions from 2004/2006, both memorial museums stress being part of Europe and refer, to “international standards” of musealization, while the Jasenovac memorial claims to focus on “the individual victim.” But stressing the European dimension of resistance and the Holocaust obscures such key aspects as the civil war and the responsibility of the respective collaborating regime.
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Byford, J. "Remembering Jasenovac: Survivor Testimonies and the Cultural Dimension of Bearing Witness." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 28, no. 1 (April 1, 2014): 58–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcu011.
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Bućin, Rajka. "Transport upućen u Auschwitz iz Vinkovaca u kolovozu 1942. i sudbina srijemskih i bijeljinskih Židova za vrijeme Drugoga svjetskog rata." Journal of contemporary history 53, no. 2 (July 15, 2021): 611–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.22586/csp.v53i2.13693.
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U logor Auschwitz s područja Nezavisne Države Hrvatske bilo je u kolovozu 1942. upućeno pet transporta s oko 5000 Židova. Među njima je bio i transport iz Vinkovaca, koji je odande krenuo 19. kolovoza, a stigao 22. kolovoza 1942. godine. Bio je sastavljen od oko 1000 Židova s područja Srijema, tada u okviru velikih župa Vuka i Posavje (Ilok, Vukovar, Županja, Srijemska odnosno Hrvatska Mitrovica, Ruma, Šid, Stara Pazova), te ostatka židovske zajednice s područja kotara Bijeljina. Nakon što su od svibnja do kraja srpnja 1942. masovne deportacije Židova iz Srijema (Vinkovci, Zemun, Stara Pazova) u nekoliko navrata bile upućene u logore Jasenovac i Stara Gradiška, transportom iz kolovoza 1942. holokaust na području Srijema i Bijeljine uglavnom je okončan. Izuzeti su Židovi koji su bili u mješovitom braku, zdravstveni radnici i članovi njihovih obitelji te osobe koje su dobile poštedu na temelju pojedinačnih intervencija. Oni su obuhvaćeni deportacijama koje su uslijedile 1943. godine. Rad se osvrće i na prethodne deportacije te donosi nove spoznaje o osobama registriranima u knjigama mrtvih u Auschwitzu, deportiranima iz Vinkovaca i Zemuna u logore Jasenovac i Stara Gradiška, ali i druge spoznaje o povijesti holokausta na tom području Nezavisne Države Hrvatske. U istraživanju su korišteni izvorni dokumenti iz Hrvatskoga državnog arhiva, Arhiva Vojvodine, Arhiva Jugoslavije, Jevrejskoga istorijskog muzeja, Državnoga muzeja Auschwitz-Birkenau i drugih baštinskih ustanova.
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Kovačić, Davor. "Načini izlaska zatočenika iz logora smrti Jasenovac i Stara Gradiška 1941-1945." Istorija 20. veka 31, no. 2/2013 (August 1, 2013): 93–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2013.2.kov.93-118.
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Giergiel, Sabina. "Pamięci nieukojone. Wokół upamiętniania ofiar w Serbii i Chorwacji (Jasenovac, Bleiburg i belgradzkie Sajmište)." Porównania 19 (June 15, 2016): 130–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/p.2016.19.10298.
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Tekst koncentruje się na przemianach tożsamości narodowych w dwóch krajach postjugosłowiańskich (Serbii i Chorwacji). (Re)konstrukcje przeszłości mające tam miejsce od lat dziewięćdziesiątych XX wieku zakładały przede wszystkim zanegowanie dziedzictwa wspólnego opartego na zmitologizowanej walce partyzanckiej, a następnie wybór z przeszłości tych wydarzeń, o których pamięć należy kultywować. Walka przeciwstawnych pamięci (serbskiej i chorwackiej) oraz polaryzacja społeczeństwa chorwackiego pokazana zostaje na przykładzie praktyk komemoratywnych związanych z miejscami zagłady (Jasenovac i Bleiburg) z okresu drugiej wojny światowej. W tekście przywołano również miejsce kojarzone z Holokaustem, które mogłoby stać się symbolem uniwersalnej, „pogodzonej” pamięci.
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Radonic, Ljiljana. "Croatia – Exhibiting Memory and History at the "Shores of Europe"." Culture Unbound 3, no. 3 (October 25, 2011): 355–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/cu.2000.1525.113355.
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Even though the self-critical dealing with the past has not been an official criteria for joining the European union, the founding of the Task Force for International Cooperation on Holocaust Education, Remembrance, and Research and the Holocaust-conference in Stockholm at the beginning of 2000 seem to have generatedinformal standards of confronting and exhibiting the Holocaust during the process called “Europeanization of the Holocaust”. This is indicated by the fact that the Holocaust Memorial Center in Budapest opened almost empty only weeks before Hungary joined the European Union although the permanent exhibition had not been ready yet. The Croatian case, especially the new exhibition that opened at the KZ-memorial Jasenovac in 2006, will serve in order to examine how the “Europeanization of the Holocaust” impacts on a candidate state. The memorial museum resembles Holocaust Memorial Museums in Washington, Budapest etc., but, although it is in situ, at the site of the former KZ, the focus clearly lies on individual victim stories and their belongings, while the perpetrators and the daily “routine” at the KZ are hardly mentioned. Another problem influenced by the international trend to focus on (Jewish) individuals and moral lessons rather than on the historical circumstances is that the focus on the Shoa blanks the fact that Serbs had been the foremost largest victim group. The third field, where the influence of “European standards” on the Croatian politics of the past will be examined, is the equalization of “red and black totalitarianism” at the annual commemorations in Jasenovac. While this was already done during the revisions era of President Franjo Tudman during the 1990, today it perfectly matches EU-politics, as the introduction of the 23rd of August, the anniversary of the Hitler-Stalin-pact, as a Memorial day for both victims of Nazism and Stalinism shows.
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Jurić, Bernardica. "Jasenovačke žrtve i uspostava nacionalnog programa u Srbiji (1986. – 1995.)." Radovi Zavoda za hrvatsku povijest Filozofskoga fakulteta Sveučilišta u Zagrebu 49, no. 1 (2017): 227–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17234/radovizhp.49.7.
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Subotic, Jelena. "Foreign policy and physical sites of memory: competing foreign policies at the Jasenovac memorial site." International Politics 57, no. 6 (November 5, 2019): 1012–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41311-019-00204-9.
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Koljanin, Milan. "The role of concentration camps in the policies of the independent state of Croatia (NDH) in 1941." Balcanica, no. 46 (2015): 315–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1546315k.
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The paper based on archival, published and press sources, and relevant literature presents the ideological basis and enforcement of the Croatian policy of the extermination of the Serbs and Jews in the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) which had its place within the New Order of Europe. Soon after the establishment of the NDH in April 1941, the destruction process was partially centralised in a network of camps centred at Gospic. After the outbreak of a mass Serb uprising and the dissolution of the Gospic camp, a new and much larger system of camps centred at Jasenovac operated as an extermination and concentration camp from the end of August 1941 until the end of the war. In November 1941, the mass internment of undesirable population groups was provided for by law, whereby the destruction process was given a ?legal? form.
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Radonic, Ljiljana. "“People of Freedom and Unlimited Movement”: Representations of Roma in Post-Communist Memorial Museums." Social Inclusion 3, no. 5 (September 29, 2015): 64–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v3i5.229.
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The “universalization of the Holocaust” and the insistence on Roma rights as an EU accession criteria have changed the memory of the Roma genocide in post-communist countries. This article examines how Roma are represented in post-communist memorial museums which wanted to prove that they correspond with “European memory standards”. The three case studies discussed here are the <em>Museum of the Slovak National Uprising</em>, the <em>Jasenovac Memorial Museum</em> and the <em>Holocaust Memorial Center</em> in Budapest. I argue that today Roma are being represented for the first time, but in a stereotypical way and through less prominent means in exhibitions which lack individualizing elements like testimonies, photographs from their life before the persecution or artifacts. This can only partially be explained by the (relative) unavailability of data that is often deplored by researchers of the Roma genocide.
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Hofmeisterová, Karin. "The Serbian Orthodox Church’s Involvement in Carrying the Memory of the Holocaust." Südosteuropa 67, no. 4 (February 25, 2020): 500–533. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2019-0038.
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AbstractThe Holocaust has become a globally recognized reference for suffering and has often been appropriated as a framework for (re-)understanding collective identities. This article examines the agenda of the Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC) in relation to the memory of the Holocaust in post-Milošević Serbia. It focuses on the Jasenovac Committee of the SOC and the role of its head, Bishop Jovan (Ćulibrk), in the memorialization of Staro Sajmište, a distinguished place of the Holocaust in occupied Serbia. Based on primary sources encompassing Orthodox media, official statements, and interviews with mnemonic agents in the region, the author argues that the SOC has established itself as an acknowledged actor in the remembrance of the Holocaust in Serbia and beyond. Such a position allows it to point out Serbian martyrdom as part of the Holocaust imaginary, reinforce Serbian victimhood-oriented collective identity, and capitalize on the symbolic advantages of ultimate victimhood for its own regenerative ends.
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Matarić, Mirjana N. Radovanov. "The Smell of Human Flesh: A Witness of the Holocaust. Memories of Jasenovac by Cadik I. Danon ("Braco")." Serbian Studies: Journal of the North American Society for Serbian Studies 27, no. 1-2 (2013): 167–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ser.2013.0013.
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Pavlaković, Vjeran. "Memory Politics in the Former Yugoslavia." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 18, no. 2 (December 2020): 9–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2020.2.1.
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This article provides an overview of some of the most prevalent topics in post-Yugoslav memory politics as well as on some of the scholars working on these issues, focusing on the commemorative practices of the Second World War and the wars of the 1990s. Thirty years after the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia’s disintegration, the discourse of post-war memory politics continues to dominate nearly all of the successor states, even though two of them have seemingly left the past behind to join the European Union. While the wars of the 1990s created an entirely new memoryscape in the region, they also radically transformed the way in which each country commemorated the Second World War. Although the article examines in-depth the collective remembrance of sites of memory, such as Jasenovac, Bleiburg, and Knin, trends across the broader region are also addressed. The work of young scholars, as well as experienced researchers, who have introduced innovative approaches in memory studies in the former Yugoslavia, is highlighted to show how new studies focus on the cultural reproduction of dominant narratives in addition to top-down political discourse.
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Lah, Nataša. "Instalacija "K 19" Zlatka Kopljara - upis etičkog koncepta u prostor." Ars Adriatica, no. 4 (January 1, 2014): 399. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/ars.511.
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The recently-created spatial installation K 19 by visual artist Zlatko Kopljar, set up in downtown Zagreb, is directed through its meaning and content towards the remembrance of Holocaust victims. The installation consists of five sculptures, which are made from the bricks originally used to build the walls of the concentration camp at Jasenovac and then re-used for the construction of post-war houses. These same bricks have now been used to create the K 19 sculptures, which have been placed on bases created from standardized Euro-pallets used in construction. Laid into horizontal courses, the bricks form vertical blocks with irregular upper surfaces, and, at the same time, place fragments of a fictitious whole in a semi-circular spatial ring of a monument-like character. The nature of the material and its description, therefore, act as signifiers for the installation K 19, while its interpretation acquired a defined field of signification, a language of context, or, simply put, a discourse. The non-material became a constituent part of the installation by being added through the symbolization inherent in its description and resulted in a “reality remade”, which sprang from the fragile foundations of an “indeterminate denotation and representation-as” with regard to the origin of its material (bricks from Jasenovac and Euro-pallets). The vulnerability of that which is represented draws its strength (growing or healing itself) from a reversible movement being performed by the meaning and content of this artwork which simultaneously travels from present time towards history and from history towards the present.The depiction of a memory of a concentration camp, in the symbolic context of the artwork under discussion, is a process related to a kind of documentation, but it also acts as a testimony achieved through narrative without the possibility of showing the expressed narrative itself. Starting with the observation that the installation K 19 documents a specific historical situation possessing an unrepresentable narrative, the aim of the article is to demonstrate that this does not betray the nature of the medium chosen for this artwork. The article’s theory-based argument is rooted in a number of different interpretative strategies which study the anchoring of cultural representations in artworks by considering them as ethical concepts which are inscribed in a space. Such an inscription in space, having found a newly-created habitat, generates geographical categories from the past which are laden with moral narratives as their points of origin. Through this, the connection between cognitive mapping and contemporary art functions as a link between artistic practices and moral geography based on the fact that certain people, things and practices belong in certain spaces, places and landscapes, and not in others. Moral geography, therefore, obliges us to understand and theorize interrelationships between geographical, social and cultural classes. In this sense, installation K 19 does indeed render a “re-use” of the past actual, and re-contextualizes heritage through the choice of its material (bricks from Jasenovac) and in doing so finds reason and meaning for archaeology in the cultural space of a post-war “prosaic age” when people (at least in this case) used things out of existential necessity and not out of the desire to render the near past symbolical. In that respect the installation K 19 uses the heritage of a collective memory of the event, to which it refers in order to create a new conceptual synonym, and through its mourning character acquires not only the past but the spirit of the new age too. In order to recognize the artist’s individual experience of objectifying mnemopoetic perspectivism (in other words, Kopljar’s mnemopoetic approach to the creation of installation K 19) through the reversible signifying process, in the collective experience of the conceptualization of heritage, one requires intersubjective representations. This is because art and its own mnemopoetic perspectivism is rooted in collective thought while memory restores the integrity to the “commonplace ability to think and remember”. Through this, thought and memory represent our rootedness in time which, unlike moral geographies, is confirmed through a communion with “mobile people” who do not need to cohabit with us in the same space nor be provided with the same ideological patterns that became entrenched as customs inside the narrow territorial and mental boundaries of sedentary cultures. In this sense, it is possible to answer the question about the encounter between subjective and collective memory in an artwork only in a remade reality of an interpretation, that is, in a “secondary discourse of commentary” which opens up a new context for the understanding of the old world. By encouraging the meeting between “the seen and the read” as the meeting between “the visible and the expressible”, the article points to the effects of fictionalization and theatricalization which are present in this installation. Without corrupting testimonial aspects of a (bygone) reality, they help it become manifest in communication with the world. The article’s conclusion congratulates the artist’s mnemopoetic strategies and highlights the encounter of the installation with the world, together with its fictitious elements (the reversible narrative of its content) and theatricalization, as an inscription of an ethical concept in space, and, by this, encourages the encounter between “the seen and the read”, and between “the visible and the expressible”, as if it were possible still.
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Andrić, Ivan, Davorin Kajba, Marilena Idžojtić, Marno Milotić, and Igor Poljak. "Fenološka svojstva listanja poljskog jasena (Fraxinus angustifolia Vahl) u klonskoj sjemenskoj plantaži." Šumarski list 140, no. 3-4 (April 30, 2016): 117–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31298/sl.140.3-4.2.
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U tri godine istraživanja (2012., 2014. i 2015.) praćene su fenološke karakteristike listanja poljskog jasena (Fraxinus angustifolia Vahl) u klonskoj sjemenskoj plantaži Nova Gradiška. Motrenjem su obuhvaćena 42 klona s četiri ramete po klonu (ukupno 168 biljaka) porijeklom iz triju populacija (Jasenovac, Novska i Stara Gradiška). Razvoj lista podijeljen je na šest fenofaza, međutim u radu je analizirana isključivo faza L2 (početak listanja). Prosječni broj dana od 1. siječnja do početka listanja iznosio je 98 dana u 2012. godini, 93 dana u 2014. godini i 103 dana tijekom 2015. godine. Prosječan broj dana koji je bio potreban za razvoj lista u 2012. godini iznosio je 27 dana, u 2014. godini 26 dana, dok je u 2015. godini bio 20 dana. Na osnovi fenoloških rezultata klonovi su podijeljeni na dvije ekotipske forme: ranu i kasnu. Prosječne vrijednosti broja dana s obzirom na početak listanja iznosile su od 90 do 101 dan za ranu ekotipsku formu te od 99 do 107 dana za kasnu. U radu je dokazana visoka povezanost između kumulativnih vrijednosti količine oborina (od 1. prosinca do nastupanja faze L2) i početka listanja. Istraživanjem je utvrđena statistički značajna razlika između svih istraživanih klonova, između klonova unutar populacija, kao i između istraživanih ekotipskih formi. Statistički značajna međupopulacijska varijabilnost nije utvrđena. Unutarklonska varijabilnost smanjivala se sa starošću sjemenske plantaže, što ukazuje na veću stabilnost i ujednačenost fenoloških karakteristika između rameta s povećanjem njihove starosti. Pripadnost klonova ekotipskim formama nije pratila njihovo geografsko porijeklo, čime je dodatno potvrđena značajna unutarpopulacijska varijabilnost poljskog jasena.
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Oreshina, Yulia. "Useful Sites of Memory: Jewish Museums in Belgrade and Sarajevo." Tirosh. Jewish, Slavic & Oriental Studies 18 (2018): 237–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2658-3380.2018.18.5.2.
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Understanding museum as a tool of mediation, premediation and remediation of cultural memory, I focus in this article on two case studies — the Jewish Museum in Sarajevo and Jewish Historical Museum in Belgrade. While the Jewish Museum in Sarajevo positiones the city of Sarajevo as the first center of Jewish life in Balkans, the Jewish Historical Museum in Belgrade claims to be the only museum in ex-Yugoslavia presenting the history of Jews in the entire region. Both museums, therefore, claim to be the most important museums on this topic in the region, and certainly in a way compete to each other. What are the real stories hidden under these narratives, and which political and historical circumstances influence the fact that these two museums represent such contrasting stories? With the help of content analysis of the museum exhibitions, I detalize the narratives presented in the both case studies. In the focus of my interest is contextualization of Jewish history in the region and juxtaposition of the ways it is presented in the chosen museums. Obviously, Jewish Historical Museum in Belgrade still represents the unifying Yugoslavian narrative, serving as an umbrella museum for the entire region. In case of Sarajevo, close connection between ongoing process of victimization of the recent past of the city and mythologization of preYugoslavian life in Sarajevo, together with idealization of Bosnian-Jewish relations can be observed. Additionally, I look into the way of representation of the topic of the Holocaust. In the both case studies, the way of narration of the Holocaust is closely linked to the dominant historical narrative of the country, and the museum exposition serves as yet another justification of it. In both cases, the narrative of the Holocaust is shadowed by the previously existing historical tradition — in Yugoslavian times, the Holocaust was predominantly connected to the Ustasha regime and was symbolized by Jasenovac. Nevertheless, within current political realities, the Holocaust memory and the memory of Jewish life in Serbia and in Bosnia and Herzegovina undergoes certain changes and becomes instrumentalized in many contexts.
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Motorov, Jelena. "TURISTIČKI KOMPLEKS „KARAŠ“ U JASENOVU." Zbornik radova Fakulteta tehničkih nauka u Novom Sadu 36, no. 04 (April 3, 2021): 721–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.24867/12fa05motorov.
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Tema rada jeste preuređenje prostora na obali reke Karaš u Jasenovu i njegovo pretvaranje u turistički kompleks. Cilj rada jeste prezentovanje vrednosti sela i reke koja pored njega prolazi i njihov razvoj uz očuvanje istorije, sa mogućom budućom zaštitom.
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Gerzina, Natasa, and Nevenka Djeric. "Chert blocks in the ophiolitic mélange of Zlatibor Mt. (SW Serbia): Age and geodynamic implications." Annales g?ologiques de la Peninsule balkanique, no. 77 (2016): 13–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gabp1677013g.
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Cherts are quite frequently occurring rocks in the Internal Dinarides, an extremely complex area composed of several tectonostratigraphic units in which oceanic sediments, ophiolites and partly metamorphosed parts of the distal continental margin of Adria are preserved. Therefore, these cherts differ in age and the original depositional environment in which they were formed. Results of investigations carried out in the chert blocks found in the melange in the vicinity of Jasenovo village on SE slopes of Zlatibor Mt. are presented here. Radiolarian cherts from the studied localities represent blocks in melange of the East-Bosnian-Durmitor Unit, exposed in a large tectonic window below the Triassic carbonates of Drina-Ivanjica Unit. Biostratigraphic data revealed Callovian-early Kimmeridgian ages of the studied chert blocks, thus implying a Kimmeridgian or younger age of obduction of the West Vardar ophiolites.
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Veskovic-Moracanin, Slavica, Mladen Raseta, Dragica Karan, Dejana Trbovic, Lazar Turubatovic, Milinko Saponjic, and Marija Skrinjar. "Zlatar cheese: Characteristics of traditional production and overview of some quality parameters." Veterinarski glasnik 66, no. 1-2 (2012): 85–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/vetgl1202085v.
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In parallel with the industrialization and standardization of contemporary production, cheese production based on traditional principles represents an important attribute of a nation, state or region. Awareness of the specificities of these production characteristics is supported by the growing demand for organic and high quality food with geographic labels of origin, whose competitiveness and price daily increase in comparison with conventional products. In the mountainous territory of the Republic of Serbia, in the region of Nova Varos, on the foothills and slopes of Mount Zlatar, rural households produce cheeses in brine in keeping with autochthonous traditional technology. These cheeses are recognized for their constant quality, remarkable flavour, and unique manner of production. This paper introduces a part of the planned research within Project III 46 009 (subproject 7), which aim to provide answers about the biodiversity of indigenous microflora originating from Zlatar cheese, to determine their most important technological and protective properties, and to provide answers about the possibilities of implementing some of the isolated Lstrains in a new production cycle. Most of the above research is ongoing. This paper summarizes the traditional production of Zlatar cheese based on the monitoring of the production process and interviewes with individual producers in the area around Nova Varos, in the villages Akmacici, Bozetici, Jasenovo, Bukovik, Komarani. Also, there is a review of the most important chemical parameters of quality.
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Đozić, Adib. "Identity and shame – How it seems from Bosniaks perspective. A contribution to the understanding of some characteristics of the national consciousness among Bosniaks." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 5 (May 31, 2021): 258–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.5.258.
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The relationship between identity and national consciousness is one of the important issues, not only, of the sociology of identity but of the overall opinion of the social sciences. This scientific question has been insufficiently researched in the sociological thought of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and with this paper we are trying to actualize it. Aware of theoretical-methodological and conceptual-logical difficulties related to the research problem, we considered that in the first part of the paper we make some theoretical-methodological notes on the problems in studying this phenomenon, in order to, above all, eliminate conceptual-logical dilemmas. The use of terms and their meaning in sociology and other social sciences is a very important theoretical and methodological issue. The question justifiably arises whether we can adequately name and explain some of the “character traits” of the contemporary national identity of the Bosniak nation that we want to talk about in this paper with classical, generally accepted terms, identity, consciousness, self-awareness, shame or shame, self-shame. Another important theoretical issue of the relationship between identity and consciousness in our case, the relationship between the national consciousness of Bosniaks and their overall socio-historical identity is the dialectical relationship between individual and collective consciousness, ie. the extent to which the national consciousness of an individual or a particular national group, political, cultural, educational, age, etc., is contrary to generally accepted national values and norms. One of the important factors of national consciousness is the culture of remembrance. What does it look like for Bosniaks? More specifically, in this paper we problematize the influence of “prejudicial historiography” on the development of the culture of memory in the direction of oblivion or memory. What to remember, and why to remember. Memory is part of our identity. The phrase, not to deal with the past but to turn to the future, is impossible. How to project the future and not analyze the past. On the basis of what, what social facts? Why the world remembers the crimes of the Nazis, why the memory of the Holocaust and the suffering of the Jews is being renewed. Which is why Bosniaks would not remember and renew the memory of the genocides committed against them. Due to the Bosniak memory of genocide, it is possible that the perpetrators of genocide are celebrated as national heroes and their atrocities as a national liberation struggle. Why is the history of literature and art, political history and all other histories studied in all nations and nations. Why don't European kingdoms give up their own, queens and kings, princesses and princes. These and other theoretical-methodological questions have served us to use comparative analysis to show specific forms of self-esteem among Bosniaks today. The concrete socio-historical examples we cite fully confirm our hypothesis. Here are a few of these examples. Our eastern neighbors invented their epic hero Marko Kraljevic (Ottoman vassal and soldier, killed as a “Turkish” soldier in the fight against Christian soldiers in Bulgaria) who killed the fictional Musa Kesedzija, invented victory on the field of Kosovo, and Bosniaks forgot the real Bosniak epic heroes , brothers Mujo and Halil Hrnjic, Tala od Orašac, Mustaj-beg Lički and others, who defended Bosniaks from persecution and ethnic cleansing in the Bosnian Krajina. Dozens of schools in Bosnia and Herzegovina have been named after the Serbian language reformer, the Serb Vuk Stefanović Karađić (1787-1864), who was born in the village of Tršić near Loznica, Republic of Serbia. Uskufije (1601 / 1602.-?), Born in Dobrinja near Tuzla. Two important guslars and narrators of epic folk songs, Filip Višnjić (1767-1834) and Avdo Medjedović (1875-1953), are unequally present in the memory and symbolic content of the national groups to which they belong, even if the difference in quality is on the side of the almost forgotten. Avdo Medjedovic, the “Balkan Homer”, is known at Harvard University, but very little is known in Bosnia and Herzegovina. And while we learned everything about the murderer Gavril Princip, enlightened by the “logic of an idea” (Hannah Arendt) symbolizing him as a “national hero”, we knew nothing, nor should we have known, about Muhamed Hadžijamaković, a Bosnian patriot and legal soldier, he did not kill a single pregnant woman , a fighter in the Bosnian Army who fought against the Austro-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1878. When it comes to World War II and the fight against fascism are full of hero stories. For one example, we will take Srebrenica, the place of genocidal suffering of Bosniaks. Before the war against Bosnian society and the state 1992-1995. in Srebrenica, the elementary school was called Mihajlo Bjelakovic, a partisan, born in Vidrići near Sokolac. Died in Srebrenica in 1944. The high school in Srebrenica was named Midhat Hacam, a partisan born in the vicinity of Vares. It is not a problem that these two educational institutions were named after two anti-fascists, whose individual work is not known except that they died. None of them were from Srebrenica. That's not a problem either. Then what is it. In the collective memory of Bosniaks. Until recently, the name of the two Srebrenica benefactors and heroes who saved 3,500 Srebrenica Serbs from the Ustasha massacre in 1942, who were imprisoned by the Ustashas in the camp, has not been recorded. These are Ali (Jusuf) efendi Klančević (1888-1952) and his son Nazif Klančević (1910-1975). Nothing was said about them as anti-fascists, most likely that Alija eff. Klančević was an imam-hodža, his work is valued according to Andrić's “logic” as a work that cannot “be the subject of our work” In charity, humanitarian work, but also courage, sacrifice, direct participation in the fight for defense, the strongest Bosniaks do not lag behind Bosniaks, but just like Bosniaks, they are not symbolically represented in the public space of Bosnia and Herzegovina. We had the opportunity to learn about the partisan Marija Bursać and many others, but why the name Ifaket-hanuma Tuzlić-Salihagić (1908-1942), the daughter of Bakir-beg Tulić, was forgotten. In order to feed the muhadjers from eastern Bosnia, Ifaket-hanum, despite the warning not to go for food to Bosanska Dubica, she left. She bravely stood in front of the Ustashas who arrested her and took her to Jasenovac. She was tortured in the camp and eventually died in the greatest agony, watered and fried with hot oil. Nothing was known about that victim of Ustasha crimes. Is it because she is the daughter of Bakir-beg Tuzlić. Bey's children were not desirable in public as benefactors because they were “remnants of rotten feudalism”, belonging to the “sphere of another culture”. In this paper, we have mentioned other, concrete, examples of Bosniak monasticism, from the symbolic content of the entire public space to naming children.
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Byard, Roger W. "Jasenovac." Medicine, Science and the Law, July 21, 2020, 002580242094089. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0025802420940894.
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Jasenovac was a camp run by the Ustaše Supervisory Service (UNS) of the Independent State of Croatia during World War II. It was located approximately 100 km south-east of Zagreb on the banks of the Sava River. Although the purpose of, and number of deaths in, the camp have been debated, it appears that a significant number of Serbs, Roma and Jews died and/or were executed at this site between 1941 and 1945. The site demonstrates that not all detention camps at this time were controlled by the German government and that cultural/religious groups other than the Jews were detainees. Balkan mass graves may therefore derive from different conflicts at different times, and so establishing accurate conclusions from excavations often requires a verifiable and plausible context and an understanding of burial processes.
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Šehanović, Damir. "Balkan Narrative in the Movie – Cultural Diplomacy or Propaganda? Mediological Analysis of the Bosnian and Serbian Oscar Nominees 2021." Društvene i humanističke studije (Online), May 5, 2021, 417–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.51558/2490-3647.2021.6.2.417.
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This article discusses the Balkan narrative in the movies, as a model for cultural diplomacy or propaganda, through the analysis of two Balkan movies nominated for the Best International FeatureFilm Oscar – Bosnian Quo Vadis Aida? and Serbian Dara from Jasenovac. The analysis is based on"film cards“, a methodological template of the author's research for the doctoral thesis, but also on the articles of journalists, film critics, and political analysts published in the period January 4th, 2021 -March 4th, 2021. In the analysis of the movies and the published texts, the author discusses various forms of public diplomacy (foreign and domestic), building/dismantling of the relations between nations in the Balkans, online media impact on social networks and their users informing public opinion, and achieving effective goals through strategic communication with the targeted public. Conclusions dewpoint to the importance and the power of online communication through the media and social networks, but also at their importance of strategic planning of the communication with targeted audiences in achieving the planned goals.
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Kesar, Oliver, and Pavle Tomas. "Obilježja i dosezi razvoja memorijalnog turizma u Hrvatskoj." Liburna 3, no. 1 (February 8, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/lib.400.
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Tijekom posljednja dva desetljeća ljudska patnja, katastrofe, tragedije i prerana smrt postale su uobičajene komponente mračnog turističkog proizvoda. Sve veća popularnost mjesta označenih kao memorijalni lokaliteti pretvorila je spomen obilježja i događanja povezana sa smrću i tragedijom, u dobro koje se može prodati i kupiti na tržištu. Rastući opus literature u ovom području otkriva snažnu vezu između putovanja, kolektivnog sjećanja i komodifikacije smrti zapakiranu kao specifičnu turističku atrakciju koja pruža raznolika turistička iskustva povezana sa smrću ljudi. Ipak, razvoj memorijalnog turizma u okviru mračnog turizma još uvijek otvara mnoga pitanja u vezi etike i epistemologije procesa komodifikacije empatije koja se veže uz masovne ljudske tragedije iz prošlosti. Pored analize obilježja i uspjeha međunarodno etabliranih memorijalnih lokaliteta, ovaj rad sadrži komparativnu analizu triju najpopularnijih memorijalnih lokaliteta u Hrvatskoj: 1) Jasenovac kao bivši koncentracijski logor iz Drugog svjetskog rata, 2) Goli otok kao bivša politička kaznionica iz vremena jugoslavenske komunističke ere i 3) Vukovar poznat kao ‘Grad heroj’, simbol hrvatskog otpora protiv vojne okupacije u Domovinskom ratu. Sva tri lokaliteta su pokazala određene snage, ali i slabosti u smislu razvoja memorijalne turističke ponude. Zaključak rada je da su vodeći memorijalni lokaliteti u Hrvatskoj, razmatrajući broj posjetitelja, ostvarene prihode i utjecaj na društvo, daleko iza vodećih međunarodno etabliranih memorijalnih lokaliteta u tom tržišnom segmentu, ali svakako predstavljaju privlačnu nekonvencionalnu turističku ponudu za kojom inozemna potražnja pokazuje konstantno rastući interes.
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Škafar, Vinko. "Medverstvena molitev v Jasenovcu." Edinost in dialog 76, no. 1 (2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.34291/edinost/76/skafar2.
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