Journal articles on the topic 'Jeremiah 18'

In the book of Jeremiah, the prophet proclaims that Jerusalem will be destroyed by a foreign nation. According to the call narrative, however, Jeremiah himself is transformed into “a fortified city, an iron pillar, and a bronze wall” (Jer 1:18). While these architectural metaphors have often been explained with regard to Egyptian royal ideology, the article further explores their meaning and function within their literary context. Comparing characterizations of both the prophet and personified Jerusalem, the essay argues that Jer 1:18 offers a late comment to the book: Jeremiah functions as a stand-in for yhwh’s favorite city. A text-critical investigation of Jer 1:18 demonstrates—in contrast to former studies—that the mt pluses deliberately elaborate the prophet’s role by rendering him a substitute for the temple.

Abstract The article shows that the two narrative fragments of the Qumran second century B.C.E. Apocryphon of Jeremiah C (4Q385a 18 and 4Q389 1) elaborate traditions of the prophet Jeremiah and his scribe Baruch. The juxtaposition of the two types of traditions in a single work attests to its early date. Such an early period, and perhaps even earlier one, is also reflected by the Hebrew Vorlage of the book of Jeremiah. Like the Greek translation this Hebrew Vorlage probably juxtaposed as appendix the book of Baruch 1:1–3:8 to the book of Jeremiah.

В данной статье рассматривается экзегеза текстов книги пророка Иеремии (1, 5 и 7, 18) в сочинениях Оригена разных периодов его богословско-философской и эгзегетической деятельности. Эти тексты Ориген использует в качестве библейских свидетельств для обоснования трёх положений своего учения, взятых из платоновской философии: одушевлённости небесных светил, предсуществовании душ их телам, предвидении Божием. В более ранний александрийский период своей литературной активности Ориген в произведении «О началах» даёт им христианское понимание и даже пытается сделать церковным учением. В кесарийский период, напротив, он отходит от положений платонизма и рассматривает данные тесты Иеремии, в особенности Иер. 1, 5, с позиции церковного учения в традиционном библейском контексте, понимая их как свидетельства учения о божественном предвидении. В статье рассматриваются сочинения двух вышеуказанных периодов деятельности Оригена, в которые александриец, истолковывая Иремию, приходит к разным богословским выводам. При помощи данной методологии исследования автор статьи стремится показать эволюцию доктринальных взглядов Оригена и его экзегезы. This article discusses the exegesis of the texts of the book of the prophet Jeremiah (1, 5, 7, 18) in the writings of Origen from different periods of his theological-philosophical and exegetic activities. These texts Origen uses as biblical evidence to justify the three provisions of his teachings, taken from Plato’s philosophy: the animate of stars, the pre-existence of souls to their bodies, the foresight of God. In the earlier аlexandrian period of his literary activity Origen in the work «On the principles» gives them a Christian understanding and even tries to make the Church teaching. In the caesarean period, on the contrary, he departs from the provisions of Platonism and considers these tests of Jeremiah, in particular Jer. 1, 5, from the standpoint of Church doctrine in the traditional biblical context, understanding them as evidence of the doctrine of divine foresight. The article deals with the works of the above two periods of Origen, in which the Alexandrian begins to interpret these texts of Jeremiah, coming to different theological conclusions. With the help of this research methodology, the author seeks to show the evolution of the doctrinal views of Origen and his exegesis.

В данной статье рассматривается экзегеза текстов книги пророка Иеремии (1, 5 и 7, 18) в сочинениях Оригена разных периодов его богословско-философской и эгзегетической деятельности. Эти тексты Ориген использует в качестве библейских свидетельств для обоснования трёх положений своего учения, взятых из платоновской философии: одушевлённости небесных светил, предсуществовании душ их телам, предвидении Божием. В более ранний александрийский период своей литературной активности Ориген в произведении «О началах» даёт им христианское понимание и даже пытается сделать церковным учением. В кесарийский период, напротив, он отходит от положений платонизма и рассматривает данные тесты Иеремии, в особенности Иер. 1, 5, с позиции церковного учения в традиционном библейском контексте, понимая их как свидетельства учения о божественном предвидении. В статье рассматриваются сочинения двух вышеуказанных периодов деятельности Оригена, в которые александриец, истолковывая Иремию, приходит к разным богословским выводам. При помощи данной методологии исследования автор статьи стремится показать эволюцию доктринальных взглядов Оригена и его экзегезы. This article discusses the exegesis of the texts of the book of the prophet Jeremiah (1, 5, 7, 18) in the writings of Origen from different periods of his theological-philosophical and exegetic activities. These texts Origen uses as biblical evidence to justify the three provisions of his teachings, taken from Plato’s philosophy: the animate of stars, the pre-existence of souls to their bodies, the foresight of God. In the earlier аlexandrian period of his literary activity Origen in the work «On the principles» gives them a Christian understanding and even tries to make the Church teaching. In the caesarean period, on the contrary, he departs from the provisions of Platonism and considers these tests of Jeremiah, in particular Jer. 1, 5, from the standpoint of Church doctrine in the traditional biblical context, understanding them as evidence of the doctrine of divine foresight. The article deals with the works of the above two periods of Origen, in which the Alexandrian begins to interpret these texts of Jeremiah, coming to different theological conclusions. With the help of this research methodology, the author seeks to show the evolution of the doctrinal views of Origen and his exegesis.

MT Jer. 10:1-18’s structure demonstrates a more original contextual treatment of 10:11’s Aramaic gibe (cf. 4Q70 [4QJera]) than that of LXX, or of 4Q71 (4QJerb). The Aramaic initially functioned as a foreign war taunt pronounced upon Zion’s idolatry within the intricate framework of 10:2-16’s victorious battle hymn. In contrast, LXX 10:1-18 and 4Q71 emphasize 10:11 in their structural placements of 10:9 within 10:5, along with necessary deletions (e.g. 10:6-8 and 10:10). Thereby, LXX 10:11 represents a demonic adjuration against idols (i.e. idolatry’s evil spirits). Modern scholarship has usually sought to explain 10:11 as a later scribal interpolation along with other pre-MT redactional expansions. However, we propose that LXX Jeremiah and 4Q71 represent rewritten scriptural compositions in contrast to the official proto-MT edition, especially in 10:1-18’s case. Thus, the original tone and sophisticated antithetical parallelism of Jer. 10:12-16’s ancient hymn is reflected in MT’s earlier text form.

The Yahwist's narrative in Gen. 18.1–16, 20–22a, 33b, and 19.1–27a, 28 focuses on a single theological concern, namely, the power of Yahweh to fulfill the promise of a son for Sarah and Abraham. In the annunciation scene, the deity himself articulates this issue: ‘Is anything too hard for Yahweh?’ The Sodom tale suggests a negative answer—nothing is too hard for Yahweh—by demonstrating the power of Yahweh to fulfill a threat of destruction. The theological reasoning of the Yahwist who joined the Mamre and Sodom episodes is close, though not identical, to the thought of the exilic and post-exilic texts in Jeremiah 32 and Zechariah 7–8.

Catholics arrived at Botany Bay with the first fleet in January 1788. But it was not until 1820 that institutional Catholicism arrived in the persons of two Irish priests—Fathers Philip Conolly and John Joseph Therry. They had been appointed after considerable negotiation between the British government, the London Vicar Apostolic, Bishop William Poynter, the Vicar Apostolic of Mauritius, Bishop Edward Bede Slater (in whose vast territory Australia was included), and the Roman Congregation of Propaganda Fide. In the period 1788 to 1820 sporadic priestly ministry had been carried on by three Irish convict priests and by Father Jeremiah O’Flynn, the maverick Prefect Apostolic, whose brief appearance in Sydney in 1817-18 was terminated by deportation.

AbstractBy naming Micah and citing Mi 3:12 the book of Jeremiah (Jer 26:18) provides an explicit example of the reception of older prophetic texts and traditions in later compositions. In addition, Jer 26:18f. also offer a historical setting for Micah’s activity—the time of Hezekiah and most probably the events of 701 BCE. The paper argues that the literary history of the book of Micah substantiates the assumption of an early Micah composition originating from the late 8th century BCE and discusses the extent, structure, and pragmatics of the composition which comprises Mi *1:5-3:12. Focussing on the situation of the eminent Assyrian threat, Micah uses the the fate of Samaria as a rhetorical device in order to persuade his Judean addressees of his message. In doing so, Micah not only displays a familiarity with North Israelite prophetic traditions, the composition also adopts compositional elements and rhetorical strategies found in Hosea and Amos.

AbstractApplying the legal metaphor integral to the book of Job, this article re-evaluates the evidence for Job's innocence (Job 42:7). After examining the conflicted testimony of the book itself, the article focuses on exemplars of Christian interpretation throughout history (the author of James, Ambrose, Gregory the Great, Aquinas, Luther, Calvin, Kierkegaard, and Barth) to discuss the various attempts made to come to terms with the final form of the book of Job, including its testimony to Job's complaints. Though some interpreters simply ignore the complaints in their attempts to hold up Job as an exemplar of patience, following, it is often argued, the example of James 5:11, for those who wrestle with Job's apparent blasphemy, three general approaches emerge. The first, denial, refuses to acknowledge Job's accusations of divine injustice. The second, mitigation, attempts to minimise the force of Job's arguments against God. The third, absolution, acknowledges Job's defiance of God but claims that this wrong is not beyond God's grace, and that it may in fact highlight it. However, none is able to satisfactorily reconcile Job's accusations with the innocent verdict God delivers at the end of the book (42:7) and affirm that Job has indeed said what is right about God. Even so, the broader biblical testimony offers evidence to exonerate Job by testifying to divine favourable response to and even initiation of complaint in a tradition of ‘faithful revolt’. Job joins the heroes of Israelite faith, Abraham (Gen 18:17–33), Jacob (Gen 32:6–12, 22–31), and Moses (Exod 32:1–14), the psalmists who dare to cry ‘Why?’ and ‘How long?’ and prophets such as Amos (e.g. 7:1–9), Jeremiah (e.g. 20:7–18), and Habakkuk (e.g. 1:2–4, 12–17) in confronting God and demanding that the deity make things right. Jesus endorses this tradition through both his parables of the importunate friend (Luke 11:5–9) and the importunate widow (Luke 18:1–8) and his cry of dereliction from the cross. Instead of reading Job's complaints in line with this tradition, when these Christian interpreters grapple with Job's accusations against God, Job's ‘friends’ once again become his accusers due to their application of a limited view of God and God's relationship to humanity.

AbstractIn the Bible, we do not see the description of pain and healing as we haveencountered in the world of medicine. However, from a number of terms thebackground or meaning can be known. In the Old Testament, sickness is due to someone experiencing in their body something incomplete, or “badevents”. He does not experience normal bodily and mental life, perhaps due to infection, imbalance (harmony), or backward health, so he is called sick (holi). We see that healing is one of the responsibilities that humans can do for people who suffer from illness. The role of doctor and his remedybecomes and seems to indicate his responsibility towards the sufferingperson, who is deficient in reaffirming the people (cf. the term “hzk piel” in Jeremiah 30:21; 34: 4). In the New Testament, we do not find theimpression of illness arising as a sign of God's punishment, but instead inJesus’ ministry, He healed people, a sign of reestablishing the order of life with God (cf. Luke 4:18). Healing is generally an act or a way to heal the sick, and it can also be mentioned that healing is divine. Healing in Greek is called in the plural meaning the gifts of healing. The healing of miracles in the Gospel of John emphasizes the dynamic work of God and the sign (Greek: semeia) of His power. Disease is not only a result of sin, but also shows God’s work (9:3). So it is clear that healing miracles is not only valid individually, locally, or temporarily physical meaning, but also in general, provision and spiritual.Keywords: Healing, Congregation

The aim of the study was to evaluate the effect of graded levels of sunflower seed oil (SSO) supplementation on lamb five-month-old carcass characteristics and commercial cuts. Used 18 local male lambs, weaned, aged about 2 months, weight (10.21 ± 2.29 kg). Experimental design used group random design. Each group of sheep get a complete ration with a different level of sunflower seed oil (SSO), namely (P0) = 0% SSO (control); (P1) = 4% SSO; (P2) = 6% SSO. After animal five old age or 90 days feeding, randomly selected tree animals from each group were slaughtered The measured parameters include, weight slaughter, carcasses composition (meats, bones, fats), and commercial cuts of carcasses (leg, loin, shoulder, breast, neck, shank, flank, rack). The observation showed that the parameters are not affected by the treatment. It can be concluded that the addition of 6% sunflower oil in a complete ration keeping the characteristics and commercial cut of local lamb. Key words: slaughter weight, carcass composition, lamb, sunflower seed oil DAFTAR PUSTAKA [AUS-MEAT]. 2005. Sheep Meat. ISBN 0 9578793 69. https://www.ausmeat.com.au/media/1275/9-sheepmeat.pdf. Diunduh 15 Juni 2019. [BSN] Badan Standardisasi Nasional Indonesia. 2008. Mutu Karkas dan Daging Kambing/Domba. Standar Nasional Indonesia. 3925. Jakarta (ID): Badan Standardisasi Nasional Indonesia [NRC] National Research Council. 2007. Nutrient Requirements of Small Ruminants: Sheep, Goats, Cervids, and New World Camelids. Washington DC (US): The National Academies Pr. Ensminger M E. 2002. Sheep and Goat Science. Illinois (US): Interstate Publisher. Francisco A, Dentinho MT, Alves SPP, Portugal V, Fernandes F, Sengo S, Jerónimo E, Oliveira MA, Costa P, Sequeira A, Bessa RJB, Santos-Silva J. 2015. Growth performance, carcass and meat quality of lambs supplemented with increasing levels of a tanniferous bush (Cistus ladanifer L.) and vegetable oils. 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Lambuth TR, Kemp JD, Glimp HA. 1970. Effect of rate of gain a slaughter weight on lamb carcass composition. Journal of Animal Science. 30: 27-35. Marinova P, Banskalieva, VS Alexandrov, Tzvetkova S, Stanchev V. 2001. Carcass Composition and meat qulity of kids fed sunflower oil supplemented diet. Small Rumminant Resources. 42 (3): 217-22. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0921-4488(01)00245-0. Mir PS, McAllister TA, Zaman S, Morgan Jones, SD, He ML, Aalhus JL, Jeremiah LE, Goonewardene LA, Weselake RJ and Mir Z. 2003. Effect of dietary sunflower oil and vitamin E on beef cattle performance, carcass characteristics and meat quality. Canada Journal of Animal Science. 83: 53–66 Morgado E, Ezequiel JMB, Galzerano L, Sobrinho S. 2013. Performance and carcass characteristics of lambs fed with carbohydrate sources associated to sunflower oil. Bioscience Journal. 29 (3): 712-720 Purbowati E, Sutrisno CI, Baliarti E, Budhi SPS, Lestariana W. 2006. Karakteristik fisik otot longissimus dorsi dan biceps femoris domba lokal jantan yang dipelihara di pedesaan pada bobot potong yang berbeda. Jurnal Protein. 13(2):147-153 Rasmani. 2010. Komposisi fisik dan potongan komersial karkas domba lokal jantan pada tingkat kecepatan pertumbuhan yang berbeda dengan pemeliharaan secara intensif. Bogor (ID): IPB. Rousset-Akrim S, Young OA, Berdague JL. 1997. Diet and growth effects in panel assessment of sheepmeat odour and flavour. Meat Science. 45:169-181. Supriyati. 2012. Pertumbuhan kambing Peranakan Etawah prasapih yang diberi susu pengganti. Jurnal Ilmu Ternak dan Veteriner. 17(2): 142-151. Rahayu, S, Astuti DA, Satoto KB, Priyanto R, Khotijah L , Suryati T, Baihaqi M 2011. Produksi domba balibu UP3 Jonggol melalui strategi perbaikan pakan berbasis Indigofera sp. dan limbah tauge. Laporan Penelitian Unggulan Fakultas. IPB, Dirjendikti Kementrian Pendidikan Nasional. 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Artykuł koncentruje się na aspekcie mowy prorockiej według dokumentu Papieskiej Komisji Biblijnej: O natchnieniu i prawdzie Pisma Świętego: Słowo, które pochodzi od Boga i przemawia przez Boga dla zbawienia świata. Dokument podzielony jest na trzy części: pierwsza rozważa natchnienie Pisma Świętego, jego pochodzenie od Boga; druga prawdę Pisma Świętego; trzecia zaś analizuje egzegezę fragmentów, które przedstawiają szczególne problemy, czy to historyczne, czy etyczne i społeczne. Druga część dokumentu w paragrafie Księgi prorockie (nr 72) odnosi się do kwestii sprawiedliwości Bożej.W artykule przeanalizowano kilka fragmentów biblijnych (Kpł 19,2; Pwt 6,25; Iz 1,17; 5,7; 9,14-15; 26,2; 30,12-14.18; 45,21; Jr 2,19; 6,14. 19; 7,13-15; 9,3; 12,11; 23,17; 27,14; 28,8; 29,8-9; Ez 13,10; 18,5-18; Am 5,24; 9,10; Jl 2,12-14; So 3,5; Za 10,2), w których prorocy piszą o sprawiedliwości Boga i sprawiedliwości człowieka. Według proroków Izrael jest sądzony za brak sprawiedliwości społecznej. Biedni i potrzebujący są uciskani, odmawia się im sprawiedliwości w sądach i zmusza do niewolnictwa. Cała księga Amosa jest o sprawiedliwości. Izajasz potwierdza: nadchodzi sąd z powodu niesprawiedliwości i nieludzkiej postawy wielkich i potężnych wobec słabych, biednych i bezbronnych. Jeremiasz wyjaśnił, jak wysoko Bóg ocenia sprawiedliwość. Ezechiel, pisząc mniej więcej w tym samym czasie, wylicza katalog nadużyć w odniesieniu do rodziny, sprawiedliwości społecznej, kultu świątynnego, kultu pogańskiego, spraw seksualnych, systemu prawnego i sprawiedliwości ekonomicznej. We wszystkich tych dziedzinach, które obejmują całe życie społeczne, gospodarcze i religijne, lud pogwałcił przymierze i zapomniał o Panu. Prorocy są zgodni, że Bóg nie znosi ucisku. Jahwe przyjdzie i ustanowi swoją sprawiedliwość na ziemi.

AbstractThis note argues that the plot in Jer. 18:18b is to be understood as a conspiracy to silence the prophet Jeremiah by striking his tongue. This interpretation is supported by the context, and makes sense given that cutting out an individual's tongue was a familiar form of punishment in the ancient Near East.

Throughout the Book of Jeremiah, the prophet is depicted as a victim of verbal and physical violence to which he often responds with fierce imprecations. My study articulates a basic framework in which these troubling passages can be understood and used responsibly by contemporary readers (“Speech as a Response to Violence”) but then argues that Jeremiah’s prayer in Jer 18 violates the balance and boundaries of this framework (“Speech as a Response too Violent”). Inasmuch as this discussion reveals the problems and potential dangers of speech, I offer a reading of Jer 15–16, 26, and 28 that highlights the prophet’s silence as an alternative response to violence. This silence, I argue, is not a form of submissive suffering but an act of public critique and strategic disengagement. Jeremiah’s silence speaks powerfully and peacefully in his own violent context and, by extension, may speak so also in ours.

This article focuses on Jeremiah 23:18, which implies that the prophet stood in the council of Yahweh (sôd) to see and hear the word of Yahweh. In this verse, it seems that the senses of the prophet played a role in receiving Yahweh’s words. Verse 18 forms part of 23:16–22 in which Jeremiah warned the people of Judah not to listen to prophets who mislead them with optimistic messages. In this article, attention is given to the question whether standing in the council of Yahweh is a deciding criterion for receiving true words from Yahweh. The motif of the divine council is also investigated. An argument is presented that ‘sensing’ should be understood in the double sense of the word, namely sensory experience as well as the intellectual activity of understanding. It is argued that both meanings of the word sensing are necessary to determine the truth of Yahweh’s word.

The paradoxical juxtaposition of the statements ‘Sing to Jahweh!... Cursed be the day on which I was born!’ in Jeremiah 20:13 and 20:14 creates a tension which can be avoided if these two verses are isolated from each other by way of redaction criticism. In this article, the possibility and even appropriateness of respecting the relationship between these verses is explored. The segment 7-12 is regarded as a double lament. The segments 13 and 14-18 constitute two contrasting conclusions. This segmentation coincides with time-honoured divisions of the text. Verses 7-18 can be defined as an integral unit where an ironic symphony is created by a central metaphor of procreation and counterpointed radial metaphors of sexual abuse and childbirth.

The imprecation of Psalm 137, “Blessed are the revengers and the killers of infants” (vv. 8–9) does not seem to be in conformity with the broader messages of the Psalter, “Blessed is the man who delights in the law of Yahweh (Ps 1:1–2) and who dwells in your house and ever praises you (Ps 84:5)” and of the Old Testament, “Do not take revenge and love your neighbours and foreigners (Lev 19:18; Deut 10:19).” However, this imprecation of infants-death can be interpreted and understood in the literary contexts of the Major Prophets that show intertextual connection with Psalm 137 in terms of the imprecation and judgment themes (Isa 13:15–18; Jer 51:20–23). Certain passages of the Major Prophets contain the oracles of judgments against Israel’s enemies that are announced throughout Isaiah and Jeremiah as if the psalmist’s imprecation is answered. God would destroy Judah’s enemy, Babylon, in order to restore Judah.

Abstract: This study aimed to establish a reasonable population pharmacokinetic model for rifampicin taken orally by patients with pulmonary tuberculosis, estimate pharmacokinetic parameters as well as influencing covariates. Blood samples of patients were collected at day 10 – 14 after commencing treatment. Time – concentration data were handled using non-linear mixed-effect model with Monolix 2018. An one-compartment, linear elimination, absorption with transit compartments model was found to be the most suitable for rifampicin. Volume of distribution (33,5 L) and clearance (9,62 L) were found to be influenced by fat-free mass (calculated using Janmahasatian’s method). Absorption-related parameters (Ktr, mean transit time and Ka) were found to have high inter-individual variability. Keywords Rifampicin, population pharmacokinetics, pulmonary tuberculosis. References [1] Christian Lienhardt et al, Target regimen profiles for treatment of tuberculosis: a WHO document (2017).[2] J.G. Pasipanodya et al, Serum drug concentrations predictive of pulmonary tuberculosis outcomes, The Journal of infectious diseases 208(9) (2013) 1464-1473. https://doi.org/10.1093/infdis/jit352[3] Jonathan Reynolds, Scott K Heysell (2014), Understanding pharmacokinetics to improve tuberculosis treatment outcome, Expert opinion on drug metabolism & toxicology 10(6) (2014) 813-823. https://doi.org/10.1517/17425255.2014.895813[4] E.F. Egelund, A.B. Barth, C.A. Peloquin (2011), Population pharmacokinetics and its role in anti-tuberculosis drug development and optimization of treatment, Current pharmaceutical design 17(27) (2017) 2889-2899. https://doi.org/10.2174/138161211797470246.[5] J.F. Murray, D.E. Schraufnagel, P.C. Hopewell, Treatment of tuberculosis. A historical perspective, Annals of the American Thoracic Society 12(12) (2015) 1749-1759. https://doi.org/10.1513/AnnalsATS.201509-632PS[6] K.E. Stott, et al, Pharmacokinetics of rifampicin in adult TB patients and healthy volunteers: a systematic review and meta-analysis, Journal of Antimicrobial Chemotherapy 73(9) (2018) 2305-2313. https://doi.org/10.1093/jac/dky152.[7] Le Thi Luyen, Ta Manh Hung et al, Simultaneous Determination of Pyrazinamide, Rifampicin, Ethambutol, Isoniazid and Acetyl Isoniazid in Human Plasma by LC-MS/MS Method, Journal of Applied Pharmaceutical Science 8(09) (2018) 061-073. https://doi.org/ 10.7324/JAPS.2018.8910.[8] M.T. Chirehwa et al, Model-based evaluation of higher doses of rifampin using a semimechanistic model incorporating autoinduction and saturation of hepatic extraction, Antimicrobial agents and chemotherapy 60(1) (2016) 487-494. https://doi.org/10.1128/AAC.01830-15.[9] Paolo Denti et al, A population pharmacokinetic model for rifampicin auto-induction, The 3rd international workshop on clinical pharmacology of TB drugs (2010).[10] Y. Jing et al, Population pharmacokinetics of rifampicin in Chinese patients with pulmonary tuberculosis, The Journal of Clinical Pharmacology 56(5) (2016) 622-627. https://doi.org/10.1002/jcph.643.[11] S.R.C. Milán et al, Population pharmacokinetics of rifampicin in Mexican patients with tuberculosis, Journal of clinical pharmacy and therapeutics 38(1) (2013) 56-61. https://doi.org/10.1111/jcpt.12016.[12] Anushka Naidoo et al, Effects of genetic variability on rifampicin and isoniazid pharmacokinetics in South African patients with recurrent tuberculosis, Pharmacogenomics(00) (2013). https://doi.org/10.2217/pgs-2018-0166.[13] Neesha Rockwood et al, HIV-1 coinfection does not reduce exposure to rifampin, isoniazid, and pyrazinamide in South African tuberculosis outpatients, Antimicrobial agents and chemotherapy 60(10) (2016) 6050-6059. https://doi.org/10.1128/AAC.00480-16.[14] Alessandro Schipani et al, A simultaneous population pharmacokinetic analysis of rifampicin in Malawian adults and children, British Journal of Clinical Pharmacology 81(4) (2016) 679-687. https://doi.org/10.1111/bcp.12848.[15] Kok-Yong Seng et al, Population pharmacokinetics of rifampicin and 25-deacetyl-rifampicin in healthy Asian adults, Journal of Antimicrobial Chemotherapy 70(12) (2015) 3298-3306. https://doi.org/10.1093/jac/dkv268.[16] J.J. Wilkins et al, Population pharmacokinetics of rifampin in pulmonary tuberculosis patients, including a semimechanistic model to describe variable absorption, Antimicrobial agents and chemotherapy 52(6) (2008)2138-2148. https://dx.doi.org/10.1128%2FAAC.00461-07.[17] Sylvain Goutelle et al, Population modeling and Monte Carlo simulation study of the pharmacokinetics and antituberculosis pharmacodynamics of rifampin in lungs, Antimicrobial agents and chemotherapy 53(7) (2009) 2974-2981. https://doi.org/10.1128/AAC.01520-08.[18] R.M. Savic et al, Implementation of a transit compartment model for describing drug absorption in pharmacokinetic studies, Journal of pharmacokinetics and pharmacodynamics 34(5) (2007) 711-726. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10928-007-9066-0.[19] B.J. Anderson, N.H.G. Holford, Mechanism-based concepts of size and maturity in pharmacokinetics, Annu. Rev. Pharmacol. Toxicol 48 (2008) 303-332. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.pharmtox.48.113006.094708.[20] Kok-Yong Seng et al, Population pharmacokinetic analysis of isoniazid, acetyl-isoniazid and isonicotinic acid in healthy volunteers, Antimicrobial agents and chemotherapy, pp. AAC. (2015) 01244-15. https://doi.org/10.1128/AAC.01244-15.[21] Sarayut Janmahasatian et al, Quantification of lean bodyweight, Clinical pharmacokinetics 44(10), (2005) 1051-1065. https://doi.org/10.2165/00003088-200544100-00004.[22] Kidola Jeremiah et al, Nutritional supplementation increases rifampin exposure among tuberculosis patients coinfected with HIV, Antimicrobial agents and chemotherapy 58(6) (2014) 3468-3474. https://doi.org/10.1128/AAC.02307-13

Today, bibliometric databases are indispensable sources for researchers and research institutions. The main role of these databases is to find research articles and estimate the performance of researchers and institutions. Regarding the evaluation of the research performance of an organization, the accuracy in determining institutions of authors of articles is decisive. However, current popular bibliometric databases such as Scopus and Web of Science have not addressed this point efficiently. To this end, we propose an approach to revise the authors’ affiliation information of articles in bibliometric databases. We build a model to classify articles to institutions with high accuracy by assembling the bag of words and n-grams techniques for extracting features of affiliation strings. After that, these features are weighted to determine their importance to each institution. Affiliation strings of articles are transformed into the new feature space by integrating weights of features and local characteristics of words and phrases contributing to the sequences. Finally, on the feature space, the support vector classifier method is applied to learn a predictive model. Our experimental result shows that the proposed model’s accuracy is about 99.1%. Keywords:Affiliation, Disambiguation, Data cleaning, Classification, Supervised learning, if-iif, Support vector machine, Support vector classifier References[1] B. Shereen Hanafi, Discover the data behind the times higher education world university rankings, Elsevier Connect.[2] Dobrota, M. Bulajic, L. Bornmann, V. Jeremic, A new approach to the qs university ranking using the composite i-distance indicator: Uncertainty and sensitivity analyses, JASIST 67 (2016) 200-211.[3] -P. Pavel, Global university rankings - a comparative analysis, Procedia Economics and Finance 26 (2015) 54-63. https://doi.org/10.1016/S2212-5671(15)00838-2.[4] Web of science databases, Clarivate Analytics.[5] F. Burnham, Scopus database: a review, Biomedical Digital Libraries 3. http://doi.org/10.1186/1742-5581-3-1.[6] Franceschini, D. Maisano, L. Mastrogiacomo, A novel approach for estimating the omitted-citation rate of bibliometric databases with an application to the field of bibliometrics, Journal of the american society for information science and technology 64 (2013) 2149-2156. https://doi.org/10.1002/asi.22898.[7] Franceschini, D. Maisano, L. Mastrogiacomo, Scientific journal publishers and omitted citations in bibliometric databases: Any relationship?, Journal of Informetrics 8(3) (2014) 751 - 765. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.joi.2014.07.003.[8] Buchanan, Accuracy of cited references: The role of citation databases, College Research Libraries 67. http://doi.org/10.5860/crl.67.4.292.[9] Valderrama-Zurián, R. Aguilar-Moya, D. Melero-Fuentes, R. Aleixandre-Benavent, A systematic analysis of duplicate records in scopus, Journal of Informetrics 9 (2015) 570–576. http://doi.org/ 10.1016/j.joi.2015.05.002.[10] Zhu, G. Hu, W. Liu, Doi errors and possible solutions for web of science, Scientometrics 118(2) (2019) 709-718. http://doi.org/10.1007/s11192-018-2980-7.[11] Xu, L. Hao, X. An, D. Zhai, H. Pang, Types of doi errors of cited references in web of science with a cleaning method, Scientometrics 120(3) (2019) 1427-1437. http://doi.org/ 10.1007/s11192-019-03162-4.[12] Krauskopf, Missing documents in scopus: the case of the journal enfermeria nefrologica, Scientometrics 119(1) (2019) 543-547. https://doi.org/10.1007/ s11192-019-03040-z.[13] Liu, G. Hu, L. Tang, Missing author address information in web of science-an explorative study, Journal of Informetrics 12(3) (2018) 985-997. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.joi.2018.07.008.[14] Krauskopf, Standardization of the institutional address, Scientometrics 94(3) (2013) 1313-1315. http://doi.org/10.1007/s11192-012-0852-0.[15] Krauskopf, Call for caution in the use of bibliometric data, J. Assoc. Inf. Sci. Technol. 68(8) (2017) 2029-2032. http://doi.org/10.1002/asi.23809.[16] Awad, R. Khanna, Support Vector Machines for Classification, Apress, Berkeley, CA, 2015, pp. 39-66. http://doi:10.1007/978-1-4302-5990-9-3.[17] Breiman, Random forests, Machine Learning 45(1) (2001) 5-32. https://doi.org/10.1023/A:1010933404324.[18] Cover, P. Hart, Nearest neighbor pattern classification, IEEE Trans. Inf. Theor. 13(1) (2006) 21-27. http://doi.org/10.1109/TIT.1967.1053964.[19] J.-C.B. Cuxac, P., Efficient supervised and semi-supervised approaches for affiliations disambiguation, Scientometrics 97(1) (2013) 47-58.

IntroductionThe 2009 American film Trash Humpers, directed by Harmony Korine, was released at a time when the hipster had become a ubiquitous concept, entering into the common vernacular of numerous cultures throughout the world, and gaining significant press, social media and academic attention (see Žižek; Arsel and Thompson; Greif et al.; Stahl; Ouellette; Reeve; Schiermer; Maly and Varis). Trash Humpers emerged soon after the 2008 Global Financial Crisis triggered Occupy movements in numerous cities, aided by social media platforms, reported on by blogs such as Gawker, and stylized by multi-national youth-subculture brands such as Vice, American Apparel, Urban Outfitters and a plethora of localised variants.Korine’s film, which is made to resemble found VHS footage of old-aged vandals, epitomises the ironic, retro stylizations and “counterculture-meets-kitsch” aesthetics so familiar to hipster culture. As a creative stereotype from 1940s and ‘50s jazz and beatnik subcultures, the hipster re-emerged in the twenty-first century as a negative embodiment of alternative culture in the age of the Internet. As well as plumbing the recent past for things not yet incorporated into contemporary marketing mechanisms, the hipster also signifies the blurring of irony and authenticity. Such “outsiderness as insiderness” postures can be regarded as a continuation of the marginality-from-the-centre logic of cool capitalism that emerged after World War Two. Particularly between 2007 and 2015, the post-postmodern concept of the hipster was a resonant cultural trope in Western and non-Western cultures alike, coinciding with the normalisation of the new digital terrain and the establishment of mobile social media as an integral aspect of many people’s daily lives. While Korine’s 79-minute feature could be thought of as following in the schlocky footsteps of the likes of Rob Zombie’s The Devil’s Rejects (2006), it is decidedly more arthouse, and more attuned to the influence of contemporary alternative media brands and independent film history alike – as if the love child of Jack Smith’s Flaming Creatures (1963) and Vice Video, the latter having been labelled as “devil-may-care hipsterism” (Carr). Upon release, Trash Humpers was described by Gene McHugh as “a mildly hip take on Jackass”; by Mike D’Angelo as “an empty hipster pose”; and by Aaron Hillis as either “the work of an insincere hipster or an eccentric provocateur”. Lacking any semblance of a conventional plot, Trash Humpers essentially revolves around four elderly-looking protagonists – three men and a woman – who document themselves with a low-quality video camera as they go about behaving badly in the suburbs of Nashville, Tennessee, where Korine still lives. They cackle eerily to themselves as they try to stave off boredom, masturbating frantically on rubbish bins, defecating and drinking alcohol in public, fellating foliage, smashing televisions, playing ten-pin bowling, lighting firecrackers and telling gay “hate” jokes to camera with no punchlines. In one purposefully undramatic scene half-way through the film, the humpers are shown in the aftermath of an attack on a man wearing a French maid’s outfit; he lies dead in a pool of blood on their kitchen floor with a hammer at his feet. The humpers are consummate “bad” performers in every sense of the term, and they are joined by a range of other, apparently lower-class, misfits with whom they stage tap dance routines and repetitively sing nursery-rhyme-styled raps such as: “make it, make it, don’t break it; make it, make it, don’t fake it; make it, make it, don’t take it”, which acts as a surrogate theme song for the film. Korine sometimes depicts his main characters on crutches or in a wheelchair, and a baby doll is never too far away from the action, as a silent and Surrealist witness to their weird, sinister and sometimes very funny exploits. The film cuts from scene to scene as if edited on a video recorder, utilising in-house VHS titling sequences, audio glitches and video static to create the sense that one is engaging voyeuristically with a found video document rather than a scripted movie. Mainstream AlternativesAs a viewer of Trash Humpers, one has to try hard to suspend disbelief if one is to see the humpers as genuine geriatric peeping Toms rather than as hipsters in old-man masks trying to be rebellious. However, as Korine’s earlier films such as Gummo (1997) attest, he clearly delights in blurring the line between failure and transcendence, or, in this case, between pretentious art-school bravado and authentic redneck ennui. As noted in a review by Jeannette Catsoulis, writing for the New York Times: “Much of this is just so much juvenile posturing, but every so often the screen freezes into something approximating beauty: a blurry, spaced-out, yellow-green landscape, as alien as an ancient photograph”. Korine has made a career out of generating this wavering uncertainty in his work, polarising audiences with a mix of critical, cinema-verité styles and cynical exploitations. His work has consistently revelled in ethical ambiguities, creating environments where teenagers take Ritalin for kicks, kill cats, wage war with their families and engage in acts of sexual deviancy – all of which are depicted with a photographer’s eye for the uncanny.The elusive and contradictory aspects of Korine’s work – at once ugly and beautiful, abstract and commercial, pessimistic and nostalgic – are evident not just in films such as Gummo, Julien Donkey Boy (1999) and Mister Lonely (2007) but also in his screenplay for Kids (1995), his performance-like appearances on The Tonight Show with David Letterman (1993-2015) and in publications such as A Crackup at the Race Riots (1998) and Pass the Bitch Chicken (2001). As well as these outputs, Korine is also a painter who is represented by Gagosian Gallery – one of the world’s leading art galleries – and he has directed numerous music videos, documentaries and commercials throughout his career. More than just update of the traditional figure of the auteur, Korine, instead, resembles a contemporary media artist whose avant-garde and grotesque treatments of Americana permeate almost everything he does. Korine wrote the screenplay for Kids when he was just 19, and subsequently built his reputation on the paradoxical mainstreaming of alternative culture in the 1990s. This is exemplified by the establishment of music and film genres such “alternative” and “independent”; the popularity of the slacker ethos attributed to Generation X; the increased visibility of alternative press zines; the birth of grunge in fashion and music; and the coining of “cool hunting” – a bottom-up market research phenomenon that aimed to discover new trends in urban subcultures for the purpose of mass marketing. Key to “alternative culture”, and its related categories such as “indie” and “arthouse”, is the idea of evoking artistic authenticity while covertly maintaining a parasitic relationship with the mainstream. As Holly Kruse notes in her account of the indie music scenes of the 1990s, which gained tremendous popularity in the wake of grunge bands such as Nirvana: without dominant, mainstream musics against which to react, independent music cannot be independent. Its existence depends upon dominant music structures and practices against which to define itself. Indie music has therefore been continually engaged in an economic and ideological struggle in which its ‘outsider’ status is re-examined, re-defined, and re-articulated to sets of musical practices. (Kruse 149)Alternative culture follows a similar, highly contentious, logic, appearing as a nebulous, authentic and artistic “other” whose exponents risk being entirely defined by the mainstream markets they profess to oppose. Kids was directed by the artist cum indie-director Larry Clark, who discovered Korine riding his skateboard with a group of friends in New York’s Washington Square in the early 1990s, before commissioning him to write a script. The then subcultural community of skating – which gained prominence in the 1990s amidst the increased visibility of “alternative sports” – provides an important backdrop to the film, which documents a group of disaffected New York teenagers at a time of the Aids crisis in America. Korine has been active in promoting the DIY ethos, creativity and anti-authoritarian branding of skate culture since this time – an industry that, in its attempts to maintain a non-mainstream profile while also being highly branded, has become emblematic of the category of “alternative culture”. Korine has undertaken commercial projects with an array skate-wear brands, but he is particularly associated with Supreme, a so-called “guerrilla fashion” label originating in 1994 that credits Clark and other 1990s indie darlings, and Korine cohorts, Chloë Sevigny and Terry Richardson, as former models and collaborators (Williams). The company is well known for its designer skateboard decks, its collaborations with prominent contemporary visual artists, its hip-hop branding and “inscrutable” web videos. It is also well known for its limited runs of new clothing lines, which help to stoke demand through one-offs – blending street-wear accessibility with the restricted-market and anti-authoritarian sensibility of avant-garde art.Of course, “alternative culture” poses a notorious conundrum for analysis, involving highly subjective demarcations of “mainstream” from “subversive” culture, not to mention “genuine subversion” from mere “corporate alternatives”. As Pierre Bourdieu has argued, the roots of alternative culture lie in the Western tradition of the avant-garde and the “aesthetic gaze” that developed in the nineteenth century (Field 36). In analysing the modernist notion of advanced cultural practice – where art is presented as an alternative to bourgeois academic taste and to the common realm of cultural commodities – Bourdieu proposed a distinction between two types of “fields”, or logics of cultural production. Alternative culture follows what Bourdieu called “the field of restricted production”, which adheres to “art for art’s sake” ideals, where audiences are targeted as if like-minded peers (Field 50). In contrast, the “field of large-scale production” reflects the commercial imperatives of mainstream culture, in which goods are produced for the general public at large. The latter field of large-scale production tends to service pre-established markets, operating in response to public demand. Furthermore, whereas success in the field of restricted production is often indirect, and latent – involving artists who create niche markets without making any concessions to those markets – success in the field of large-scale production is typically more immediate and quantifiable (Field 39). Here we can see that central to the branding of “alternative culture” is the perceived refusal to conform to popular taste and the logic of capitalism more generally is. As Supreme founder James Jebbia stated about his brand in a rare interview: “The less known the better” (Williams). On this, Bourdieu states that, in the field of restricted production, the fundamental principles of all ordinary economies are inversed to create a “loser wins” scenario (Field 39). Profit and cultural esteem become detrimental attributes in this context, potentially tainting the integrity and marginalisation on which alternative products depend. As one ironic hipster t-shirt puts it: “Nothing is any good if other people like it” (Diesel Sweeties).Trash HipstersIn abandoning linear narrative for rough assemblages of vignettes – or “moments” – recorded with an unsteady handheld camera, Trash Humpers positions itself in ironic opposition to mainstream filmmaking, refusing the narrative arcs and unwritten rules of Hollywood film, save for its opening and closing credits. Given Korine’s much publicized appreciation of cinema pioneers, we can understand Trash Humpers as paying homage to independent and DIY film history, including Jack Smith’s Flaming Creatures, William Eggleston’s Stranded in Canton (1973), Andy Warhol’s and Paul Morrissey’s Lonesome Cowboys (1967) and Trash (1970), and John Waters’s Pink Flamingos (1972), all of which jubilantly embraced the “bad” aesthetic of home movies. Posed as fantasized substitutions for mainstream movie-making, such works were also underwritten by the legitimacy of camp as a form of counter-culture critique, blurring parody and documentary to give voice to an array of non-mainstream and counter-cultural identities. The employment of camp in postmodern culture became known not merely as an aesthetic subversion of cultural mores but also as “a gesture of self-legitimation” (Derrida 290), its “failed seriousness” regarded as a critical response to the specific historical problem of being a “culturally over-saturated” subject (Sontag 288).The significant difference between Korine’s film and those of his 1970s-era forbears is precisely the attention he pays to the formal aspects of his medium, revelling in analogue editing glitches to the point of fetishism, in some cases lasting as long as the scenes themselves. Consciously working out-of-step with the media of his day, Trash Humpers in imbued with nostalgia from its very beginning. Whereas Smith, Eggleston, Warhol, Morrissey and Waters blurred fantasy and documentary in ways that raised the social and political identities of their subjects, Korine seems much more interested in “trash” as an aesthetic trope. In following this interest, he rightfully pays homage to the tropes of queer cinema, however, he conveniently leaves behind their underlying commentaries about (hetero-) normative culture. A sequence where the trash humpers visit a whorehouse and amuse themselves by smoking cigars and slapping the ample bottoms of prostitutes in G-strings confirms the heterosexual tenor of the film, which is reiterated throughout by numerous deadpan gay jokes and slurs.Trash Humpers can be understood precisely in terms of Korine’s desire to maintain the aesthetic imperatives of alternative culture, where formal experimentation and the subverting of mainstream genres can provide a certain amount of freedom from explicated meaning, and, in particular, from socio-political commentary. Bourdieu rightly points out how the pleasures of the aesthetic gaze often manifest themselves curiously as form of “deferred pleasure” (353) or “pleasure without enjoyment” (495), which corresponds to Immanuel Kant’s notion of the disinterested nature of aesthetic judgement. Aesthetic dispositions posed in the negative – as in the avant-garde artists who mined primitive and ugly cultural stereotypes – typically use as reference points “facile” or “vulgar” (393) working-class tropes that refer negatively to sensuous pleasure as their major criterion of judgment. For Bourdieu, the pleasures provided by the aesthetic gaze in such instances are not sensual pleasures so much as the pleasures of social distinction – signifying the author’s distance from taste as a form of gratification. Here, it is easy to see how the orgiastic central characters in Trash Humpers might be employed by Korine for a similar end-result. As noted by Jeremiah Kipp in a review of the film: “You don't ‘like’ a movie like Trash Humpers, but I’m very happy such films exist”. Propelled by aesthetic, rather than by social, questions of value, those that “get” the obscure works of alternative culture have a tendency to legitimize them on the basis of the high-degree of formal analysis skills they require. For Bourdieu, this obscures the fact that one’s aesthetic “‘eye’ is a product of history reproduced by education” – a privileged mode of looking, estranged from those unfamiliar with the internal logic of decoding presupposed by the very notion of “aesthetic enjoyment” (2).The rhetorical priority of alternative culture is, in Bourdieu’s terms, the “autonomous” perfection of the form rather than the “heteronomous” attempt to monopolise on it (Field 40). However, such distinctions are, in actuality, more nuanced than Bourdieu sometimes assumed. This is especially true in the context of global digital culture, which makes explicit how the same cultural signs can have vastly different meanings and motivations across different social contexts. This has arguably resulted in the destabilisation of prescriptive analyses of cultural taste, and has contributed to recent “post-critical” advances, in which academics such as Bruno Latour and Rita Felski advocate for cultural analyses and practices that promote relationality and attachment rather than suspicious (critical) dispositions towards marginal and popular subjects alike. Latour’s call for a move away from the “sledge hammer” of critique applies as much to cultural practice as it does to written analysis. Rather than maintaining hierarchical oppositions between authentic versus inauthentic taste, Latour understands culture – and the material world more generally – as having agency alongside, and with, that of the social world.Hipsters with No AlternativeIf, as Karl Spracklen suggests, alternativism is thought of “as a political project of resistance to capitalism, with communicative oppositionality as its defining feature” (254), it is clear that there has been a progressive waning in relevance of the category of “alternative culture” in the age of the Internet, which coincides with the triumph of so-called “neoliberal individualism” (258). To this end, Korine has lost some of his artistic credibility over the course of the 2000s. If viewed negatively, icons of 1990s alternative culture such as Korine can be seen as merely exploiting Dada-like techniques of mimetic exacerbation and symbolic détournement for the purpose of alternative, “arty” branding rather than pertaining to a counter-hegemonic cultural movement (Foster 31). It is within this context of heightened scepticism surrounding alternative culture that the hipster stereotype emerged in cultures throughout the world, as if a contested symbol of the aesthetic gaze in an era of neoliberal identity politics. Whatever the psychological motivations underpinning one’s use of the term, to call someone a hipster is typically to point out that their distinctive alternative or “arty” status appears overstated; their creative decisions considered as if a type of bathos. For detractors of alternative cultural producers such as Korine, he is trying too hard to be different, using the stylised codes of “alternative” to conceal what is essentially his cultural and political immaturity. The hipster – who is rarely ever self-identified – re-emerged in the 2000s to operate as a scapegoat for inauthentic markers of alternative culture, associated with men and women who appear to embrace Realpolitik, sincerity and authentic expressions of identity while remaining tethered to irony, autonomous aesthetics and self-design. Perhaps the real irony of the hipster is the pervasiveness of irony in contemporary culture. R. J Magill Jnr. has argued that “a certain cultural bitterness legitimated through trenchant disbelief” (xi) has come to define the dominant mode of political engagement in many societies since the early 2000s, in response to mass digital information, twenty-four-hour news cycles, and the climate of suspicion produced by information about terrorism threats. He analyses the prominence of political irony in American TV shows including The Daily Show with Jon Stewart, The Simpsons, South Park, The Chappelle Show and The Colbert Report but he also notes its pervasiveness as a twenty-first-century worldview – a distancing that “paradoxically and secretly preserves the ideals of sincerity, honesty and authenticity by momentarily belying its own appearance” (x). Crucially, then, the utterance “hipster” has come to signify instances when irony and aesthetic distance are perceived to have been taken too far, generating the most disdain from those for whom irony, aesthetic discernment and cultural connoisseurship still provide much-needed moments of disconnection from capitalist cultures drowning in commercial hyperbole and grave news hype. Korine himself has acknowledged that Spring Breakers (2013) – his follow-up feature film to Trash Humpers – was created in response to the notion that “alternative culture”, once a legitimate challenge to mainstream taste, had lost its oppositional power with the decentralization of digital culture. He states that he made Spring Breakers at a moment “when there’s no such thing as high or low, it’s all been exploded. There is no underground or above-ground, there’s nothing that’s alternative. We’re at a point of post-everything, so it’s all about finding the spirit inside, and the logic, and making your own connections” (Hawker). In this context, we can understand Trash Humpers as the last of the Korine films to be branded with the authenticity of alternative culture. In Spring Breakers Korine moved from the gritty low-fi sensibility of his previous films and adopted a more digital, light-filled and pastel-coloured palette. Focussing more conventionally on plot than ever before, Spring Breakers follows four college girls who hold up a restaurant in order to fund their spring break vacation. Critic Michael Chaiken noted that the film marks a shift in Korine’s career, from the alternative stylings of the pre-Internet generation to “the cultural heirs [of] the doomed protagonists of Kids: nineties babies, who grew up with the Internet, whose sensibilities have been shaped by the sweeping technological changes that have taken place in the interval between the Clinton and Obama eras” (33).By the end of the 2000s, an entire generation came of age having not experienced a time when the obscure films, music or art of the past took more effort to track down. Having been a key participant in the branding of alternative culture, Korine is in a good position to recall a different, pre-YouTube time – when cultural discernment was still caught up in the authenticity of artistic identity, and when one’s cultural tastes could still operate with a certain amount of freedom from sociological scrutiny. Such ideas seem a long way away from today’s cultural environments, which have been shaped not only by digital media’s promotion of cultural interconnection and mass information, but also by social media’s emphasis on mobilization and ethical awareness. ConclusionI should reiterate here that is not Korine’s lack of seriousness, or irony, alone that marks Trash Humpers as a response to the scepticism surrounding alternative culture symbolised by the figure of the hipster. It is, rather, that Korine’s mock-documentary about juvenile geriatrics works too hard to obscure its implicit social commentary, appearing driven to condemn contemporary capitalism’s exploitations of youthfulness only to divert such “uncool” critical commentaries through unsubtle formal distractions, visual poetics and “bad boy” avant-garde signifiers of authenticity. Before being bludgeoned to death, the unnamed man in the French maid’s outfit recites a poem on a bridge amidst a barrage of fire crackers let off by a nearby humper in a wheelchair. Although easily overlooked, it could, in fact, be a pivotal scene in the film. Spoken with mock high-art pretentions, the final lines of the poem are: So what? Why, I ask, why? Why castigate these creatures whose angelic features are bumping and grinding on trash? Are they not spawned by our greed? Are they not our true seed? Are they not what we’ve bought for our cash? We’ve created this lot, of the ooze and the rot, deliberately and unabashed. Whose orgiastic elation and one mission in creation is to savagely fornicate TRASH!Here, the character’s warning of capitalist overabundance is drowned out by the (aesthetic) shocks of the fire crackers, just as the stereotypical hipster’s ethical ideals are drowned out by their aesthetic excess. The scene also functions as a metaphor for the humpers themselves, whose elderly masks – embodiments of nostalgia – temporarily suspend their real socio-political identities for the sake of role-play. It is in this sense that Trash Humpers is too enamoured with its own artifices – including its anonymous “boys club” mentality – to suggest anything other than the aesthetic distance that has come to mark the failings of the “alternative culture” category. In such instances, alternative taste appears as a rhetorical posture, with Korine asking us to gawk knowingly at the hedonistic and destructive pleasures pursued by the humpers while factoring in, and accepting, our likely disapproval.ReferencesArsel, Zeynep, and Craig J. Thompson. “Demythologizing Consumption Practices: How Consumers Protect Their Field-Dependent Identity Investments from Devaluing Marketplace Myths.” Journal of Consumer Research 37.5 (2011): 791-806.Bourdieu, Pierre. 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IntroductionOn 4 December 2016, a man entered a Washington, D.C., pizza parlor armed with an AR-15 assault rifle in an attempt to save the victims of an alleged satanic pedophilia ring run by prominent members of the Democratic Party. While the story had already been discredited (LaCapria), at the time of the incident, nearly half of Trump voters were found to give a measure of credence to the same rumors that had apparently inspired the gunman (Frankovic). Was we will discuss here, the bizarre conspiracy theory known as "Pizzagate" had in fact originated a month earlier on 4chan/pol/, a message forum whose very raison d’être is to protest against “political correctness” of the liberal establishment, and which had recently become a hub for “loose coordination” amongst members the insurgent US ‘alt-right’ movement (Hawley 48). Over a period of 25 hours beginning on 3 November 2016, contributors to the /pol/ forum combed through a cache of private e-mails belonging to Hillary Clinton’s campaign manager John Podesta, obtained by Russian hackers (Franceschi-Bicchierai) and leaked by Julian Assange (Wikileaks). In this short time period contributors to the forum thus constructed the basic elements of a narrative that would be amplified by a newly formed “right-wing media network”, in which the “repetition, variation, and circulation” of “repeated falsehoods” may be understood as an “important driver towards a ‘post-truth’ world” (Benkler et al). Heavily promoted by a new class of right-wing pundits on Twitter (Wendling), the case of Pizzagate prompts us to reconsider the presumed progressive valence of social media protest (Zuckerman).While there is literature, both popular and academic, on earlier protest movements associated with 4chan (Stryker; Olson; Coleman; Phillips), there is still a relative paucity of empirical research into the newer forms of alt-right collective action that have emerged from 4chan. And while there have been journalistic exposés tracing the dissemination of the Pizzagate rumors across social media as well as deconstructing its bizarre narrative (Fisher et al.; Aisch; Robb), as of yet there has been no rigorous analysis of the provenance of this particular story. This article thus provides an empirical study of how the Pizzagate conspiracy theory developed out of a particular set of collective action techniques that were in turn shaped by the material affordances of 4chan’s most active message board, the notorious and highly offensive /pol/.Grammatised Collective ActionOur empirical approach is partially inspired by the limited data-scientific literature of 4chan (Bernstein et al.; Hine et al.; Zannettou et al.), and combines close and distant reading techniques to study how the technical design of 4chan ‘grammatises’ new forms of collective action. Our coinage of grammatised collective action is based on the notion of “grammars of action” from the field of critical information studies, which posits the radical idea that innovations in computational systems can also be understood as “ontological advances” (Agre 749), insofar as computation tends to break the flux of human activity into discrete elements. By introducing this concept our intent is not to minimise individual agency, but rather to emphasise the ways in which computational systems can be conceptualised in terms of an individ­ual-milieu dyad where the “individual carries with it a certain inheritance […] animated by all the potentials that characterise [...] the structure of a physical system” (Simondon 306). Our argument is that grammatisation may be thought to create new kinds of niches, or affordances, for new forms of sociality and, crucially, new forms of collective action — in the case of 4chan/pol/, how anonymity and ephemerality may be thought to afford a kind of post-truth protest.Affordance was initially proposed as a means by which to overcome the dualistic tendency, inherited from phenomenology, to bracket the subject from its environment. Thus, affordance is a relational concept “equally a fact of the environment and a fact of behaviour” (Gibson 129). While, in the strictly materialist sense affordances are “always there” (Gibson 132), their capacity to shape action depends upon their discovery and exploitation by particular forms of life that are capable of perceiving them. It is axiomatic within ethology that forms of life can be understood to thrive in their own dynamic, yet in some real sense ontologically distinct, lifeworlds (von Uexküll). Departing from this axiom, affordances can thus be defined, somewhat confusingly but accurately, as an “invariant combination of variables” (Gibson 134). In the case of new media, the same technological object may afford different actions for specific users — for instance, the uses of an online platform appears differently from the perspective of the individual users, businesses, or a developer (Gillespie). Recent literature within the field of new media has sought to engage with this concept of affordance as the methodological basis for attending to “the specificity of platforms” (Bucher and Helmond 242), for example by focussing on how a platform’s affordances may be used as a "mechanism of governance" (Crawford and Gillespie 411), how they may "foster democratic deliberation" (Halpern and Gibbs 1159), and be implicated in the "production of normativity" (Stanfill 1061).As an anonymous and essentially ephemeral peer-produced image-board, 4chan has a quite simple technical design when compared with the dominant social media platforms discussed in the new media literature on affordances. Paradoxically however in the simplicity of their design 4chan boards may be understood to afford rather complex forms of self-expression and of coordinated action amongst their dedicated users, whom refer to themselves as "anons". It has been noted, for example, that the production of provocative Internet memes on 4chan’s /b/ board — the birthplace of Rickrolling — could be understood as a type of "contested cultural capital", whose “media literate” usage allows anons to demonstrate their in-group status in the absence of any persistent reputational capital (Nissenbaum and Shiffman). In order to appreciate how 4chan grammatises action it is thus useful to study its characteristic affordances, the most notable of which is its renowned anonymity. We should thus begin by noting how the design of the site allows anyone to post anything virtually anonymously so long as comments remain on topic for the given board. Indeed, it was this particular affordance that informed the emergence of the collective identity of the hacktivist group “Anonymous”, some ten years before 4chan became publicly associated with the rise of the alt-right.In addition to anonymity the other affordance that makes 4chan particularly unique is ephemerality. As stated, the design of 4chan is quite straightforward. Anons post comments to ongoing threaded discussions, which start with an original post. Threads with the most recent comments appear first in order at the top of a given board, which result in the previous threads getting pushed down the page. Even in the case of the most popular threads 4chan boards only allow a finite number of comments before threads must be purged. As a result of this design, no matter how popular a discussion might be, once having reached the bump-limit threads expire, moving down the front page onto the second and third page either to be temporarily catalogued or else to disappear from the site altogether (see Image 1 for how popular threads on /pol/, represented in red, are purged after reaching the bump-limit).Image 1: 55 minutes of all 4chan/pol/ threads and their positions, sampled every 2 minutes (Hagen)Adding to this ephemerality, general discussion on 4chan is also governed by moderators — this in spite of 4chan’s anarchic reputation — who are uniquely empowered with the ability to effectively kill a thread, or a series of threads. Autosaging, one of the possible techniques available to moderators, is usually only exerted in instances when the discussion is deemed as being off-topic or inappropriate. As a result of the combined affordances, discussions can be extremely rapid and intense — in the case of the creation of Pizzagate, this process took 25 hours (see Tokmetzis for an account based on our research).The combination of 4chan’s unique affordances of anonymity and ephemerality brings us to a third factor that is crucial in order to understand how it is that 4chan anons cooked-up the Pizzagate story: the general thread. This process involves anons combing through previous discussion threads in order to create a new thread that compiles all the salient details on a given topic often archiving this data with services like Pastebin — an online content hosting service usually used to share snippets of code — or Google Docs since the latter tend to be less ephemeral than 4chan.In addition to keeping a conversation alive after a thread has been purged, in the case of Pizzagate we noticed that general threads were crucial to the process of framing those discussions going forward. While multiple general threads might emerge on a given topic, only one will consolidate the ongoing conversation thereby affording significant authority to a single author (as opposed to the anonymous mass) in terms of deciding on which parts of a prior thread to include or exclude. While general threads occur relatively commonly in 4chan, in the case of Pizzagate, this process seemed to take on the form of a real-time collective research effort that we will refer to as bullshit accumulation.The analytic philosopher Harry Frankfurt argues that bullshit is form of knowledge-production that appears unconcerned with objective truth, and as such can be distinguished from misinformation. Frankfurt sees bullshit as “more ambitious” than misinformation defining it as “panoramic rather than particular” since it is also prepared to “fake the context”, which in his estimation makes bullshit a “greater enemy of the truth” than lies (62, 52). Through an investigation into the origins of Pizzagate on /pol/, we thus are able to understand how grammatised collective action assists in the accumulation of bullshit in the service of a kind of post-truth political protest.Bullshit Accumulation4chan has a pragmatic and paradoxical relationship with belief that has be characterised in terms of kind of quasi-religious ironic collectivism (Burton). Because of this "weaponizing [of] irony" (Wilson) it is difficult to objectively determine to what extent anons actually believed that Pizzagate was real, and in a sense it is beside the point. In combination then with the site’s aforementioned affordances, it is this peculiar relationship with the truth which thus makes /pol/ so uniquely productive of bullshit. Image 2: Original pizzagate post on 4chan/pol/When #Pizzagate started trending on Twitter on 4 November 2017, it became clear that much of the narrative, and in particular the ‘pizza connection’, was based on arcane (if not simply ridiculous) interpretations of a cache of e-mails belonging to Hillary Clinton’s campaign manager John Podesta released by Wikileaks during the final weeks of the campaign. While many of the subsequent journalistic exposé would claim that Pizzagate began on 4chan, they did not explore its origins, perhaps because of the fact that 4chan does not consistently archive its threads. Our analysis overcame this obstacle by using a third party archive, Archive4plebs, which allowed us to pinpoint the first instance of a thread (/pol/) that discussed a connection between the keyword “pizza” and the leaked e-mails (Image 2).Image 3: 4chan/pol/ Pizzagate general threadsStarting with the timestamp of the first thread, we identified a total of 18 additional general threads related to the topic of Pizzagate (see Image 3). This establishes a 25-hour timeframe in which the Pizzagate narrative was formed (from Wednesday 2 November 2016, 22:17:20, until Thursday 3 November 2016, 23:24:01). We developed a timeline (Image 4) identifying 13 key moments in the development of the Pizzagate story such as the first attempts at disseminating the narrative to other platforms such as the Reddit forum r/The_Donald a popular forum whose reactionary politics had arguably set the broader tone for the Trump campaign (Heikkila).Image 4: timeline of the birth of Pizzagate. Design by Elena Aversa, information design student at Density Design Lab.The association between the Clinton campaign and pedophilia came from another narrative on 4chan known as ‘Orgy Island’, which alleged the Clintons flew to a secret island for sex tourism aboard a private jet called "Lolita Express" owned by Jeffrey Epstein, an American financier who had served 13 months in prison for soliciting an underage prostitute. As with the Pizzagate story, this narrative also appears to have developed through the shared infrastructure of Pastebin links included in general posts (Pastebin) often alongside Wikileaks links.Image 5: Clues about “pizza” being investigatedOrgy Island and other stories were thus combined together with ‘clues’, many of which were found in the leaked Podesta e-mails, in order to imagine the connections between pedophila and pizza. It was noticed that several of Podesta’s e-mails, for example, mentioned the phrase ‘cheese pizza’ (see Image 5), which on 4chan had long been used as a code word for ‘child pornography’ , the latter which is banned from the site.Image 6: leaked Podesta e-mail from Marina AbramovicIn another leaked e-mail, for example, sent to Podesta from the renowned performance artist Marina Abramovich (see Image 6), a reference to one of her art projects, entitled ‘Spirit Cooking’ — an oblique reference to the mid-century English occultist Aleister Crowley — was interpreted as evidence of Clinton’s involvement in satanic rituals (see Image 7). In the course of this one-day period then, many if not most of the coordinates for the Pizzagate narrative were thus put into place subsequently to be amplified by a new breed of populist social media activists in protest against a corrupt Democratic establishment.Image 7: /pol/ anon’s reaction to the e-mail in Image 6During its initial inception on /pol/, there was the apparent need for visualisations in order make sense of all the data. Quite early on in the process, for example, one anon posted:my brain is exploding trying to organize the connections. Anyone have diagrams of these connections?In response, anons produced numerous conspiratorial visualisations, such as a map featuring all the child-related businesses in the neighbourhood of the D.C. pizza parlor — owned by the boyfriend of the prominent Democratic strategist David Brock — which seemed to have logos of the same general shape as the symbols apparently used by pedophiles, and whose locations seems furthermore to line up in the shape of a satanic pentagram (see Image 8). Such visualisations appear to have served three purposes: they helped anons to identify connections, they helped them circumvent 4chan’s purging process — indeed they were often hosted on third-party sites such as Imgur — and finally they helped anons to ultimately communicate the Pizzagate narrative to a broader audience.Image 8. Anonymously authored Pizzagate map revealing a secret pedophilia network in D.C.By using an inductive approach to categorise the comments in the general threads a set of non-exclusive codes emerged, which can be grouped into five overarching categories: researching, interpreting, soliciting, archiving and publishing. As visualised in Image 9, the techniques used by anons in the genesis of Pizzagate appears as a kind of vernacular rendition of many of the same “digital methods” that we use as Internet researchers. An analysis of these techniques thus helps us to understanding how a grammatised form of collective action arises out of anons’ negotiations with the affordances of 4chan — most notably the constant purging of threads — and how, in special circumstances, this can lead to bullshit accumulation.Image 9: vernacular digital methods on /pol/ ConclusionWhat this analysis ultimately reveals is how 4chan/pol/’s ephemerality affordance contributed to an environment that is remarkably productive of bullshit. As a type of knowledge-accumulation, bullshit confirms preconceived biases through appealing to emotion — this at the expense of the broader shared epistemic principles, an objective notion of “truth” that arguably forms the foundation for public reason in large and complex liberal societies (Lynch). In this sense, the bullshit of Pizzagate resonates with Hannah Arendt’s analysis of totalitarian discourse which nurtures a conspiratorial redefining of emotional truth as “whatever respectable society had hypocritically passed over, or covered with corruption" (49).As right-wing populism establishes itself evermore firmly in many countries in which technocratic liberalism had formerly held sway, the demand for emotionally satisfying post-truth, will surely keep the new online bullshit factories like /pol/ in business. Yet, while the same figures who initially assiduously sought to promote Pizzagate have subsequently tried to distance themselves from the story (Doubeck; Colbourn), Pizzagate continues to live on in certain ‘alternative facts’ communities (Voat).If we conceptualise the notion of a ‘public’ as a local and transient entity that is, above all, defined by its active engagement with a given ‘issue’ (Marres), then perhaps we should consider Pizzagate as representing a new post-truth species of issue-public. Indeed, one could go so far as to argue that, in the era of post-truth, the very ‘reality’ of contemporary issues-publics are increasingly becoming a function of their what communities want to believe. Such a neopragmatist theory might even be used to support the post-truth claim — as produced by the grammatised collective actions of 4chan anons in the course of a single day — that Pizzagate is real!References Agre, Phillip E. “Surveillance and Capture.” The New Media Reader. Eds. 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