Journal articles: 'Jerusalem Center for Biblical Studies'

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Horbury, William. "Holy land and diaspora in The Book of Wisdom." Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha 30, no. 1 (September 2020): 6–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951820720939545.

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Wisdom is considered against the background of the incidence of these themes in the Israelite sapiential corpus and usage of “diaspora” and related vocabulary. In writings which, like Wisdom, developed biblical tradition in the Greek and early Roman periods it seems that far-reaching modification of the negative Pentateuchal overtones of diaspora did not exclude them, but scattering could be treated as an experience of all Israel, and old views of Jerusalem as the center of Israelite settlement could displace thoughts of diaspora separation. In Wisdom likewise “diaspora” seems absent from the chapters on Solomon, where Jerusalem is the sacred center of an empire; the treatment of the exodus notes Egyptian sojourn, but emphasis lies not on separation from home but on the one people of God found everywhere.

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Aviam, Mordechai. "The Decorated Stone from the Synagogue at Migdal." Novum Testamentum 55, no. 3 (2013): 205–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685365-12341433.

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Abstract In the center of the first century CE synagogue which was discovered at ancient Magdala (Migdal), a large decorated stone block was found. It is covered with decorative-symbolic elements on four sides and on the upper face as well, standing on four short legs. As the façade is carrying the Temple’s Menorah, this article will suggest that all other elements are not decorative but rather symbolic and symbolizing the Temple in Jerusalem. Another conclusion is that the block was used as a base for the Torah reading table in the synagogue. These symbols show that there was a very strong connection between Galileans and Jerusalem with the Temple in its center, and that there is an important reflection and relations between Jewish symbolism and Jewish heavenly mysticism as it appears in ancient Jewish sources, both Biblical and non-Biblical.

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Richey, Madadh. "Goliath among the Giants: Monster Decapitation and Capital Display in 1 Samuel 17 and Beyond." Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 45, no. 3 (February 12, 2021): 336–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309089220950348.

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A single verse near the conclusion of 1 Samuel 17 mentions that after defeating Goliath, David took the giant’s severed head to Jerusalem (1 Sam. 17.54). The present paper argues that this text’s communicating of David’s preeminence through his act of decapitation draws on the widespread understanding of heads as uniquely powerful and vulnerable, while triumph over a giant or monstrous body casts the future Israelite king as uniquely dominant over monstrous enemies at the physical extreme. Narratives of monster-combat that center an adversary’s head and its subsequent display are widespread; the present paper discusses the Gilgamesh/Ḫumbaba and Perseus/Medusa narratives, with their corresponding visual art manifestations, to show how the biblical allusion to monstrous capital display functions socially and literarily to constitute David’s power.

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Hrytsiuta, Oksana. "Development of studies in biblical archaeology in the Kyiv Theological Academy in the second half of XIX century." Materials and studies on archaeology of Sub-Carpathian and Volhynian area 23 (November 26, 2019): 396–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/mdapv.2019-23-396-401.

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The article highlights the contribution of the Kyiv Theological Academy to the deployment of research in biblical archaeology. Contribution of the Academy's teachers to the development of biblical archaeology in Ukraine is revealed. An object of biblical archaeology as a science is the study of various manifestations of the life of the biblical (Old Jewish) people. They are reflected in the New and Old Testaments, civil literature and, especially, in the material evidence of ancient times. In the territory of the Russian Empire, biblical archaeology began to develop in the XIX century. On the territory of Ukraine, an authoritative centre for the development of this area was the Kyiv Theological Academy. The results of their scientific research were published on the pages of the journal “The Proceedings of the Kyiv Theological Academy” under the heading “Jewish Language and Biblical Archaeology”. It covered the study of ancient material culture as a biblical source. Thus, in 1874, in the journal was published the Russian translation of the book “A Guide to Biblical Archaeology” by K. Kayle. On the pages of his book, the author formed the basic principles of biblical archaeology science. In the 60 years of the XIX century Professor O. Olesnitsky (1842–1907) worked as a teacher of biblical archeology at the Kyiv Theological Academy. He worked as an archeologist at the excavations of the fortification wall of Jerusalem. He managed to put the study of biblical archaeology on a strictly scientific ground. A thorough study of the methods of biblical archaeology belongs to M. Makkoevsky. He had the goal to explore life and the last days of Christ. In his work, he tried to answer a number of practical theological questions. The works of Kyiv researchers have demonstrated excellent mastery of advanced methods of excavation and analysis of archaeological material, which were later widely used in other archaeological practices. Key words: biblical archaeology, Kyiv Theological Academy, A. Olesnitsky, M. Makkaevsky, K. Kayle.

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Rogers, Patrick. "Book Reviews: Liber Annus XLII. Published by the Franciscan Biblical Centre: Jerusalem, 1993. Pp. 496. N.p." Irish Theological Quarterly 64, no. 3 (September 1999): 312–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002114009906400310.

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Leuchter, Mark. "The Cult at Kiriath Yearim: Implications from the Biblical Record." Vetus Testamentum 58, no. 4 (2008): 526–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853308x348204.

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AbstractKiriath Yearim typically appears as little more than a geographical setting throughout the narratives and poetry of the Bible, and in some cases it is alluded to in such veiled terms that interpreters have often times not even noticed the allusion. This is understandable when we consider the principle events that take place in or around the city within the Biblical narrative: the conquest under Joshua, the fall of the Elides, the capture and the eventual return of the Ark from the Philistines, and the momentous installation of the Ark in Jerusalem under David. In all of these cases, attention is commanded by the dramatic circumstances and personalities involved as part of a larger historical yarn. Yet in each of these episodes, the circumstances involving Kiriath Yearim involve brief and subtle but concrete references to the city's cultic dimensions and point to its position as a major cult center in pre-Monarchic Israel. Additional passages from the prophetic corpus provide greater detail regarding a once-flourishing cult at Kiriath Yearim that had withered in subsequent eras, but which still occupied a position in the nation's religious consciousness and memory and which became an important theme in the prophetic discourse of the 8th through 6th centuries BCE.

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Briks, Piotr Mieszko. "Christian Worship at the Tomb of the Prophet Samuel on Mount Joy." Biblical Annals 11, no. 3 (July 16, 2021): 519–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/biban.12323.

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One of the exceptionally interesting examples of a living biblical tradition, maintained by Christian, Muslim and Jewish pilgrims for over sixteen hundred years, is the history of St. Samuel monastery on the Mount of Joy. The shrine was founded in the Byzantine period, but its heyday falls on the period of the Crusades. It was from here, after the murderous journey, that the troops of the First Crusade saw Jerusalem for the first time. The knights were followed by more and more pilgrims. On the hill, called Mons Gaudii, the Premonstratensians built their monastery, which in time became a real pilgrimage center. Based on the preserved traces, the author reconstructs the Christian chapters of the history of Nabi Samuel. He recalls people, events and traditions related to it, and also the accounts of pilgrims coming here.Christians left the Mons Gaudii probably at the end of the 12th century. Worship of the prophet Samuel were taken over by Muslims and Jews. For the latter the Tomb of Prophet Samuel became one of the most important places of pilgrimage, in some periods even more important than Jerusalem itself. There were numerous disputes and conflicts about holding control over this place, there were even bloody battles. In 1967 this place was taken by the Israeli army. Over time, a national park was created in the area around the mosque, in the mosque itself was established a place of prayer for Jews, and a synagogue in the tomb crypt. A slightly forgotten sanctuary began to warm up emotions anew.

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Hummel, Daniel G. "A “Practical Outlet” to Premillennial Faith: G. Douglas Young and the Evolution of Christian Zionist Activism in Israel." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 25, no. 1 (2015): 37–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2015.25.1.37.

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AbstractG. Douglas Young, the founder of the American Institute of Holy Land Studies (now Jerusalem University College), is a largely forgotten figure in the history of Christian Zionism. Born into a fundamentalist household, Young developed an intense identification with Jews and support for the state of Israel from an early age. By 1957, when he founded his Institute, Young developed a worldview that merged numerous strands of evangelical thinking—dispensationalism, neo-evangelicalism, and his own ideas about Jewish-Christian relations—into a distinctive understanding of Israel. Young's influence in American evangelicalism reached a climax in the years 1967–1971. This period, and Young's activism therein, represents a distinct phase in the evolution of Jewish-evangelical relations and evangelical Christian Zionism. Young's engagement with the Israeli state prefigured the Christian Zionists of the 1980s.This article examines Young's distinctive theology and politics and situates them in intellectual and international contexts. It argues that Young sought to place Christian Zionism at the center of American evangelicalism after 1967 and that his effort was only partially successful. While Young spoke to thousands of evangelicals, trained hundreds of students, and sat on boards and committees to broaden the appeal of Christian Zionism, he also met stiff resistance by some members of the American evangelical establishment. The Jerusalem Conference on Biblical Prophecy, which saw Young collide with Carl F. H. Henry, a leading American evangelical, illustrates the limits of Young's efforts. Ultimately, a look at Young reframes the rise of Christian Zionism among American evangelicals and situates activism in Israel as central to the development of Jewish-evangelical relations in the twentieth century.

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Schwöbel, Christoph. "The Trinity between Athens and Jerusalem." Journal of Reformed Theology 3, no. 1 (2009): 22–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156973109x403705.

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AbstractThis article uncovers the roots of the doctrine of the Trinity in the 'prototrinitarian grammar of discourse on God' of the New Testament and in its Old Testament presuppositions. Contrary to the well-worn thesis of Harnack, it is argued that it was Jerusalem rather than Athens—i.e., the biblical witness rather than Greek metaphysics—that gave rise to the dogma of the Trinity. Greek metaphysics only came in when the early Christians had to express the universality of the truth they claimed for God's self-disclosure through Christ in the Spirit by engaging with Greek philosophy. This was a risky experiment, since it implied a conceptual redefinition that went against the doctrine's original import. It is shown, however, that the crucial link to the biblical witness was re-established by the Cappadocian fathers and subsequently adopted by the Council of Constantinople (381).

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Goldstein, Ronnie. "Jeremiah between Destruction and Exile: From Biblical to Post-Biblical Traditions." Dead Sea Discoveries 20, no. 3 (2013): 433–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685179-12341285.

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Abstract This article focuses on the affinities and divergences between the processes that the traditions about Jeremiah underwent within extra-biblical literature and those that occurred within the Hebrew Bible itself. The narratival frameworks of many of the pseudepigraphical stories about Jeremiah focus on the period following the destruction of the city and the traditions regarding Jeremiah’s fate in the wake of the destruction take a fluid form in post-biblical literature. Accordingly, the article deals particularly with the fate of the prophet by the Babylonian conquest of Jerusalem; the traditions about Jeremiah in chains; the historization process linking Jeremiah and Gedaliah; the different geographical traditions regarding the location of Jeremiah after the exile; the development of the traditions regarding Jeremiah and his relation to Baruch; and the portraying of prophecy as needing preparation.

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Lubis, Dahlia, Nasaiy Aziz, Ali Imran Sinaga, Ahmad Tamrin Sikumbang, Ansari Yamamah, Muhammad Ridwan, Agung Suharyanto, Saiful Bahri, and M. Yoserizal Saragih. "An Eschatological Study of Jerusalem in Biblical and Quranic Literature." Journal of Research on Christian Education 29, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 217–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10656219.2020.1801539.

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12

Long, Burke O. "Lakeside at Chautauqua's Holy Land." Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 25, no. 92 (March 2001): 29–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030908920102509203.

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The Chautauqua Institution, founded in 1874 to train American Sunday school teachers, quickly developed programs aimed at encouraging a citizenry refined by Anglo-European, classical high culture and governed by Bible-centered Christian convictions. Avid Bible study, a walk-through model of biblical Palestine, smaller scale replicas of Jerusalem and the biblical Tabernacle, lectures and community rituals, costumed ‘Orientals’ enacting scenes of biblical life—these activities were central to Chautauqua's early identity. This essay explores how Chautauqua's realization of holy land in America embodied particular notions of the Bible, religious experience, cultural values, and ideologies of religion and national selfhood.

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Viviano, O.P., Benedict Thomas. "Jesuit and Dominican Collaboration and Rivalry in Biblical Studies." Journal of Jesuit Studies 7, no. 3 (April 11, 2020): 447–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00703005.

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In the twentieth century, the Dominicans and the Jesuits have gone from being adversaries to rivals to collaborators in the contentious field of modern biblical studies. In 1890, the Dominican Marie-Joseph Lagrange founded the École Biblique in Jerusalem, which quickly became the premier school in the Catholic Church for the growing field of modern biblical studies. Opposition to this project grew among the Jesuits, led by Leopold Fonck, who in 1910 founded a rival school in Rome, the Pontifical Biblical Institute, which garnered papal favor and exclusive rights to confer pontifical degrees. Tensions in biblical studies between the two groups persisted until 1943 when they collaborated on ghost-writing the papal encyclical Divino afflante spiritu. Their relationship continued to improve, so that by the time of the Second Vatican Council, they collaborated strongly on its constitution on divine revelation, Dei verbum.

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Ballard, H. Wayne. "Book Review: I. Biblical Studies: Christ the Center." Review & Expositor 97, no. 4 (December 2000): 515–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003463730009700412.

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Moss, Candida R., and Liane M. Feldman. "The New Jerusalem: Wealth, Ancient Building Projects and Revelation 21–22." New Testament Studies 66, no. 3 (June 5, 2020): 351–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688520000053.

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Scholarly interpretations of the descent and description of the New Jerusalem in Revelation 21–22 have tended to evaluate the city against biblical and extra-canonical descriptions of the Jerusalem Temple, apocalyptic accounts of heaven and ancient utopian literature in general. While some have noted the ways in which the New Jerusalem parallels the description of Babylon elsewhere in the Apocalypse, no one has yet considered the ways in which the New Jerusalem mimics, mirrors and adapts the excesses of elite Roman architecture and decor. The argument of this article is that when viewed against the backdrop of literary and archaeological evidence for upper-class living space, the luxury of the New Jerusalem is domesticated and functions to democratise access to wealth in the coming epoch. The ways in which Revelation's New Jerusalem rehearses the conventions of morally problematic displays of luxury can partially explain later patristic discomfort with literalist readings of this passage.

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Emerton, J. A., and Janet Amitai. "Biblical Archaeology Today. Proceedings of the International Congress on Biblical Archaeology, Jerusalem, April 1984." Vetus Testamentum 36, no. 2 (April 1986): 253. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1518388.

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Counted, Victor, and Fraser Watts. "Place Attachment in the Bible: The Role of Attachment to Sacred Places in Religious Life." Journal of Psychology and Theology 45, no. 3 (September 2017): 218–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009164711704500305.

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This paper examines the role of place attachment in religious life by analyzing various significant place events in the Bible, using analysis of biblical discourse. The paper looks at various biblical places, and explores the implications of approaching these sacred settings in terms of place attachment theory. In the Old Testament we focus on Mount Sinai, Canaan, and Jerusalem, and in the New Testament on Galilee, Jerusalem, and on view that Christianity, to some extent, transcends place attachment. The nature of the attachments to these places is diverse and varied. The claim is that place attachment theory can make a valuable theoretical contribution to an analysis of the role of place in the Bible, as an addition to the growing literature on the psychological interpretation of the Bible.

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Gilmour, Rachelle. "Remembering the future: The Topheth as dystopia in Jeremiah 7 and 19." Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 44, no. 1 (August 6, 2019): 64–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309089218778567.

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After investigating biblical and external evidence of the Topheth in the Valley of the Son of Hinnom, this article argues that the vision of the Topheth’s future is a dystopia for Jerusalem in the rhetoric of Jeremiah 7 and 19. The memories of transgressions at the location are projected into the future to generate a vision of judgement, and these are paralleled with the transgressions and judgement of Jerusalem and Judah. This dystopia is remembered through its connections to the landscape and the future renaming of the place as the ‘valley of Slaughter’.

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Eliyahu, Eyal Ben. "The Rabbinic Polemic against Sanctification of Sites." Journal for the Study of Judaism 40, no. 2 (2009): 260–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006309x410671.

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AbstractThe attribution of holiness to various sites in antiquity was confined neither to a particular ethnic or religious group, nor to one particular geographical locale, but was rather practiced by a wide range of groups vis-à-vis many locations. Contrary to these views, the rabbis made a very clear and sharp statement regarding the sanctity of Jerusalem and the Temple Mount and negated the idea of the existence of holy places outside Jerusalem. The rabbis struggled against the sanctity of the biblical “holy mountain,” as well as against sites that could have been regarded as holy on the basis of the biblical narrative. The discovery of this polemic illuminates and offers an explanation for many surprising passages in early rabbinic literature that belittle high mountains and biblical “memorial sites” in the Land of Israel. The examples, drawn from the various strata of early rabbinic literature, demonstrate surprising rabbinic consensus on this issue.

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Wilson-Wright, Aren. "From Persepolis to Jerusalem: A Reevaluation of Old Persian-Hebrew Contact in the Achaemenid Period." Vetus Testamentum 65, no. 1 (January 28, 2015): 152–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12301191.

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This paper examines the effects and mechanisms of Old Persian contact on Biblical Hebrew. I first reevaluate the number and distribution of Old Persian loanwords in the Hebrew Bible. Then I demonstrate that there was direct contact between speakers of Old Persian and speakers of Hebrew in the Achaemenid period beginning under Artaxerxes i, before proposing the existence of two Old Persian calques in Biblical Hebrew. The distribution of these Old Persian loanwords and calques strengthens the case for distinguishing between Late Biblical Hebrew and Classical Biblical Hebrew on linguistic grounds. With one exception, these features cluster in well-known Late Biblical Hebrew texts.

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Alster, Baruch. "Narrative Surprise in Biblical Parallels." Biblical Interpretation 14, no. 5 (2006): 456–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851506778767957.

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AbstractSurprise is a common narrative technique, but as it is based on the implied reader's 'false impressions', it undermines the reliability of the narrator, which can be a problem in biblical literature. This article attempts to show that the use of surprise in the Bible corresponds to each story's literary and theological goals. I do this by comparing three pairs of parallel narratives: David's bringing the Ark to Jerusalem in 2 Samuel 6 and 1 Chronicles 13 and 15; Moses' sending messengers to Sihon in Deuteronomy 2 and Numbers 21; and the spies' counsel against conquering the land in Deuteronomy 1 and Numbers 13–14. The first of each pair includes a narrative surprise, while the second conveys the same information without surprise. In the first two pairs—the Ark and Sihon—I find that the use of surprise or lack of it corresponds to the literary and ideological goals of each narrative. In the third pair—the Spies—I find that the supposed surprise in Deuteronomy blatantly contradicts the main theme of the narrative. But by taking into account its Numbers counterpart, and by assuming that the reader of the former has at least partial prior knowledge of the latter (an assumption backed up by a number of previous studies), I find that there is indeed no real surprise in the narrative.

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Kang, Seung Il. "The Garden of Eden as an Israelite Sacred Place." Theology Today 77, no. 1 (April 2020): 89–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040573617731712.

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This article attempts to interpret the Garden of Eden as sacred space, comparing its features with those of other sacred places. This article disputes the common view that biblical descriptions of the Solomonic Temple were influenced by the Garden of Eden imagery; instead, it demonstrates that some features of Jerusalem and the Temple were incorporated into the Garden of Eden story. While many biblical scholars have hypothesized that the Garden of Eden story has Mesopotamian roots, this article describes how the author of the Eden narrative tries to present the Garden of Eden as an Israelite sacred place geographically, historically, and religiously.

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Carr, David M. "Passion for God: a Center in Biblical Theology." Horizons in Biblical Theology 23, no. 1 (2001): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187122001x00017.

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Wall, Robert W. "Waiting on the Holy Spirit (Acts 1.4): Extending a Metaphor to Biblical Interpretation." Journal of Pentecostal Theology 22, no. 1 (2013): 37–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455251-02201007.

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This article seeks to extend the Pentecostal practice of ‘waiting on the Holy Spirit’ to biblical interpretation: to wait on the Spirit is to await the filling of the Spirit to illumine Scripture’s witness to God’s plan of salvation in a way impossible otherwise. Support for this idea is retrieved from a study of the risen Jesus’ parting instruction for his apostles to await the Spirit’s baptism in Jerusalem (Acts 1.4), which considers Luke’s narration of this event in its compositional and canonical settings.

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Galor, Katharina. "Jerusalem: Archaeologists Versus Residents?" Review of Middle East Studies 51, no. 2 (August 2017): 203–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2017.90.

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Very few cities are defined as much by their antiquities as Jerusalem: religiously, culturally, politically, and economically. Erasing the Old City, or at least part of it, as suggested variously by Theodor Herzl and David Ben-Gurion, would have been an act difficult to reverse. The ruins of the past are now recognized and protected as the city's most distinct physical and visual attribute, in which past and present landscapes mingle to project the deceitful image of harmony. That said, this paper is not concerned with the usual questions of how certain monuments or artifacts inform us about past accomplishments or lost cultures. It in fact distances itself from the material and visual dimensions of Jerusalem's antiquities and addresses instead the human aspects exclusively, questioning the interaction between those who explore Jerusalem's antiquities and those who dwell amongst the surviving remnants. This polarized encounter between archaeologists and residents has defined most of Silwan's 150 years of excavation, reaching new heights of tension with the escalating geopolitical conflict between Israelis and Palestinians. As a case study, explorations in the City of David (figure 1), demonstrate how professional interests increasingly compromise and indeed violate the needs and rights of those who are most closely tied to, and indeed dependent on, the locus of exploration (Galor 2017, 126–131). Silwanis, both the small minority of Jewish settlers and the predominantly Palestinian population, have been persuaded and largely misguided as to the area's biblical heritage. In contrast, the 1300-years of nearly continuous Islamic presence, is perceived by neither as a legacy, which can be archaeologically explored and publicly validated.

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Osiek, Carolyn. "Catholic or Catholic? Biblical Scholarship at the Center." Journal of Biblical Literature 125, no. 1 (April 1, 2006): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27638344.

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Engberg, Aron. "Navigating the Biblical Mandate: Discursive Change and Adaptation in the International Christian Embassy in Jerusalem." Exchange 49, no. 3-4 (November 9, 2020): 297–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1572543x-12341571.

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Abstract Since its inception in 1980, the International Christian Embassy Jerusalem (ICEJ) has developed into a central player in the formation of Christian Zionism globally. It is known through its high profile in Israeli society, its financial, moral and political support for the State of Israel and its controversial mix of theology and politics. This article focuses on ICEJ’s ideological and theological negotiation in relation to Israeli society. It argues that even though ICEJ’s self-understanding is based on what it claims to be “eternal, biblical mandates” and its political positions have been largely consistent over time, ICEJ’s theology, rhetoric and social positions have changed quite significantly. The article interprets this duality as a case of “flexible absolutism”, a capacity to ideologically frame diverse positions as eternal absolutes. Recognizing this tension is important in order to successfully disentangle the organization’s rhetoric from its broader ideological aims.

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Jones, J. Estill. "Book Review: I. Biblical Studies: Jerusalem, the Temple and the New Age in Luke-Acts." Review & Expositor 86, no. 2 (May 1989): 271. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003463738908600215.

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Garfinkel, Yosef, Michael G. Hasel, Martin G. Klingbeil, Hoo-Goo Kang, Gwanghyun Choi, Sang-Yeup Chang, Soonhwa Hong, Saar Ganor, Igor Kreimerman, and Christopher Bronk Ramsey. "Lachish Fortifications and State Formation in the Biblical Kingdom of Judah in Light of Radiometric Datings." Radiocarbon 61, no. 03 (April 30, 2019): 695–712. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rdc.2019.5.

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AbstractWhen and where the process of state formation took place in the biblical kingdom of Judah is heavily debated. Our regional project in the southwestern part of Judah, carried out from 2007 to the present, includes the excavation of three Iron Age sites: Khirbet Qeiyafa, Tel Lachish, and Khirbet al-Ra’i. New cultural horizons and new fortification systems have been uncovered, and these discoveries have been dated by 59 radiometric determinations. The controversial question of when the kingdom was able to build a fortified city at Lachish, its foremost center after Jerusalem, is now resolved thanks to the excavation of a previously unknown city wall, dated by radiocarbon (14C) to the second half of the 10th century BCE.

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Jackson, Bernard S. "Exodus 21:18–19 and the Origins of the Casuistic Form." Israel Law Review 33, no. 4 (1999): 798–820. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700016204.

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I first met Ze'ev Falk early in 1967, when I spent two months in Jerusalem in the course of my doctoral studies (with David Daube, in Oxford). His friendship and generosity to me during that period remain strong in my memory. Not only did 10 Harav Berlin become a home from home; from there he assisted me to meet others (not least, Nahum Rakover) who also became, in the years that followed, close colleagues and associates. His studies in Biblical legal terminology proved of great assistance to me, and hisHebrew Law in Biblical Timesremains a useful starting point for the study of biblical legal institutions. In many respects, his early concentration on biblical law provided the foundations for his later thinking, for which he was perhaps better known in Israel, on the values of Jewish law and the problems presented by Jewish family law in modern times. I offer my tribute in the form of a study of Exodus 21:18–19, a text which, apart from its particular problems and interest, has proved a focus for debate upon the general character of early biblical law, and in particular the casuistic provisions of the Mishpatim.

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Ruiz Freites, Gonzalo. "Specialized Biblical Studies at the "San Bruno Vescovo di Segni" Center for Advanced Studies." Incarnate Word 1, no. 3 (2007): 559–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/tiw20071343.

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Aus, Roger David. "Isaiah 10:34 and the “Ambiguous Oracle” in Josephus, Bellum 6.312–313 (Part One)." Review of Rabbinic Judaism 21, no. 2 (July 27, 2018): 151–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700704-12341341.

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Abstract One of the most disputed passages in Josephus is found only late in his account of the Jewish war against Rome, 66–70 CE. After relating numerous phenomena he considered portents of the destruction of Jerusalem with the Temple, he notes two oracles. The first, in Bell. 6.311, has never been traced back to a specific scriptural passage or Judaic tradition. The second, in 6.312–13, is the object of this study, in which I argue that Isa. 10:34 is the biblical verse behind the “ambiguous oracle.”

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Tatlock, Jason. "The Deuteronomistic Endorsement of Sacrificing Errant Individuals as Reflected by the Hebrew Terms Ḥērem and Biʽēr." Journal of Semitic Studies 65, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 297–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgaa023.

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Abstract Despite the efforts of some scholars, biblical denunciations of one form of human sacrifice cannot be taken as condemnations of all types. Thus, while the writers of the Deuteronomistic History clearly regarded the slaying of children at the Jerusalem Tophet adversely, they accepted the legitimacy of sacrificing religiously errant individuals like murderers and others who went against their form of Yahwism. Such an endorsement is particularly represented by the biblical Hebrew ideas of sacrificial dedication (ḥērem) and burning up/consuming contamination (biʽēr). In the wake of Judah's fall and Jerusalem's destruction, the Deuteronomists promoted human sacrifice as a means to maintain or establish the purity of the Israelite community and the land of Canaan while delineating the limits of their version of a Yahwistic group.

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Mostafa, Heba. "From the Dome of the Chain to Miḥrāb Dāʾūd: The Transformation of an Umayyad Commemorative Site at the Haram al-Sharif in Jerusalem." Muqarnas Online 34, no. 1 (October 8, 2017): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22118993_03401p002.

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As a monument with a disputed function and iconography, the Dome of the Chain is something of an art historical conundrum. Constructed by the Umayyad caliph ʿAbd al-Malik b. Marwan (r. 685–705) in 692 on the Haram al-Sharif in Jerusalem, it reportedly commemorates a chain tethered to the heavens that aided the Prophet King David (Dāʾūd) in the dispensation of justice. By the sixteenth century, however, the Dome of the Chain became associated with other sites of Davidic commemoration such as the Qurʾanic Mihrab of David (Miḥrāb Dāʾūd) referred to in Qurʾan 38:21–26, and was believed to be located in the western citadel of Jerusalem. Through an analysis of the Arabic primary sources, this study situates the history of the Dome of the Chain and the Qurʾanic Miḥrāb Dāʾūd within the context of the Davidic repertoire and commemorative practice in Islam. By examining changing trends of Davidic commemoration in Jerusalem from the seventh to the sixteenth centuries, this study reveals trajectories of Islam’s engagement with its biblical past in relation to the localized commemoration of Davidic justice and kingship within Jerusalem.

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Stanglin, Keith D. "The Rise and Fall of Biblical Perspicuity: Remonstrants and the Transition toward Modern Exegesis." Church History 83, no. 1 (March 2014): 38–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640713001674.

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The purpose of this article is to examine the biblical exegesis of two seventeenth-century Dutch Remonstrant theologians, Simon Episcopius (1583–1643) and Étienne de Courcelles (1586–1659). Their hermeneutic was characterized by an emphasis on the perspicuity, or clarity, of scripture through the use of reason, combined with the marginalization of spiritual meanings in favor of the literal-grammatical sense alone. In both of these emphases, they went beyond their theological forebear, Jacob Arminius (1559–1609), and adumbrated the methods of later Enlightenment thinkers. The stress on perspicuity and authorial intention led to increasing fascination with text criticism, linguistic analysis, and historical contextualization, highly rarefied disciplines that became prerequisites for correct, scholarly biblical interpretation. This development also pushed the question of biblical fallibility closer to the center of the doctrine of scripture. As a consequence of the philological, scientific study of the Bible, biblical interpretation was relegated to the field of scholarship and doctrinal formulation to the church. The original ideal of biblical perspicuity resulted in biblical obscurity.

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Feldman, Yael S. "Deconstructing the Biblical Sources in Israeli Theater:Yisurei Iyovby Hanoch Levin." AJS Review 12, no. 2 (1987): 251–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009400002038.

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When in 1981 the Israeli Cameri Theater performed The Passion of Job, written and directed by Hanoch Levin, the leading avant-garde playwrightin Israel (viewed by some as “the bad boy of the modern Israeli stage”),1 public outrage reached unprecedented heights.The scandal was partially provoked by Levin′s staging.His taste for the carnal and the cruel was much too unpalatable for many stomachs to digest.“People actually walked out, while others covered their eyes,” reported a review in the Jerusalem Post.2 No less detrimental, however, was the specific angle from which Levin th? playwright elected to retell the biblical story.For although the Hebrew title of the play, Yisurei Iyov, may be literally rendered as “Job′s Afflictions,” our translation was advisedly chosen: In his version, Levin catapults Job from the fictional land of Uz to Palestine of the Roman era, thereby embedding Job′s ordeal in that later agon between man and God–the passion of Christ.Accordingly, this dramatized Job does not live to hear an answer from the whirlwind, nor does he see his life redeemed.With a dramatic sleight of hand he is, paradoxically enough, the only character in the play who refuses to deny the existence of God–thus condemning himself to the stake.

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Boustan, Raʿanan, and Michael Beshay. "Sealing the Demons, Once and For All: The Ring of Solomon, the Cross of Christ, and the Power of Biblical Kingship." Archiv für Religionsgeschichte 16, no. 1 (November 13, 2015): 99–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/arege-2014-0008.

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Abstract This paper traces the historical development of the tradition that King Solomon made use of a signet-ring to marshal the demons as a labor-force for the construction of the Jerusalem Temple and analyzes the shifting ritual uses to which this tradition was put.We argue that this tradition, which is most fully articulated in the Testament of Solomon, is a Christian innovation of the third and fourth centuries rather than a venerable Jewish tradition with roots in the Second Temple period. This branch of the Solomon tradition first emerged within the context of internal Christian debates of the third century concerning proper baptismal practice, where the power of baptism to provide protection from the demons was linked to debates concerning the efficacy of Solomon’s act of sealing the demons in the temple. In the post-Constantinian period, the ring of Solomon was venerated by pilgrims to Jerusalem as a “relic” of Israelite kingship alongside the True Cross. Like certain strands of the Testament of Solomon literature, the pilgrimage practices performed at this potent site figure Christ’s victory on the cross as the fulfillment-once and for all-of Solomon’s only provisional mastery over the demons. In this context, Solomon’s ring gave concrete expression to Christian claims on the Old Testament past, while also mediating between imperial and ecclesiastical power.

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Kalleres, Dayna S. "Cultivating True Sight at the Center of the World: Cyril of Jerusalem and the Lenten Catechumenate." Church History 74, no. 3 (September 2005): 431–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700110777.

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In 351 c.e., Cyril of Jerusalem prepared catechumens for baptism at what he identified as the very center of the world. From Golgotha Christ once stretched his hands to embrace the ends of the earth, and Cyril's catechumens would soon receive a distinctive baptism predicated on their proximity to Golgotha first and Christ's tomb second. For this bishop location was truly everything, in his own words: “For others only hear but we both see and handle.” Cyril's Lenten Catechumenate consisted of an eight-week course of prebaptismal preparation culminating in an Easter baptism. Within this institution Cyril offered a privileged course of Christian inculcation and a singular notion of the “Christian Soldier.” Through a highly visual exegesis of the crucifixion and resurrection, Cyril transformed baptizands into witnesses to these two events, a status obligating them to defend the actuality of these moments and, in so doing, promote Cyril's particular conceptualization of Jerusalem as Holy Land.

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Maier, Johann. "Z.W. Falk, Religious Law and Ethics. Studies in Biblical and Rabbinical Theonomy, Jerusalem (Mehsarim Publishers) 1991, 221 S." Biblische Zeitschrift 41, no. 2 (September 24, 1997): 303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25890468-04102029.

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Nissen, Johannes. "Unity and Diversity." Mission Studies 14, no. 1 (1997): 121–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338397x00095.

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AbstractUnderstanding our interconnected world as the "oikoumene" or one household of God, Johannes Nissen in this article sketches out nine "models" of partnership that appear in the Bible. These are (1) covenant; (2) koinonia; (3) the church as the Body of Christ; (4) the eucharist; (5) the Roman notion of societas; (6) the Pauline collection; (7) the material and spiritual fellowship of the Jerusalem community; (8) "conciliar fellowship"; and (9) Jesus' criticism of the "logic of equivalency" and his replacement of it with a "logic of grace." Nissen concludes his article with several reflections on how biblical models of partnership might be interpreted within our contemporary context.

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Koltun-Fromm, Naomi. "Imagining the Temple in Rabbinic Stone: The Evolution of the ʾEven Shetiyah." AJS Review 43, no. 2 (November 2019): 355–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009419000539.

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The mythical ʾeven shetiyah, often translated as the “foundation stone,” marks the physical place where the Jerusalem temples once stood in the rabbinic imagination. In its earliest incarnation it identified the place where the ark of the covenant resided in Solomon's Temple. Over the centuries it absorbed cosmogonic and eventually eschatological meaning. In later post-talmudic rabbinic literature, it adopted another mythic trope—the seal on the tehom. I argue that these two separate narrative strands of a seal on the tehomunder the Temple and ʾeven shetiyahin the Temple became intertwined, but only in late (post-talmudic) rabbinic midrash. I trace this evolutionary trend and argue that while the early rabbis both innovated and reinvigorated older biblical and ancient Near Eastern cosmogonic motifs with their ʾeven shetiyah, the later rabbinic texts were influenced by Christian and Muslim competition for spiritual and earthly Jerusalem. The stone that started as a means for rabbinic self-authorization became a reassertion of God's control of history and protection of Israel and the world, but in the process displaced priestly authority.

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Hiebert, Theodore. "Re-Imaging Nature." Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 50, no. 1 (January 1996): 36–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002096439605000105.

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Nature, and the place of humans within it, has again become a topic of much discussion. The tendency of biblical scholars has been to describe the human being in terms that set it apart from nature. More recently, ecological concerns have impelled biblical scholars to rethink their position. This has caused them to reevaluate the nature of humanity and to construe the human being not as standing above or at the center of nature, but as being part of nature.

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Orian, Matan. "The Purpose of the Balustrade in the Herodian Temple." Journal for the Study of Judaism 51, no. 4-5 (September 7, 2020): 487–524. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-bja10021.

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Abstract Within the Herodian temenos in Jerusalem, a warning inscription prohibited non-Jews, under penalty of death, from proceeding any further inward. This was mounted on a low stone balustrade that encircled an area larger than the actual holy ground. As suggested in research, the underlying pentateuchal law for the inscription was הזר הקרב יומת, “the unauthorized encroacher shall be put to death.” The subjection of gentiles to this law, in particular, and its application even when they had not, de facto, trespassed on holy ground remain, however, unexplained. The article suggests that the inscription applied הזר הקרב יומת to a זר, in the sense of “a foreigner,” who merely קרב, “draws near” to sacred ground. A further suggestion is that this reading and implementation of the biblical law reflects a preemptive endeavor to blunt Jewish objection to a major cultic innovation by Herod: granting gentiles access to the Jerusalem temenos.

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Werse, Nicholas R. "Realigning the Cosmos: The intertextual image of judgment and restoration in Zephaniah." Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 45, no. 1 (August 24, 2020): 111–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309089219864613.

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Two extensive intertextual voices in the final-form of Zephaniah consist of Gen 1-11 (in Zeph 1.2-3; 2.11-15; 3.9-10) and Isaiah (in Zeph 2.15; 3.9-10, 14-17). Although often explored independently, these intertextual voices overlap in Zeph 2.11-15 and 3.9-10, constructing a dialogue. This study argues that this intertextual dialogue reorients the surrounding pronouncements of judgment and salvation along cosmic lines. This dialogue reframes the message of Zephaniah within a chiastic structure in which judgment against Jerusalem inaugurates the undoing of creation (A. Zeph 1.2-3). The voices of Isaiah and Gen 1-11 direct this undoing toward the nations, which culminates in the undoing of an archetypal Mesopotamian cultic center (B. Zeph 2.11b-15). Following this, the nations are reoriented around Jerusalem as the new international cultic center (B’. Zeph 3.9-10). This reorientation culminates in Jerusalem’s praise on account of its cosmic restoration (A’. Zeph 3.14-17).

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Samuel, Harald. "Contact between Old Persian and Hebrew? A Rejoinder to A. Wilson-Wright." Vetus Testamentum 70, no. 2 (August 28, 2019): 298–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12341394.

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Abstract In his recent article “From Persepolis to Jerusalem: A Reevaluation of Old Persian-Hebrew Contact in the Achaemenid Period”, Aren Wilson-Wright reexamines the list of proposed Persian loans in Biblical Hebrew as well as their distribution, specifically in relation to the distinction between Classical and Late Biblical Hebrew. He seeks to demonstrate direct contact between speakers of Old Persian and Hebrew and proposes two further Old Persian calques. This paper reevaluates Wilson-Wright’s proposals on both methodological and philological levels, and offers a fuller dataset for several phenomena. While allowing the principal distinction between Classical and Late Biblical Hebrew, questions of textual genesis and transmission are combined with sociolinguistic considerations to explore the possible ramifications of the proposed linguistic interaction: What do we know about the use of Old Persian apart from royal inscriptions? What do we know about Iranians, locals and their use of language in the Achaemenid administration? The result is a much more complex picture of multiple linguistic interference with many unknowns.

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Manekin-Bamberger, Avigail. "The Vow-Curse in Ancient Jewish Texts." Harvard Theological Review 112, no. 3 (July 2019): 340–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816019000154.

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AbstractUttering a vow was an important and popular religious practice in ancient Judaism. It is mentioned frequently in biblical literature, and an entire rabbinic tractate, Nedarim, is devoted to this subject. In this article, I argue that starting from the Second Temple period, alongside the regular use of the vow, vows were also used as an aggressive binding mechanism in interpersonal situations. This practice became so popular that in certain contexts the vow became synonymous with the curse, as in a number of ossuaries in Jerusalem and in the later Aramaic incantation bowls. Moreover, this semantic expansion was not an isolated Jewish phenomenon but echoed both the use of the anathema in the Pauline epistles and contemporary Greco-Roman and Babylonian magical practices.

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Shirik, Sochanngam. "Christology From Below: Methodological Issues, Global Trends, and Contextual Proposals." Transformation: An International Journal of Holistic Mission Studies 37, no. 2 (April 2020): 119–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265378820907611.

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Christians, from Jerusalem to Jakarta and from the 1st to the 21st century, worship the same Jesus. However, the way that Jesus has been depicted throughout history and throughout different cultures has not been monolithic. The reason for discontinuity can be varied. One reason beneath the different descriptions of Jesus inhabits the issue of methodology. By “methodology,” I mean the ways people make sense of Jesus and present him to others. Generally, there are two main approaches to the study of Christology: “from below” and “from above”. This article explores the concept of Christology “from below,” examining its historical development, assessing its theological assumptions, and investigating its contextual applications in the global context to cultivate some biblical principles for ongoing contextual theological conversations.

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Kochav, Sarah. "The Search for a Protestant Holy Sepulchre: The Garden Tomb in Nineteenth-Century Jerusalem." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 46, no. 2 (April 1995): 278–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900011374.

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Certainly since the time of the Emperor Constantine there had been little doubt in the Christian world that Christ was crucified, buried and rose from the dead on the site later occupied by the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem. Eusebius described the discovery of the tomb beneath the site of the Roman temple to Venus and the construction of the church, dedicated in 335. Constantine's church underwent numerous changes and rebuilding, through invasions, occupations, earthquakes and the disastrous fire of 1808, which caused extensive damage. But at no time did anyone seriously dispute the convictions of the competing Christian factions – Greeks, Latins, Armenians, Georgians, Copts and Ethiopians – who had chapels, or at least a recognised foothold, within that sacred precinct. While earlier travel accounts, such as those of Willibald (AD 724) and John Mandeville (1322), had recognised that the Church of the Holy Sepulchre was located well within the walls of Jerusalem, it was generally accepted that this was because the city had expanded and surrounded the site, and that new perimeter walls enclosed the place of the crucifixion and the tomb which according to the biblical texts had to lie ‘without’ the city walls.

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Fantauzzo, Justin. "The Finest Feats of the War? The Captures of Baghdad and Jerusalem during the First World War and Public Opinion throughout the British Empire." War in History 24, no. 1 (January 2017): 64–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344515592911.

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In March and December 1917 the British Empire won two much-needed victories in Mesopotamia and Palestine: Baghdad and Jerusalem. Both cities were steeped in biblical and oriental lore and both victories happened in a year that had been otherwise disastrous. Throughout the British Empire the press, public, and politicians debated the importance of the two successes, focusing on the effect they would have on the empire’s prestige, the Allies’ war strategy, and the post-war Middle East. Far from being overwhelmed by the ‘romance’ of the fighting in the Middle East, the press’s and public’s response reveals a remarkably well-informed, sophisticated, and occasionally combative debate about the empire’s Middle Eastern war effort.

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Freund, Richard A. "Ze'ev W. Falk. Religious Law and Ethics: Studies in Biblical and Rabbinical Theonom. Jerusalem: Mesharim Publishers1991. 221 pp." AJS Review 18, no. 2 (November 1993): 298–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s036400940000502x.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Jerusalem Center for Biblical Studies'

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