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1
Hsia, Ronnie Po-chia. "Jesuit Foreign Missions. A Historiographical Essay." Journal of Jesuit Studies 1, no. 1 (2014): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00101004.
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A review of recent scholarship on early modern Jesuit missions, this essay offers a reflection on the achievements and desiderata in current trends of research. The books discussed include studies on Jesuit missions in China (Matteo Ricci), on the finances of the eighteenth-century Madurai mission in India, the debates over indigenous missions in the Peruvian province in the sixteenth and early seventeenth century, on print and book culture in the Jesuits’ European missions, and finally a series of studies on German-speaking Jesuit missionaries in Brazil, Chile, and New Granada.
2
Masur, Laura E. "Plantation as Mission: American Indians, Enslaved Africans, and Jesuit Missionaries in Maryland." Journal of Jesuit Studies 8, no. 3 (April 19, 2021): 385–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-0803p003.
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Abstract Jesuit endeavors in Maryland are difficult to categorize as either missions or plantations. Archaeological sites associated with the Maryland Mission/ Province bear similarities to Jesuit mission sites in New France as well as plantations in Latin America and the Caribbean. It is clear that in Maryland, the Jesuits did not enforce a distinction between missions as places of conversion and plantations as sites of capitalist production. Moreover, people of American Indian, African, and European ancestry have been connected with Maryland’s Jesuit plantations throughout their history. Archaeological evidence of Indian missions in Maryland—however fragmented—contributes to a narrative of the Maryland mission that is at odds with prevailing nineteenth- and twentieth-century histories. Archaeology demonstrates the importance of critically reflecting on available historical evidence, including a historiographic focus on either mission or plantation, on the written history of Jesuits in the Americas. Furthermore, historical archaeologists must reconceptualize missions as both places and practices.
3
Vu Thanh, Hélène. "Japan, a Separate Province From India? Rivalries and Financial Management of Two Jesuit Missions in Asia." Journal of Early Modern History 24, no. 2 (April 27, 2020): 162–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-12342669.
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Abstract This article analyzes the organization of the Jesuit missions in Asia in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries through the case of the relationship between the Indian mission and the Japanese mission, which was subordinate to it. It highlights the management and control methods which were specific to the Asian missions. It thus demonstrates the growing autonomy of the Japanese mission, which was trying to free itself from Indian administrative and financial supervision. In doing so, the deep-seated nature of the rivalries and tensions between missions within a single Jesuit province are brought into focus, despite Roman arbitration. The article is thus an invitation to reassess the regional dimension to Jesuit governance, which is sometimes ignored in favor of the global aspect.
4
Miazek-Męczyńska, Monika. "Polish Jesuits and Their Dreams about Missions in China, According to the Litterae indipetae." Journal of Jesuit Studies 5, no. 3 (March 26, 2018): 404–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00503004.
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From the very beginning, Polish Jesuits were aware of the fact that the general of the Society of Jesus required them to focus on completely different missionary areas than the Far East. Nevertheless, in the Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu one can find more than two hundred so-called indipetae (shortened version of Litterae ad Indiam petentes)—letters sent by Polish Jesuits to their general asking for foreign missions, especially in China. They were written by 114 Jesuit fathers and brothers but ultimately only four (Andrzej Rudomina, Michał Boym, Jan Mikołaj Smogulecki, Jan Bąkowski) ever preached the word of God in the Middle Kingdom. By analyzing the content of Polish indipetae letters, this paper underlines the most important sources of missionary vocations among Polish Jesuits, through comparison with similar letters from the fathers and brothers of other Jesuit provinces.
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Abascal, Pablo. "Establishing the Jesuit Province of Mexico: The Development and the Institutions of a Missionary and Educational Province (1572–1615)." Journal of Early Modern Christianity 9, no. 1 (March 24, 2022): 67–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jemc-2022-2019.
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Abstract The Society of Jesus has been characterized as a global order, as it could adapt to different social and political contexts. The initial purpose of the Jesuit province in New Spain was to convert the Indians to Catholicism. However, when the Jesuits arrived they found that the social diversity of the viceroyalty, particularly the large contingent of Creole inhabitants, made it impossible for them to focus solely on the Indians. Consequently, the Order in New Spain had to forge a path between the orders issued by the King of Spain and the General of the Order based in Rome and the needs of the local inhabitants, which resulted in the Province of Mexico acquiring a missionary and educational character. The main aim of this article is to analyze the foundation and development of the Province of Mexico during the generalates of Everard Mercurian and Claudio Acquaviva by examining the institutions they opened, and the different strategies of education and evangelization that they pursued throughout the viceroyalty. It will pay special attention to the designs of the central powers in Europe, the views points and discussions on education and evangelization by actors in New Spain, and how transatlantic decisions on the Order’s role in the viceroyalty affected the evolution of the province. To do this, the article will discuss three main aspects of the Jesuits’ mission in New Spain, (1) the type of missions and colleges that the Jesuits opened, (2) how Jesuit institutions were shaped according to the group of people that they aimed to evangelize or educate, and in turn (3) how that influenced the languages that the Jesuits taught to the local inhabitants.
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D’Souza, Leo. "Jesuit Contributions to Biological Sciences in India." Journal of Jesuit Studies 7, no. 2 (January 29, 2020): 263–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00702007.
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Jesuits in India have made significant contribution to studies in classical as well as modern biology. The earlier classical studies resulted in the compilation of well-known and highly appreciated floras. In recent times, Jesuits have kept pace with the current trends in biology and have made contributions in the areas of environmental awareness, biodiversity, conservation, biotechnology, molecular biology, bioremediation, and bioenergy as well as biopesticides.
7
Chen, Peiyao. "The Transformation of Jesuits Strategy for Buddhism Based on the Jesuits Works in Early Modern China." Asian Journal of Social Science Studies 4, no. 4 (November 6, 2019): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.20849/ajsss.v4i4.695.
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The Jesuits began their missionary work in Asia in the 16th century. After the missions in India and Japan, they tried to enter China and spread Catholicism at the end of the 16th century (Note 1). Due to the special political and cultural environment of China at that time, the missionary experience of Jesuits in India and Japan did not fully apply to Chinese society, which caused their missionary process to be rocky (Note 2). In order to adapt to the different environment of the Ming dynasty, Jesuits had to actively adjust their missionary strategies. After a period of observation and exploration, Jesuits used a missionary method of preaching through books in Ming and Qing dynasties (Note 3). Therefore, the adjustments of their missionary strategies are also reflected in their Chinese missionary works, including the adjustments of Jesuits’ evaluation of Buddhism in their Chinese missionary works, which is a question worthy of attention and research.
8
Whitehead, Maurice. "The English Jesuits and Episcopal Authority: The Liverpool Test Case, 1840–43." Recusant History 18, no. 2 (October 1986): 197–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268419500020535.
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THE SUPPRESSION of the Society of Jesus by Clement XIV in 1773 brought an abrupt end to Jesuit activity in many parts of the world. However, after 1773 many ex-Jesuits of the former English Province stationed in England, Wales, Maryland and Pennsylvania continued their work as chaplains and missionaries. On the continent the English ex-Jesuits, having been obliged to transfer their college from Saint-Omer first to Bruges and later to Liège, were protected by the prince bishop of the latter city in their work of educating boys. Even after the college's final migration to Stonyhurst in 1794 as a result of the upheaval of the French Revolution, the English ex-Jesuits continued operating without total loss of their pre-Suppression way of life.’
9
Brown, Kendall W. "Jesuit Wealth and Economic Activity Within the Peruvian Economy: The Case of Colonial Southern Peru." Americas 44, no. 1 (July 1987): 23–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1006847.
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Muffled by the night and sobered by their unexpectedly serious task, Corregidor José Manrique y Guzmán and two squads of militia quietly approached the Jesuit college of Arequipa at four o'clock on the morning of September 17, 1767. Manrique had secretly gathered his scribe and the troops during the night after receiving an astounding royal decree from Viceroy Amat in Lima. The top-secret dispatch ordered Manrique to detain all Jesuits within the province of Arequipa in preparation for their expulsion from the Spanish empire. Similar orders had gone out to royal officials throughout Charles III's domains. In Arequipa Manrique found all but three of the local Jesuits housed within the college. He read them the royal edict, placed them under house arrest until provisions could be made for transporting them to Lima, ordered the detention of the three padres absent from the college, and confiscated all the Jesuits' properties.
10
Huiyi, Wu. "‘The Observations We Made in the Indies and in China’: The Shaping of the Jesuits’ Knowledge of China by Other Parts of the Non-Western World." East Asian Science, Technology, and Medicine 46, no. 1 (June 25, 2017): 47–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26669323-04601006.
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The Jesuits’ experience in China is usually analysed within the framework of Sino-Western relations. However, Jesuits’ writings often evoked their experience in and knowledge about China in association with other parts of the non-European world, including India, South-East Asia, the Middle East, Africa and America. Based on a prosopographical analysis of China Jesuits’ biographical data, we first demonstrate that the encounter with other non-European regions was an integral part of the China Jesuits’ itineraries; for they all travelled through intermediate areas on their way to China, and some also did so on their way back to Europe. Secondly, relying mainly on examples drawn from French Jesuits’ scholarship between the 1680s and the 1750s, we demonstrate how encounters with other non- European regions and the overseas interests of their home country shaped the Jesuits’ scientific agenda as well as the way they understood things Chinese. Lastly, we illustrate how Jesuits keenly studied historical and contemporaneous accounts in Chinese and Manchu on the neighbouring regions of the Qing empire. We argue that the body of knowledge produced by the China Jesuits should be studied in a spatial framework that goes beyond the China-Europe dichotomy since it was, on one hand, filtered by the Jesuits’ knowledge about other non-European regions and, on the other hand, concerned with a geographical area larger than the territory of China under the Ming and even the Qing dynasty. We also argue that, in the eighteenth century in particular, the China Jesuits’ scholarship was configured by the spatial dynamics shaping the Society of Jesus, Bourbon France and Qing China; thereby, we contribute to a better understanding of both the French Jesuit and Qing networks, and the interconnections between them.
11
Holt, Geoffrey. "Fr. Sir Alexander Strachan S.J. Bart 1727–1793." Recusant History 29, no. 2 (October 2008): 195–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200012000.
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The Scottish Mission of the Jesuits was until the end of the eighteenth century entirely separate from the English Province with its own superior, houses on the continent and funds. Scottish candidates for the Society were educated at various houses in Europe. In the year 1729, for example, there were twelve missionaries in Scotland (plus one travelling and one in England), there were seven priests in the Scots College at Douai, two in Paris, three in the Scots College at Valladolid and one in Prague. About five were studying in preparation for ordination to the priesthood in the houses of various provinces of the Society, as were four novices. It was not a large mission—there were only thirty-nine members in that year. The last member of the old Scottish Jesuit mission, Fr. John Pepper, died in 1810. Occasionally, individual Scottish Jesuits worked in England or lived in the houses of the English Jesuits on the continent. One among these was Alexander Strachan.
12
Clancy, Thomas H. "Spiritual Publications of English Jesuits, 1615–1640." Recusant History 19, no. 4 (October 1989): 426–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200020392.
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In assemblies of scholars the remark is often heard, ‘what we need is an English Bremond.’ The reference is to Henri Bremond's Histoire de Sentiment Religieux en France which issued forth in eleven stout volumes from 1916 to 1933 and has since achieved a well-deserved reputation as a classic. There is no question here even of a beginning of an English Bremond. He limited himself to Catholic writers, but even so he was able to touch most of the high points of the French spiritual tradition. Our goal is to trace but one stream in the Recusant/ Catholic tradition, namely, the literature of the English Jesuits. By this we mean spiritual books in English written or translated by members of the English province of the Society of Jesus and published under Catholic auspices in the twenty-six years from 1615 to 1640.
13
JUŽNIČ, Stanislav Jože. "Central-European Jesuit Scientists in China, and Their Impact on Chinese Science." Asian Studies 3, no. 2 (December 30, 2015): 89–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2015.3.2.89-118.
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This article describes nine Central European Jesuits from the Austrian province who embarked for China in the 17th and 18th centuries. Their European educational networks provide useful insights into the abilities of the absburg Monarchy to meet Chinese Imperial demands. The focus is on feedback of their adopted Chinese network back to their own homes. The Europeans and Chinese-based Jesuits exchanged instruments, books, artifacts, and letters. The exception was Johannes Grueber, who personally traveled back to Europe accompanied by Diestel from Carniola, and helped Athanasius Kircher to produce the appealing legend of Jesuit astronomical heroes in Beijing.The Jesuits acted as intermediate in the exchange of know-how between Europe and China. In modern Chinese eyes they were also somewhat viewed as spies, who helped European military and economic victories in the mid-19th century. Modern China is now as strong as it was in the times of Old Jesuit Society, therefore the Europocentric history of science must be rewritten from the standpoint of today’s winning Chinese economy. What kind of science will Western Civilization import from the future Chinese literati? The Jesuits’ transfer of European Sciences to the Far-Easterners caused the reverse impact from seemingly less developed centers of Far East that was felt in Jesuits’ times, but much more is to follow in the near future. We could expect the fundamental future Chinese achievements in cosmology, especially in Einstein’s general theory of relativity.
14
Restif-Filliozat, Manonmani. "The Jesuit Contribution to the Geographical Knowledge of India in the Eighteenth Century." Journal of Jesuit Studies 6, no. 1 (March 11, 2019): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00601006.
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While the mapping activities of French Jesuits in China and New France have been extensively studied, those in India have received less attention. While benefiting from the French crown’s interest in using the Jesuits as a tool for empire, they did not help develop an overarching imperial structure like that of Spain and Portugal or that of the Manchu Qing Dynasty. The work of Jean-Venant Bouchet (1655–1732), Louis-Noël de Bourzes (1673–1735), Claude Moriset (1667–1742), Claude-Stanislas Boudier (1686–1757), Gaston-Laurent Cœurdoux (1691–1779), and many others was instead important in building linkages between institutions and individuals in Europe and India. It further allowed commercial cartographers in Paris and London like Guillaume Delisle (1675–1726), Jean-Baptiste d’Anville (1697–1782), and James Rennell (1742–1830) to develop a more sophisticated picture of the interior of India.
15
Ignacimuthu S.J., Savarimuthu. "The Contributions of South Asian Jesuits to Environmental Work." Journal of Jesuit Studies 3, no. 4 (September 30, 2016): 619–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00304005.
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Almost from the moment they arrived there in 1542, Jesuits in India and Sri Lanka have made substantial contributions to the scientific disciplines. In the initial stages they were not directly involved in environmental works, but in recent years many are taking the initiative to work for environmental justice. Some Jesuits are involved in raising awareness on environmental issues, such as promoting reforestation and watershed programs, whereas others work to provide safe drinking water or to prevent tree-felling, while others study local biodiversity and are creating and maintaining botanical gardens. Other environmental projects include the promotion of solar energy, biopesticides and biofertilizers for organic farming, the micropropagation of rare, endangered, and threatened (rets) plant species (so that they may be replanted in greater numbers), the formation of local centers and eco clubs where students and others can collaborate for a healthier environment. Several Jesuits are also active politically assuming advocacy roles, and writing books and research articles in the interest of environmental conservation. A select few Jesuits are even recognized on a national level for their contributions to environmental causes.
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Zeron, Carlos. "From Farce to Tragedy." Journal of Jesuit Studies 2, no. 3 (June 29, 2015): 387–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00203002.
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This article relates the story of the rivalry between Portuguese, Brazilian, and foreign Jesuits in the province of Brazil, seeking to identify when, how, and why an internal dispute became enmeshed in the Society of Jesus’s relationship with the outside world. In fact, the riots caused by the 1680 enactment of the charter of freedom of the Indians not only deepened divisions among Jesuits in Brazil, but also involved representatives of residents, governors, and the Portuguese crown in the Society’s internal affairs. António Vieira’s defeat in this dispute contributed to the broader defeat of the colonial tutelage project implemented by Manuel da Nóbrega beginning in the mid-sixteenth century (and which Vieira still advocated in his last political text, in 1694), as well as to the suspension of the aforementioned charter.
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Cañeque, Alejandro. "In the Shadow of Francis Xavier: Martyrdom and Colonialism in the Jesuit Asian Missions." Journal of Jesuit Studies 9, no. 3 (March 4, 2022): 438–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-09030007.
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Abstract This article focuses on the violent deaths of the Jesuit missionaries Rodolfo Acquaviva, Marcello Mastrilli, and Diego Luis de San Vítores, who were killed in the course of their evangelical endeavors in India, Japan, and the Mariana Islands, respectively. It elucidates the ways in which the figure of St. Francis Xavier intersected with the Jesuit ideal of martyrdom, while situating the three martyred Jesuits within the history of Iberian imperialism and colonialism. Xavier became the dominant Jesuit image of apostolic sanctity, and he greatly energized the evangelical zeal of many Jesuits, eager to missionize in distant East Asia. At the same time, the Jesuit evangelical impulse in the early modern period became closely intertwined with the desire for martyrdom. In their efforts to create saintly figures of the three slain missionaries, Jesuit authors would establish a special connection between St. Francis Xavier and the martyred Jesuits, Mastrilli and San Vítores being described as almost perfect replicas of the saint, even though Xavier never experienced martyrdom.
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Sweetman, Will, and Ines G. Županov. "Rival Mission, Rival Science? Jesuits and Pietists in Seventeenth- and Eighteenth-Century South India." Comparative Studies in Society and History 61, no. 3 (June 28, 2019): 624–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417519000203.
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AbstractTwo European missionary teams, one Catholic and the other Protestant, encountered each other in the Tamil country in the first decade of the eighteenth century. They acted as if and thought that their goals were irreconcilable, even if the Protestants in Tranquebar admitted that the Catholic Jesuit proselytism in the region had been efficient as “preparatio evangelicae” for the Protestant mission. Jesuits and Pietists were not only rivals; they also collaborated, uneasily and unequally, in collecting, processing, and disseminating knowledge. Missionary linguistic and medico-botanical expertise was considered an indispensable proselytizing tool, and it showcased their “scientific” achievements that were admired and envied in Europe. Both Pietists and Jesuits of this period were fighting the early Enlightenment atheists while feeding them the materials from the missions. Both missionary groups were also victims of Enlightenment historiography. Despite their theological differences, they were far closer in their practices than either the missionaries themselves or their historians, who have mostly written from the same denominational perspective, have been willing to acknowledge. In part this was because the Protestants, especially their mission's founders, relied on both texts and converts produced by their Catholic rivals.
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Frakes, Mark A. "Governor Ribera and the War of Oranges on Paraguay's Frontiers." Americas 45, no. 4 (April 1989): 489–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007309.
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The great economic and political changes in the Río de la Plata of the late 1700s penetrated not only Buenos Aires and the interior of present-day Argentina, but upriver the hitherto neglected province of Paraguay shared the reforms of the Intendant system and economic liberalization. Those changes, along with the expulsion of the Jesuits, produced a shift in the economy of this region from the Paraná-Tebicuary area to the northern frontier of that province. The impelling economic motive for that shift was the north's greater ability to meet the demand for Paraguay's primary export, yerba mate. By the 1780s, northern Paraguay experienced a greater exploitation of yerbales, both to the benefit of independent entrepreneurs and government revenues.
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Burke, Peter. "The Jesuits and the Globalization of the Renaissance." Cultural History 9, no. 2 (October 2020): 156–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/cult.2020.0219.
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Following a brief discussion of comparative and entangled history, and of the extension of studies of the Renaissance to the world beyond Europe, this article focusses on the Jesuits as carriers of the ideas and forms of the European Renaissance to their mission stations in Asia and the Americas. In their attempts to adapt or ‘accommodate’ Christianity to the cultures of the peoples that they were attempting to convert, Jesuit missionaries made use of Renaissance humanism, rhetoric, grammar and the concern with manners and customs that was later known as ethnography. The missionaries also made use of art and architecture in the Renaissance style to reinforce the Christian message. Their use of local craftsmen had the unintended consequence of introducing new elements into this western style, producing a hybrid art. However, without wanting it or even knowing it, the Jesuits prepared the way for the later reception of western art in India, China and Japan.
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Łukaszewska-Haberkowa, Justyna. "The Teaching Model and Basic Religious Texts Prepared by Jesuits Working in Lithuania and Poland from the 2nd half of the 16th c. to the 1st half of the 17th c." Vilnius University Open Series, no. 2 (July 30, 2021): 469–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/vllp.2021.29.
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The article shortly describes the model of teaching and basic religious texts written in Lithuanian in the 2nd half of the 16th c. and in the first half of the 17th c. by Jesuits in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The fundamental goal of the Jesuit Society was to spread the Christian faith. To this aim the best and most effective methods were utilised. In the described period two forms of education coexisted, namely the system of schools and pastoral work within the society. While the former focussed on teaching Latin, the latter contributed to the development and codification of vernaculars, and specifically Lithuanian. Good understanding and established social relations were the objective of Jesuits. Pastoral work in a way preceded ethnolinguistic studies.Only those priests and brothers were selected for work with people who knew the language, at least to some extent. The knowledge of Latin was regarded as obvious. The teaching of languages in the spoken and written form was first based on the skills of individual brothers, but after a certain time a seminar devoted to the languages of the Commonwealth was founded. As the time passed and the Lithuanian Province developed, more attention was payed to the culture and development of the language. It was commonly used in apostolic work – in sermons, liturgical texts and pious literature throughout Lithuania. The teaching model applied by Jesuits also contributed, albeit indirectly, to the development of the Lithuanian language and culture.
22
Beeston, A. F. L. "Corrigendum." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 3, no. 2 (July 1993): 323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s135618630000482x.
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Dr S. Munro-Hay has kindly drawn my attention to an error in my review of his Aksum, an African civilisation (JRAS 3rd ser. vol. 2, 1992, p. 250) where, in commenting on Munro-Hay's pp. 220–1, I made it seem as if the source for the last sentence about the composition of Kaleb's invasion flotilla is Procopius. In fact, the source is the anonymous sixth-century A.D. Martyrdom of St Arethas. The passage deserves quoting in full (pp. 44–5 in Boissonade's edition): “By the providence of our Saviour Jesus Christ there had arrived sixty ships belonging to Roman, Persian, Indian and Farasanite traders, namely 1 s from Aila, 20 from Clusma, 7 from Berenike, 2 from Iotaba, 7 from Farasan, 9 from India. The king, gathering all these in a certain harbour named Gabaza on the seashore below the coastal town of Adulis, ordered them to (anchor close ?) to land. He himself also caused ten ‘Indian’ ships to be built.” By “Indian” ships here is meant boats constructed in the local Red Sea style. The verb queried is , a hapax said by Sophokles in his Byzantine Greek dictionary to be synonymous with ; though the context would have suggested to me rather "be drawn up on land” or “be beached‛.
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Shore, Paul. "Two Hungarian Jesuits and the Qur'an: Understanding, Misunderstanding, and Polemic." Journal of Qur'anic Studies 20, no. 3 (October 2018): 81–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jqs.2018.0352.
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Two Hungarian Jesuits active in the early seventeenth century, Stephanus Arator and Peter Pázmány, wrote polemical pieces drawing on the Qur'an. Arator's work, Confutatio alcorani (1610) relies on the 1543 Bibliander edition of the translation made by Robert of Ketton and on Juan Andrés’ Confusión o confutación de la secta Mahomética y del Alcorán. Pázmány, in his Az mostan tamat uy tvdomaniok hamissaganak (1605) also draws on Bibliander, while presenting his own translations of, and commentaries on, Bibliander into Hungarian, the language of Pázmány's work. Both Arator and Pázmány were influenced more by the political and confessional dynamics surrounding them than by any apparent desire to grasp the meaning of the Qur'an. The crisis that both Catholicism and, more broadly, European Christianity, faced in the early seventeenth century overshadows these Jesuits’ efforts to explore the Qur'an. Pázmány, in particular, uses the Qur'an to make a case against Protestant sects and Unitarians, whose influence and numbers had greatly increased in Hungary. However further study of the Jesuit Austrian Province, in which both men worked, is needed to understand more fully the factors shaping these two examples of anti-Qur'anic literature.
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Thomas, Hannah. "Missioners on the Margins? The Territorial Headquarters of the Welsh Jesuit College of St Francis Xavier at The Cwm, c.1600–1679." British Catholic History 32, no. 2 (October 2014): 173–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200032155.
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This paper will discuss the history of the College of St Francis Xavier, the Welsh territorial district of the English Province of the Society of Jesus, and the history of Jesuit association with its headquarters, the Cwm farms at Llanrothal, near Hereford. One of 12 territorial divisions created by the Society of Jesus upon the creation of the English Province by 1623, the College of St Francis Xavier and its extensive surviving library, now housed at Hereford Cathedral, is being analysed as part of a three-year project funded by the UK Arts and Humanities Research Council [AHRC]. The article argues for a re-evaluation of the Welsh District and its importance to the successes of the English Jesuit Province, concluding that, far from being a small, local missionary outpost of the English Province of the Society of Jesus, the College of St Francis Xavier, or the Welsh District, was in fact a diverse, vibrant and crucially important lynchpin in the successes of the Jesuits in England and Wales.
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Banerjee, Somaditya. "Science and Culture through the Lens of Travel Narratives of Jesuits of India." Science and Culture 85, no. 7-8 (July 19, 2019): 235. http://dx.doi.org/10.36094/scienceandculture.v85.2019.banerjee.235.
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Paiano, Maria. "Italian Jesuits and the Great War: Chaplains and Priest-Soldiers of the Province of Rome." Journal of Jesuit Studies 4, no. 4 (August 8, 2017): 637–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00404006.
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This essay traces the history of the assistance afforded to soldiers by Italian military chaplains during First World War. It focuses on the Catholics’ commitment to permeating the army, with the foundation of clubs and the printing of texts containing instructions and prayers for the spiritual training of enlisted men. These books show a more patriotic inspiration than their predecessors, because for the Roman Church conquering the army meant conquering the Italian unitary state. In particular, the article reconstructs the role of the Jesuit Carlo Massaruti, the author of a book for soldiers and promoter of an association for recruits before the war. The chaplains and priest-soldiers mobilized, however, were many and various. Their experience is highlighted in L’Eco dei nostri militari, a bulletin founded by the Roman province of the Society, which published the correspondence between the priests on the front and their provincial superiors. These letters furnish a vivid fresco of the work done by the Jesuits alongside the soldiers.
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RODRIGUES, LUIZ FERNANDO MEDEIROS. "O retorno da Companhia, a partir das missões populares dos jesuítas espanhóis, no extremo sul do Brasil (1842-1867) * The return of the Company, as from the popular missions of the Spanish Jesuits, in extreme Southern Brazil (1842-1867)." História e Cultura 3, no. 2 (September 22, 2014): 316. http://dx.doi.org/10.18223/hiscult.v3i2.983.
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<p><strong>Resumo: </strong>Durante os primeiros anos do Segundo Reinado (1840-1889), a Província de São Pedro do Rio Grande estava em estado de agitação política, conseqüência da guerra civil, conhecida como Revolução Farroupilha (1835-1845). É neste contexto que o retorno dos jesuítas ao Brasil e missões foi feito na região sul do país, entre 1842-1845. Este artigo tem como objetivo buscar compreender os acontecimentos que tornaram possível a "restauração" da Companhia de Jesus no Brasil. A ação missionária desses jesuítas nos permitirá compreender o modus operandi dos jesuítas, também o método seguido em missões populares, destacando as necessárias alianças que entrelaçaram com o clero diocesano, visando enfrentar a resistência das elites maçônico-liberais.</p><p><strong>Palavras-chave:</strong> Jesuítas – Missões populares – Restauração da Companhia.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Abstract: </strong>During the first years of the second reign (1840-1889), the Province of St. Pedro do Rio Grande was in a state of political upheaval, a consequence of the civil war, known as Farroupilha Revolution (1835-1845). It is in this context that the return of the Jesuits to Brazil and missions was made in the southern region of the country, between 1842-1845. This article aims to seek to understand the events that made possible the “restoration” of the Society of Jesus in Brazil. The missionary action of these Jesuits will enable us to understand the the modus operandi of the Jesuits, also the method followed in popular missions, stressing the necessary alliances that had entwine with the diocesan clergy, in addition to facing the resistance of the Masonic-liberal elites.</p><p><strong>Keywords</strong>: Jesuits – Popular Missions – Company Restoration. <strong></strong></p><p> </p>
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Paiva, José Pedro. "Concord and cooperation: Juan de Albuquerque, Bishop of Goa, and the first Jesuits in Asia (1542-1553)." Tempo 28, no. 2 (May 2022): 43–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/tem-1980-542x2022v280203.
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Abstract: Historiography has already shown that the relationship between the Society of Jesus and other institutions and agents in the religious field has given way to various controversies. This article analyses the atmosphere created between the first Jesuits who reached Asia and the Franciscan bishop Juan de Albuquerque, who ruled the diocese when they settled there in 1542, headed by Francis Xavier. What was the pattern of their relationship? How did they cooperate? Why did they keep a climate of concord and cooperation? This is the context and the problematic here discussed. Different scales of analysis will be adopted, and this combinatory perspective will reveal the structural reasons, but also the specific behavior of the agents who are entangled in this relationship, showing how this type of contingency is crucial to understand the climate created between the Jesuits and the bishop who, in India, structured the first Portuguese diocese in Asia.
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Vink, Markus P. M. "Church and State in Seventeenth-Century Colonial Asia: Dutch-Parava Relations in Southeast India in a Comparative Perspective." Journal of Early Modern History 4, no. 1 (2000): 1–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006500x00123.
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AbstractThis article is a comparative study of the relationship between church and state in seventeenth-century colonial Asia in general and South India in particular. In an era when political and religious loyalties were deemed interchangeable, the division of temporal and spiritual authority over the Parava community along the Madurai coast between the Dutch and the Portuguese, respectively, stands out as a unique arrangement. By the end of the seventeenth century, an informal understanding was reached according to which Portuguese Jesuits would exercise religious authority even in areas under immediate Dutch jurisdiction, while the Calvinist Dutch would claim wordly authority over the Roman Catholic Paravas. The arrangement on the Madurai Coast is compared with Dutch policy vis-à-vis similar Indo-Portuguese Catholic communities in other Asian "conquests" where they exercised territorial jurisdiction, such as Maluku (the Moluccas), Batavia (Jakarta), and Melaka (Malacca). The Luso-Dutch accommodation in southeast India is also examined in light of English religious policy at Fort St. George, Madras (Chennai), towards local Indo-Portuguese groups. The understanding between the Protestant English and French Capuchins differed markedly from the working arrangement between the Dutch and the Portuguese Jesuits. This dual comparative framework merely serves to emphasize the singularity of the "Madurai solution."
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Sharma, Vinod K. "Heritage stones in India." Geological Society, London, Special Publications 486, no. 1 (September 17, 2019): 325–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1144/sp486-2017-151.
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AbstractIndia has a great variety of natural stones that have been extensively used as dimension, ornamental and sculptural stone for numerous temples and monuments over many centuries. These temples and monuments, now heritage sites, have a major role in showcasing India's natural stone resources that occur in diverse geological formations of different geological systems across the Indian subcontinent. The formations contain a variety of stone, with colours and textures produced by varied geological processes thus providing a storehouse of diverse stone resources. This paper outlines four potential Global Heritage Stone Provinces where natural stones have been used in heritage monuments: the North and Northwestern Province, the Central and Western Peninsular Province, the Southern Peninsular Province and the Eastern and Northeastern Province. The geotechnical and aesthetic characteristics of the stones, and their response to weathering are discussed.
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Schouten, Jan Peter. "A Foreign Culture Baptised: Roberto de Nobili and the Jesuits." Exchange 47, no. 2 (April 18, 2018): 183–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1572543x-12341477.
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Abstract Roberto de Nobili (1577-1656) was a key figure in the history of Christian missions in India. Based in Madurai, capital of a Hindu kingdom, he tried to reach the local Brahmins by accommodating completely to their way of life. He mastered Indian languages and studied the holy scriptures of Hinduism thoroughly. In many writings, he testified to a remarkable acquaintanceship of Hindu thinking and spirituality. His dialogical attitude brought him into conflict with both conservative Hindus and the leaders of his own Jesuit order. Later generations admired ‘the Christian sannyāsī’ for his phenomenal knowledge of languages and scriptures and his daring attempts to design Indian means of expression for the gospel. However, during the last quarter of a century, De Nobili has been criticized by Dalit theologians because of his complete adjustment to caste relations, including discrimination against low-caste people.
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Barnes SJ, Michael. "Personal Discernment and Dialogue. Learning from ‘the Other’." European Journal for Philosophy of Religion 12, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.24204/ejpr.v12i4.3615.
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This article considers the theme of discernment in the tradition of Ignatian spirituality emanating from the Spiritual Exercises of St Ignatius of Loyola (1491-1556), the founder of the Society of Jesus (Jesuits). After a brief introduction which addresses the central problematic of bad influences that manifest themselves as good, the article turns to the life and work of two Jesuits, the 16th C English missionary to India, Thomas Stephens and the 20th C French historian and cultural critic, Michel de Certeau. Both kept up a constant dialogue with local culture in which they sought authenticity in their response to ‘events’, whether a hideous massacre which shaped the pastoral commitment and writing of Stephens in the south of the Portuguese enclave of Goa or the 1968 student-led protests in Paris that so much affected the thinking of de Certeau. Very different in terms of personal background and contemporary experience, they both share in a tradition of discernment as a virtuous response to what both would understand as the ‘wisdom of the Spirit’ revealed in their personal interactions with ‘the other’.
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Lee, Chao-Ying. "Taiwan’s Appearance in the 18th Century Travelogue: Taking the Text of Histoire générale des voyages by Prévost." Asian Studies, no. 2 (December 1, 2011): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2011.-15.2.1-20.
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There are a total of 15 volumes of Histoire générale des voyages written by Antoine François Prévost (1693–1763), which were published between 1746 and 1759. The 6th volume introduced China, in Section 4 of Chapter 1, the part of Fujian Province specially introduced geographic travelogues of Penghu and Taiwan. This thesis is an attempt to probe and criticize the historical European travelogue literature about China and Taiwan, specifically in terms of this Prévost’s travelogue volumes. What are the points of view presented, based on the reports of Jesuits and Protestants from Holland and England? What aspects of different traditional books did Prévost base his work on? Why? What kind ofoutlook on Taiwan was presented in their reports?
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McCoog, Thomas M. "Richard Langhorne and the Popish Plot1." Recusant History 19, no. 4 (October 1989): 499–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200020446.
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Late in February of 1677/8, Edward Petre wrote about the approaching provincial congregation to his fellow Jesuit William Tunstall. He reminded Tunstall that, as one of the senior professed fathers of the English province, Tunstall ought to be present at the meeting and he relayed the provincial's instructions that the individual Jesuits be in London on 21 April so that the actual congregation could convene on the 24th. ‘Lest occasion should be given to suspect the designe,’ no one should either appear in London before 21 April or travel publicly around the city. If Tunstall were unable to attend, he was to inform the provincial as soon as possible so that another could be named in his stead.
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Manning, Patricia W. "Disciplining Brothers in the Seventeenth-Century Jesuit Province of Aragon." Renaissance and Reformation 37, no. 2 (September 8, 2014): 115–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v37i2.21812.
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This article studies the leave-taking process in the Society of Jesus’ Province of Aragon. According to the Constitutions of the Society of Jesus and decrees of General Congregation 7, the community could decide to dismiss a Jesuit or an individual could request to depart. Provincial and Roman authorities consulted about leave-takings. Although Ignatius of Loyola favoured immediate dismissal of misbehaving men, by the seventeenth century the process had evolved. As archival references demonstrate, the religious community developed atonement processes, including confinement, for wayward Jesuits in the hopes of reforming poor comportment.
Cet article analyse le système mis en place de la Compagnie de Jésus concernant les congés et renvois dans la Province d’Aragon. Selon les Constitutions de la Compagnie de Jésus et les décrets de la Congrégation Générale 7, la congrégation pouvait décider de renvoyer un jésuite ou un particulier pouvait faire la démarche de demander un congé de la communauté. Les autorités romaines et provinciales se consultaient au sujet des renvois et congés. Bien qu’Ignace de Loyola préférât le renvoi immédiat des hommes de mauvaise conduite, le système évolua à partir du dix-septième siècle. Comme le révèle les archives de la Société, la Compagnie de Jésus développa des procédures pour l’expiation, parmi lesquels la détention, pour les jésuites réfractaires dans l’espoir de réformer leur mauvaise conduite.
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H. Meurer, Peter. "Oscar Werner, S.J., and the Reform of Catholic Atlas Cartography in Germany (1884–88)." Journal of Jesuit Studies 6, no. 1 (March 11, 2019): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00601009.
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The article describes a short but innovative chapter in the history of Catholic atlas making. The work was done by exiled German Jesuits in the Dutch houses after the expulsion of the Jesuits in 1872 during the Kulturkampf. The project began in 1880–81 with four maps of China and India in the Catholic journal Die katholischen Missionen by Alexander Baumgartner, S.J. (1841–1910). His work was taken over by Oscar Werner, S.J. (1849–?). Werner’s Katholischer Missions-Atlas (1884) was the first Catholic missionary atlas. Its twenty-seven maps covered the worldwide dioceses subject to the Propaganda Fide. The supplementary Katholischer Kirchen-Atlas (1888) included fourteen maps of lands with an established Catholic hierarchy. Published in a large number of copies for a low price, both atlases helped to popularize Catholic cartography. This Jesuit groundwork abruptly ended when Werner resigned from the Society in 1891. The German tradition in Catholic atlas cartography was then taken over by members of Society of Divine Word, beginning with the Katholischer Missionsatlas (1906) by Karl Streit svd (1874–1935) and continuing for over a century with the Atlas hierarchicus (1913–2011).
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LIŠČAK, Vladimir. "Karel Slavíček, SJ and His Correspondence from China with European Astronomers and Scholars." Asian Studies 3, no. 2 (December 30, 2015): 59–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2015.3.2.59-74.
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Karel Slaviček, SJ (1678–1735) was a Jesuit missionary to Chinese Empire, and in the same time the mathematician, astronomer and musician, coming from the Czech Crown lands. He was one of the eight Jesuits of the old Bohemian province who reached China. His letters from China are an ample source of his observation of life and customs in China, as well as of Chinese science. These letters in Czech translation, together with their originals (mostly in Latin), were published, for the first time, in 1995. This edition was later translated into Chinese and published in 2002 in Beijing. This article aims to acquaint the readers with the scientific contribution of Karel Slaviček, which we can found primarily in his letters to European scholars published so far.
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Barros, Maria Cândida D. M. "The Office of Lingua: A Portrait of the Religious Tupi Interpreter in Brazil in the Sixteenth Century." Itinerario 25, no. 2 (July 2001): 110–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300008858.
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In the above quotation, the Jesuit, Manuel da Nóbrega, chose a lingua (Gonçalo Alvares) as interlocutor for his Dialogue on the Conversion of Pagans The expression lingua (literally: tongue), in the sense of interpreter, or a person with a gift of oratory in Tupi-language, usually appears in Jesuit letters and catalogues as an attribute of some of its members. For example, in the catalogue of priests and brothers of Bahia, 1566, it is said that Gaspar Lourenco ‘acts as the lingua of Father Antonio Pires’, then vice-provincial of the Mission in Brazil. In another list of Jesuits in the Province of Brazil, in 1600, there are fifty-eight names qualified as linguas, almost one-third of the general members.
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Agmon, Danna. "Law in Theory, Law in Practice." Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques 45, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 28–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/hrrh.2019.450103.
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Letters written by early modern missionaries played an important role in the development of global intellectual networks and inquiry into religion, language, cartography, and science. But the historical ethnography of law has not recognized the role that Jesuits played in creating the field of comparative law. This article examines the writings on law in India by the French Jesuit Jean-Venant Bouchet, who was an important source for Enlightenment philosophes and later Orientalists. It considers Bouchet’s systemic accounts of Indian law alongside his more ethnographic description of his legal encounters in South India, and argues that the practice of conversion and experiences in local legal fora determined and shaped Bouchet’s interpretation of Indian law. In other words, legal scholarship was produced in spiritual, religious, and political contexts, and cannot be abstracted from them.
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Crook, David. "A Sixteenth-Century Catalog of Prohibited Music." Journal of the American Musicological Society 62, no. 1 (2009): 1–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.2009.62.1.1.
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In 1575 the Jesuit general in Rome issued an ordinance governing the use of music in the order's rapidly expanding network of colleges. Motets, masses, hymns, "and other pious compositions" were to be retained; indecent and "vain" music was to be burned. Sixteen years later the Jesuits' provincial administrator in Bavaria drew up a set of supplemental instructions, to which was appended a catalog of prohibited music as well as a complementary list of approved compositions (D-Mbs Clm 9237). Verbal texts treating drunkenness and erotic love account for the majority of banned pieces, but in some cases—a setting of the first verse of Psalm 137 by Orlando di Lasso, for example—the sound and style of the music led to its prohibition. Although intended for all colleges within the Jesuits' Upper German province, this catalog apparently derives solely from a review of the music collection of Munich's college on the occasion of its move in 1591 to a magnificent new building financed by the duke of Bavaria. Like the architecture and curriculum of the college, the music catalog reflected Bavaria's new understanding of its role as principal post-Tridentine defender of the true faith. And, like the formal confessions of faith, catechisms, and service books promulgated by Europe's Churches during the late sixteenth century, Bavaria's catalog of prohibited music gave expression to an ideology of difference and exclusion that lies at the very heart of post-Reformation Christianity.
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Shrivastava, J. P., and S. K. Pattanayak. "Basalts of the Eastern Deccan Volcanic Province, India." Gondwana Research 5, no. 3 (July 2002): 649–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1342-937x(05)70636-5.
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Krishnamurthy, P. "The Deccan Volcanic Province (DVP), India: A Review." Journal of the Geological Society of India 96, no. 1 (July 2020): 9–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12594-020-1501-5.
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Krishnamurthy, P. "The Deccan Volcanic Province (DVP), India: A Review." Journal of the Geological Society of India 96, no. 2 (August 2020): 111–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12594-020-1521-1.
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cruz, paula de la. "Vendimia Celebrations." Gastronomica 12, no. 2 (2012): 83–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2012.12.2.83.
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On a crisp fall day in April 1936, Delia Larrive Escudero was picking grapes for the family's table at the small vineyard her father kept at the back of their house when she received a visit from her brother, who bore good news. Her father had given his consent—she was only sixteen-years-old—for Delia to enter the first official Queen of the Grape Harvest (reina de la vendimia) competition, in the province of Mendoza, in western Argentina. She would represent Godoy Cruz, one of Mendoza's seventeen departments, each with its own particular terrain, from the lush creeks shaded by pine forests of Tunuyan to the vast barren valleys of clay soil of Tupungato. Like many others in the province, Delia was from an immigrant family. Over hundreds of years, immigrants—principally from Italy and Spain—had transformed the desert at the feet of the Andes into vineyards that bear a bounty of fruit to this day. Mendoza has been celebrating the harvest in one way or another since Spanish colonists, and Jesuits introduced grapes to Argentina (via Chile) in the late 1500s as a source for sweet Mass wine.
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Kale, Vivek S., Gauri Dole, Priyanka Shandilya, and Kanchan Pande. "Stratigraphy and correlations in Deccan Volcanic Province, India: Quo vadis?" GSA Bulletin 132, no. 3-4 (June 18, 2019): 588–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.1130/b35018.1.
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Abstract The Deccan Volcanic Province (DVP) is significant for its eruption close to Cretaceous–Paleogene (K-Pg) boundary. Chemostratigraphy established in its western parts is the foundation of postulated long distance correlations across the province and consequential models of its eruptive history. A critical review of diagnostic parameters used to characterize stratigraphic units shows them to be probabilistic rather than deterministic and therefore, they are ambiguous. We compile the previously overlooked mapping into district-wise altitude-controlled logs across the province. A reappraisal of the chronological and paleomagnetic data for the DVP shows that volcanism was not concurrent across the province and questions the validity of previous correlations. This analysis also shows that at least three separate eruptive phases occurred in disparate parts of the province, spread over ∼7 million years, of which only one preceded the K-Pg boundary. We resurrect an eruptive model involving multiple eruptive centers and endorse a zonal stratigraphy for the DVP. This approach provides a better context for correlations than the prevailing stratigraphy that clubs the entire province into a single entity.
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Murphy, Martin. "A House Divided: The Fall of the Herberts of Powis, 1688–1775." Recusant History 26, no. 1 (May 2002): 88–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200030727.
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In addition to his major work on the English Jesuit province as a whole during the 18th century, Geoffrey Holt has made many valuable contributions to more local studies. One such is his article on ‘Jesuits in Montgomeryshire, 1670–1873’, published in 1993. In it he noted the Jesuit practice of depositing funds with a wealthy family of the district, as with a bank. Thus the funds of the Residence of St. Winefrid (North Wales) were deposited with the Marquess of Powis. Sebastian Redford, the Jesuit chaplain at Powis Castle in the 1740’s, had reason to complain of the Marquess’ dilatoriness in paying the interest due, and feared that the Society might come to regret having entrusted large sums to a family ‘whose circumstances are more and more on the decline’. His fears were justified.
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Melean, Jorge Troisi. "“Esclavos y jesuitas: explotación, control y negociación en la Argentina colonial”." REVISTA PLURI 1, no. 1 (January 23, 2019): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.26843/rpv112018p161-170.
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El territorio que actualmente ocupa la Argentina correspondía a la Provincia jesuítica del Paraguay, donde se erigieron los colegios de Buenos Aires, Córdoba, Corrientes, La Rioja, Salta, Santa Fe, Santiago del Estero, Tucumán, la Universidad de Córdoba y la residencia de Catamarca. Hacia 1767, más de 3.500 esclavos afroamericanos se encontraban trabajando en cada una de las propiedades de los colegios y residencias del territorio argentino colonial, una porción de la Provincia jesuítica del Paraguay. Los esclavos constituían un factor esencial del sistema jesuita. Prácticamente un 30% del capital ignaciano en la región estaba invertido en ellos.Palabras- Clave: Esclavos, Jesuitas, Control, Exploración, NegociaciónAbstractThe territory currently occupied by Argentina corresponded to the Jesuit Province of Paraguay, where the schools of Buenos Aires, Córdoba, Corrientes, La Rioja, Salta, Santa Fe, Santiago del Estero, Tucumán, the University of Córdoba and the residence of Catamarca By 1767, more than 3,500 African-American slaves were working on each of the properties of the colleges and residences of the colonial Argentine territory, a portion of the Jesuit Province of Paraguay. Slaves were an essential factor in the Jesuit system. Almost 30% of the Ignatian capital in the region was invested in them.Keywords: Slaves, Jesuits, Control, Exploration, Negotiation
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Rafferty, Oliver P. "Book Reviews: The Jesuits in India 1542-1773. By John Correia-Afonso. Anand, Gujarat, India: Gujarat Sahitya Prakash, 1997. Pp. xii + 284. Price $10.00." Irish Theological Quarterly 67, no. 4 (December 2002): 414–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002114000206700424.
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Mariani, Andrea. "Jesuits of the Lithuanian Province in the Face of the Epidemic of Plague in the Years 1708–1711 (English language)." Zapiski Historyczne lxxxi, no. 2 (January 25, 2017): 65–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.15762/zh.2016.65.
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Cattaneo, Angelo. "Entangled Histories, Catholic Missions and Languages." Cromohs - Cyber Review of Modern Historiography 25 (January 31, 2023): 18–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/cromohs-13822.
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This essay focuses on the heterogeneous missionary contexts connected to the Portuguese Empire, in the hemisphere assigned to Portugal by the Treaty of Tordesillas (1494) and Zaragoza (1529), ranging from Brasil, Sub-Saharan Africa, to India, Vietnam, China and Japan. In these plural missionary contexts, between ca. 1540 to 1650, Portuguese was used, mostly by the Jesuits and their more numerous local native mediators, as translational language for several idioms unknown in Europe. These early modern linguistic and cultural translations of living languages based on Portuguese as translational language, have largely been overlooked outside of the field of missionary linguistics. This essay highlights instead their strong documentary potential, meaning and implications, beyond linguistics, with respect to current debates on early modern global history and its periodization.