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Journal articles on the topic 'Jesus and the victory of God'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 3 February 2022

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1

Perrin, Nicholas. "From One Stone to the Next." Journal for the Study of the Historical Jesus 13, no. 2-3 (May 5, 2015): 255–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455197-01302007.

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Some twenty years after the publication of N.T. Wright’s Jesus and the Victory of God, this article seeks to engage that volume’s treatment of the Temple in relationship to Jesus’ messiahship. While the present author finds Wright’s overall account to be persuasive, questions are raised regarding the link posited between Jesus’ messianic claims and the destruction of the Temple. Here, in dialogue with Jesus and the Victory of God, it is argued that Jesus asserted his messiahship not on the basis of some general authority over the Temple (involving among other things its future destruction), but on the more specific claim that he would be the one to rebuild the Temple. Such a claim is not only historically defensible in the Sitz im Leben Jesu, but also does better justice to the Second Temple Jewish and early Christian belief.

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Achtemeier, Paul J. "Book Review: Jesus and the Victory of God." Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 52, no. 3 (July 1998): 299–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002096430005200309.

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Harvey, A. E. "Book Review: Jesus and the Victory of God." Theology 100, no. 796 (July 1997): 295–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x9710000416.

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Brown, Schuyler. "Book Review: Jesus and the Victory of God." Theological Studies 59, no. 2 (May 1998): 322–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004056399805900208.

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Crossan, John Dominic. "What Victory? What God? A Review Debate with N. T. Wright on Jesus and the Victory of God." Scottish Journal of Theology 50, no. 3 (August 1997): 345–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930600049620.

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6

Marsh, Clive. "Theological History? N.T. Wright's Jesus and the Victory of God." Journal for the Study of the New Testament 20, no. 69 (July 1998): 77–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0142064x9802006904.

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Wright, N. T. "Doing Justice to Jesus A Response to J.D. Crossan: ‘What Victory? What God?’." Scottish Journal of Theology 50, no. 3 (August 1997): 359–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930600049632.

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8

Yencich, Danny. "The Centurion, Son of God, and Georgia Board of Pardons and Paroles." Horizons in Biblical Theology 39, no. 1 (March 20, 2017): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712207-12341341.

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Against a longstanding tradition of ascribing religious conversion to the centurion who witnesses Jesus’s death in Mark 15:39, I argue that his acclamation of Jesus as υἱὸς θεοῦ is better understood within the narrative as the words of a conquered enemy. The centurion’s confession parallels the responses of unclean spirits and Legion, two other vanquished enemies who, in the moment of defeat, see and name Jesus υἱὸς θεοῦ. By framing the centurion as a defeated enemy, Mark contests the meaning of Jesus’s crucifixion: rather than remembering it as a performance of Roman rule, Mark commemorates it as the summary victory of the rule of God. Turning from an ancient capital offender to a contemporary one, I recast the memory of Kelly Gissendaner, who was executed in Georgia in 2015, and attempt to narrate and commemorate her state-sanctioned death in light of the Markan Jesus’s.

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Courey, David. "Victory in Jesus: Perfectionism, Pentecostal Sanctification, and Luther’s Theology of the Cross." Journal of Pentecostal Theology 22, no. 2 (2013): 257–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455251-02202010.

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This paper examines perfectionist motifs in baptistic Pentecostal notions of sanctification, and asks whether resources to solve this quandary may be found within the tradition itself. Tracing these motifs back to the ‘Finished Work’ theology of William Durham, variations on themes of the Keswick movement are noted. These parallels continue through the institutional period, and recurrence of ‘union with Christ’ and ‘crucifixion with Christ’ tropes are discovered, particularly in the Assemblies of God Pentecostal Evangel. Keswick leader L.E. Maxwell’s classic The Crucified Life provides a direct connection between Pentecostal and Keswick treatments of sanctification. While Pentecostal applications of identification with Christ have led some to draw connections with the Orthodox doctrine of theosis, this paper asserts a closer relationship to Luther’s theology of the cross and offers a means of using resources within the Pentecostal tradition to redefine a non-perfectionist model of sanctification that remains dynamic and cross-centred.

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Viljoen, F. V. "Die betekenis en funksie van die himnes in Openbaring 12-22." Verbum et Ecclesia 23, no. 2 (August 7, 2002): 558–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v23i2.1224.

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The meaning and function of the hymns in Revelation 12-22 The hymns in Revelation 12-22 function as type of commentary, as they interpret the narrative events of the kernel plot. Being separated spatially and in some instances temporally, the hymns offer interpretations on the events and emphasise the basic themes of God’s accomplishment of salvation and judgement through Jesus Christ in the narrative. The final set of hymns in 19:1-8 recall the prior themes recounted through the hymns to form a musical climax. The hymns function as both prolepsis and analepsis in the narrative time, to the creation of the cosmos by God on the one hand, and the final victory of God on the other. As satellelites, the hymns maintain contact with the readers. The hymns function in an assuring sense throughout, constantly reminding of the final victory, one in which the implied reader plays an active role. A better understanding of the use of hymns in Revelation could enrich the use of songs in our liturgy today.

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Casey, Maurice. "Where Wright Is Wrong: a Critical Review of N.T.Wright's Jesus and the Victory of God." Journal for the Study of the New Testament 20, no. 69 (July 1998): 95–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0142064x9802006905.

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Bralewski, Sławomir. "Boże zwycięstwo (ενθεοσ νικη) – „ideologia tryumfu” w "Historii kościelnej" Euzebiusza z Cezarei." Vox Patrum 63 (July 15, 2015): 331–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3567.

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“Ideology of victory” occupied a very important place in Ecclesiastical History by Eusebius of Caesarea. The victory which he described had a sacred dimension. It was God’s triumph in a war which mankind declared on God himself. Its turning point was the appearance of the Word of God, Wisdom, Jesus Christ, who taught people how to worship God the Father and who was given the power, the eternal reign of the everlasting kingdom. Together with his advent, according to Eusebius, a new Christian people came into being. Since it adopted the lifestyle and customs based on piety originating from the beginnings of mankind, it was not, in fact, a new nation. Christians fought a war against evil spirits, which were hostile to people and which hated God, my means of pure love. Christ, as God’s commander in chief, the Lord and the King, led this battle. Eusebius stated that He armed his army with piety and defeated the enemies completely. Victories achieved by Christians over the enemies of God, inspired by the evil spirit and dominated by hubris, had several dimensions: sacral-military, martyr’s and doctrinal. The first one corresponded to the Roman tradition and was connected with the choice of the divine patron, to whose power military victories were attributed. Emperor Constantine played a special role in it, as, on the one hand, he chose the Christian God to be his ally and, on the other hand, was himself chosen by God and became a God’s tool. Having defeated God’s enemies, the Emperor put an end to the war between God and mankind and eliminated all the hatred to Him from the world. From the perspective of martyrdom, Christians seemingly suffered a defeat, while their prosecutors saw the triumph of their own gods in the suffering and death of Christians. In fact, martyrs, under the sign of Christ, the great and undefeated athlete, triumphed giving their life for God, which was God’s victory. As a reward for their sacrifice they received the wonderful wreath of immortality. In the third, doctrinal dimension the truth preached by Christians triumphed over false teachings and predominated over them by virtue of their holiness and wisdom and divine and philosophical principles, on which it was based.

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Nir, Rivka. "The struggle between the ‘image of God’ and Satan in theGreek Life of Adam and Eve." Scottish Journal of Theology 61, no. 3 (August 2008): 327–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930608004067.

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AbstractAccording to a tradition in theGreek Life of Adam and Eve(GLAE), Seth and his mother Eve were confronted by a wild beast that attacked Seth. This article asserts that Seth's battle with the beast should be understood as a struggle between the ‘image of God’ and Satan, and viewed in a Christian context. The claim is based on three aspects of the story: how the beast is described, why it attacked Seth and onlyhecould control it, and why the beast was confined to its dwelling place until the Day of Judgement. The struggle between Seth and the beast/Satan should be seen as a link in the chain of struggle between the image of God and Satan. It begins in Paradise between Adam, the image of God, and Satan, as recounted in the story of Satan's fall from heaven, continues on earth between Seth, Adam's descendant, and Satan, and will culminate with the final victory of Jesus, the ultimate image of God, over Satan at the end of times.

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Fitzmyer, Joseph A. "Jesus and the Victory of God by N. T. Wright Minneapolis, Fortress, 1996. 741 pp. $65.00." Theology Today 55, no. 1 (April 1998): 104–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004057369805500116.

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Popa, Irineu Ion. "Christology of Chalcedon, after the Council of Chalcedon." Studia Teologiczno-Historyczne Śląska Opolskiego 36, no. 1 (April 25, 2019): 15–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.25167/sth.906.

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Those who interpreted the formula of St. Cyril in the opposite direction of the two natures, considered the dogmatic judgments of Pope Leo as a victory, which meant for them a victory of Nestorianism. Consequently, this party did not recognize either the Council of Chalcedon or the local bishops, who received its definition, creating a beginning for the heterodox monophysite Churches. Analyzing this period, we can see that Severus, in his argument, starts from the fact that the Logos is the subject of Jesus Christ’s nature. Being bodiless He became flesh, without changing or becoming another, so He only had the originality of being different. In this way, the word is not a new topic, but a new naturewhere Jesus Christ is absolutely identical with the Logos. An important role in this period was also played by the Scythian monks who appear to Constantinople in a providential moment. Rome and Constantinople being at loggerheads over Zeno’s Henotikon, were now on the verge of a new schism caused by the Christological issue. Therefore, the present study is an analysis on the definition of the Council of Chalcedon in contrast with doctrinal evolutions and arguments. It is with these concerns that we will try to show that in Jesus Christ the manhood nature itself is made to achieve real communion with God and to participate in the uncreated divine life. In this support, St. Maximus will prove that the participation of manhood nature in the Godhead is not in any way marked by passivity, but on the contrary it is genuinely restored.

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Holt, Else Kragelund. "Stat op i Gry, min Gud! Tre gammeltestamentlige salmer, gendigtet af Grundtvig." Grundtvig-Studier 47, no. 1 (January 1, 1996): 77–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v47i1.16226.

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Grundtvig 's version of Three Old Testament HymnsBy Else Kragelund HoltThe article seeks to demonstrate the significance of Grundtvig’s interpretative use of the old Testament in Sangværk /. The methodological inspiration for the study is not to be found in the ongoing Grundtvig research, but in Old Testament exegesis, especially in the shape of Tradition History and Wirkungsgeschickte.The questions raised are not primarily why Grundtvig did so and so with his Old Testament Vorlage, but rather what he did with it. The material of the investigation is three hymns from the Easter part of the Sangværk. According to Grundtvig, SV #206, / de gyldne Himmel-Sale (»In the Golden Halls of Heaven«), was written »after the 16th Psalm of David«. On the basis of its form, this psalm should be designated as a psalm of confidence, i.e. a psalm expressing trust in the Lord’s will to take care of those faithful to him, while life will be burdensome to the godless. The Psalmist presents himself as a man obedient to God (v.2), a man who knows that the Lord has given him counsel (v.7), and that He will not let him meet an untimely death (v. 10). One might expect Grundtvig to use Ps 16 as an expression of the Christian’s joy of life, but this is not what he does. Presumably inspired by Christian Vi’s Danish Bible, he reproduces Ps 16 as a heavenly dialogue between the Father and the Son. The Father consults the Son about how mankind can be delivered. Whereas Ps 16 depicts God as the support of man, Grundtvig uses the words of the psalm as a prediction of Christ supporting the Father’s plan of deliverance. In stanza six the speaker changes: Jesus praises the Father for the help that He will show him, when He is to fight Death. Ps 16, 9-10 becomes a prediction of Jesus’ victory over Death, and Ps 16, 11, correspondingly, a prediction of the Ascension. Grundtvig uses Ps 16 »prophetically«, reinterpreting the Old Testament motif of the guidance of the Lord in a different context. Where Ps 16 has an earthly orientation, the perspective of the reproduction becomes cosmic - and, one might add, part of the Easter service in church.SV #207 - O min Gud, min Gud og Fader! (»Oh, My God, My God and Father!«) is said to be »the 22nd Psalm of David, freely translated«. This is the psalm which opens with Jesus’ last words from the Cross: My God, my God, why hast thou forsaken me? The Old Testament psalm is a personal lament. Vv. 2-22a describe the despair of one, abandoned by God and community, vv. 22b-31 are the praise of a man whose cries have been heard.Grundtvig does not overtly take up the theme of the Passion. Rather he reproduces the psalm very closely, as if to make it usable as a hymn for the Danish church. Nevertheless, a personal adaptation is detectable. First, the hymn talks to God as a father - a divine metaphor, which is not used in the Book of Psalms at all. Here the words from the Cross are traceable. Another vestige of the Passion can be found in the beginning of the hymn, where the poet asks »my God and Father« to »stay with me now«. It seems as if the worshipper has not yet been abandoned, but that he knows that he will be, like Jesus in Gethsemane. Finally, Grundtvig identifies the enemy from whom the worshipper asks to be saved, as Death.In SV #209 - Stat op i Gry, min Gud! stat op! (.Arise at Dawn! My God, Arise.) Grundtvig again translates the Old Testament psalm very closely. PS 68 is a rather martial psalm of thanksgiving for a royal victory, and Grundtvig uses it to portray the victorious resurrection of Christ. Literally between the lines, Grundtvig puts christological interpretations, using allusions to Christmas for instance, and to the Word that bears a giant’s strength. In stanza four Grundtvig changes the reference of the Old Testament psalm to the Wanderings in the Wilderness as a metaphor of fertility and creation (vv. 8-9), using, instead, the stream rising in Eden (Gen 2,4) which he interprets as baptism.What can be concluded is that Grundtvig at the same time re-writes and reinterprets the Old Testament poetry more or less in the tradition of how the Old Testament was re-interpreted in the New.

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Peressotti, Giuseppe. "Demonologia in area aquileiese." Augustinianum 59, no. 1 (2019): 101–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm20195915.

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The present work focuses on some particular demonological texts attributed to Fortunatianus (mid-IV century) and Chromatius (between the IV and the V century), both bishops of Aquileia. It also includes Victorinus, bishop of Poetovium (in present-day Slovenia, second half of the III century), who shared the same geographical-cultural milieu of the Aquilean bishops. We have considered primarily their biblical commentaries and, in the case of Chromatius, also his liturgical sermons. In these texts, the devil is characterized by a broad range of expressions in relation to his spiritual struggle against humanity, a struggle already won by Jesus and now entrusted to Christians. The three bishops highlight both the devil’s ability to deceive the sons of God, leading them to idolatry and heresy, and also the victory over him achieved by means of evangelical preaching.

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McDonald, Patricia M. "Lion as Slain Lamb: On Reading Revelation Recursively." Horizons 23, no. 1 (1996): 29–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0360966900029832.

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AbstractBecause of their communities' experiences and tendencies, New Testament writers such as Paul and Mark stress the death and resurrection of Jesus as the source and model of the Christian life. In the Book of Revelation, John's version of this is that the lion of the tribe of Judah indeed “conquers” but does so as the Lamb who was slain; the Christian witnessing that leads to the victory of Christ's followers may also entail their death. Yet the seer associates the Lamb imagery with that of ancient near eastern and classical versions of the conquest myth. Does John risk subverting his own purposes? The paper examines his presentation of the Lamb and suggests that he does indeed run such a risk, at least for the inattentive reader, but this does not justify neglect of such a creative and imaginative soteriology in which evil is overcome by the word of God.

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Yamada, Nozomu. "What Is the Evil to Be Overcome?" Scrinium 11, no. 1 (November 16, 2015): 160–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18177565-00111p16.

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Significant perspectives on Christ’s life and death, which both Pelagius and the Eastern Fathers held, are Christ’s victory over the Devil, the continuous creation of humanity, and Christ’s redemption of human sin. Imitating Christ’s example by exercising free will is the most important Christian response to Christ’s victory. Synergism between the exercise of free will and Christ’s example as God’s grace are located in God’s mystical Oikonomia. As seen in their for-knowledge theory concerning the story of Esau’s abandonment, Pelagius’ synergism was in no way heretical, but rather completely consistent with the Eastern Fathers. On the other hand, the discontinuity in Augustine’s soteriology between human nature after the Fall and Christ’s redemption as God’s grace is significantly different from the continuity evident in Pelagius’ and the Eastern Fathers’ views. Augustine’s logical- philosophical speculation on Esau’s abandonment, which was repeated in non-historical contexts, had to come down to his theories of original sin and predestination. The peculiarity of the historical Jesus Christ in God’s Oikonomia, as well as the unique, special historicity of every human, was almost absorbed into the universality of Augustine’s theories. However, Pelagius as well as Basil and Rufinus thought that in every decision of free will to imitate Christ’s life and death, as seen in the same person narrative in Pelagius’ Pauline commentary, the grace of God was concretely and livingly expressed in the unique and personal history of believers.

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Greggs, Tom. "‘Jesus is victor’: passing the impasse of Barth on universalism." Scottish Journal of Theology 60, no. 2 (April 20, 2007): 196–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930607003201.

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This article examines the question of Karl Barth's stance on universalism. Setting the question within the wealth of contradictory accounts of Barth on this issue, it seeks to find a way through the opposing views represented in the secondary literature. Following a brief examination of the doctrine of election which is the source of the charge of universalism, Barth's response to Berkouwer's The Triumph of Grace in the Theology of Karl Barth will be considered in detail. This passage helps to place Barth's own reaction to the charge of universalism in a broader framework than that of a simple denial or acceptance, and helps to highlight what Barth does and does not reject regarding universalism. It will be argued that it is the replacement of the person of Jesus Christ with a principle, rather than any limitation of the salvific work of God, that Barth rejects in rejecting apokatastasis. Barth's denial of universalism marks a dismissal of the problematic elements associated with the word, not a denial of the ultimate friendliness of Jesus Christ. The radical newness of Barth's own approach to universalism cannot be overemphasized, and marks the means by which one may pass through the impasse of differing accounts of Barth's eschatology.

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Moloney, Francis J. "The Book of Revelation: Hope in Dark Times." Religions 10, no. 4 (March 31, 2019): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10040239.

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Contemporary analysis of the world that produced the Book of Revelation suggests that Patmos was not a penal settlement, and there is little evidence that Domitian systematically persecuted Christians. The Emperor Cult was widely practiced, but Christians were not being persecuted for lack of participation. The document makes much of God’s victory in the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ, the slain and standing Lamb (Rev 5:6). The “saints” were not persecuted Asian Christians but, under the influence of the Book of Daniel, John’s presentation of those from Israel’s sacred history who lived by the Word of God and accepted the messianic witness of the prophets (8:3–4; 11:18; 13:7, 10; 14:12; 16:6; 17:6; 18:20, 24; 19:8; 20:6, 9). They already have life, the application of the saving effects of the slain and risen lamb “from the foundation of the world” (13:8). John addresses late first-century Asian Christians, presenting the model of these “saints,” offering them hope as they are tempted by the allure of the Greco-Roman world and its mores. He invites them into the life and light of the New Jerusalem, the Christian church (22:1–5).

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Mbachi, Valentine Chukwujekwu. "Paul’s Teachings on All-Sufficiency of Jesus Christ for Salvation in Colossians 2:8-3:5 in Relation to Christianity in Africa." Journal of Religion and Human Relations 13, no. 1 (July 22, 2021): 331–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/jrhr.v13i1.15.

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This article examines Pauls teaching on all-sufficiency of Jesus Christ for salvation in relation to Christianity in Africa. The approach has been analytical or qualitative. The historical-critical method and contextual tools are used in the interpretation of the biblical text. The study reveals that the Colossian situation to a large extent depicts the life of the Church in Africa today. Christ must be proclaimed not just as the Saviour of the soul, but as the Lord of lords, the king of kings, Victor, Redeemer, Deliverer, Healer, Provider, Unique and All- Sufficient God lest like Colossian and African syncretists, many people may turn to other answers such as magic, charms, amulets, rituals and other occult practices for protection against the enslaving and binding spirits.

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Ryan, Salvador. "‘No Milkless Cow’: The Cross of Christ in Medieval Irish Literature." Studies in Church History 48 (2012): 83–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s042420840000125x.

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The cross of Christ in the Middle Ages was the most powerful symbol of God’s victory over sin, death and the forces of evil, while also representing the most abject suffering and degradation of Jesus Christ, the God-Man. A simplistic reading of the evolution of the theology of the cross during this period posits a transition from the early medieval victorious and heroic Christ figure, reigning and triumphant upon the cross, to a late medieval emaciated and tortured object of pity whose ignominious death was supposed to elicit heartfelt compassion for his plight and sincere sorrow for the sin which placed him on the beams of the tree of crucifixion. Of course, there is a great deal of value in this argument, and much evidence might be brought forward to support its central thesis. However, it should not be pushed too far; it might also be remembered that the essential paradox of Christ the victor-victim is a constant theme in Christian theology, expressed in the sixth-century Vexilla regis in its identification of the cross as ‘victim of the passion’s glory, by which life brought death to an end, and, by death, gave life again’ and in the hymn Victimae paschali laudes from the central medieval period: ‘Death with life contended, combat strangely ended, life’s own champion slain yet lives to reign’. The image of the victorious cross of Christ, conceived of as simultaneously an instrument of triumph and of torture, would persist right through the late medieval period, despite the development of a greater emphasis on the physical sufferings of Christ in his passion and their ever more graphic depictions. This essay, which examines the way in which the cross of Christ is presented in medieval Irish literature, provides sufficient examples to make this point clear; these are drawn from a variety of sources including religious verse, saints’ lives, medieval travel accounts and sermon material. Of course, these examples are best viewed within the context of a broader medieval European devotional culture from which Ireland was certainly not immune.

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Perkins, Pheme. "Jesus and Easter: Did God Raise the Historical Jesus From the Dead? By Willi Marxsen. Translated by Victor Paul Furnish. Nashville, TN: Abingdon, 1990, 92 pages. $8.95 (paper)." Horizons 18, no. 2 (1991): 318–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0360966900025275.

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Moignard, Katherine. "Life-Change and ‘Conversion’ in Antiquity: An Analysis of the Testimonies of Dion of Prousa and Aelius Aristeides." Antichthon 54 (2020): 164–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ann.2020.2.

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AbstractOur image of ‘conversion’ takes its form from well-known episodes in the lives of St Paul and St Augustine. Paul's life is turned around by a blinding vision of Jesus on the road to Damascus (Act. Ap. 9.1–22); Augustine is directed by an oracle to a scriptural passage that ends his hesitations and sets him on the course that he has long known he should take (August. Conf. 8.12). Very much in parallel, although in a non-Christian context, are crisis-provoked life-changes reported by the Second Sophistic orators Dion of Prousa and Aelius Aristeides. Aristeides finds his life transformed by the intervention of the god Asklepios; Dion receives – he claims, from a god – advice that, put into effect, makes him the philosopher he has aspired to be. Were Dion and Aristeides ‘converts’? Adopting a conservative definition of ‘conversion’, I will argue that their accounts – though not autobiographies in the strict sense of that term – can legitimately be called ‘conversion narratives’. I will then test each for its goodness-of-fit to two influential life-change models, the first developed by Arnold van Gennep and Victor Turner in the context of initiation rituals, and the second, Lewis Rambo's process model of conversion.

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Grzywaczewski, Józef. "Sobór chalcedoński. Kontekst historyczny, teologiczny, następstwa." Vox Patrum 58 (December 15, 2012): 137–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4072.

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The article presents the Council of Chalcedon; its theological and historical context and its consequences. The author starts with the theological context of this Council. In that time the question of relation between humanity and divinity in Christ was discussed. Apollinarius of Laodicea taught that in the person of Christ there were two elements: the Logos and the body. The Logos replaced the soul. He propagated the formula mia physis tou theou logou sesarkomene. Others theologians were not agree with his opinion. Generally, there were two theological schools which worked on this matter: school of Alexandria and of Antioch. In the first one, the Christ was seen especially as God who became man. In the second one, He was seen as the man who was God’s Son. With other words, in Alexandria the starting point of reflection was the Divinity of Christ. In Antioch the starting of reflection was His humanity. The author mentioned Eutyches whose ideas on Christology produced a lot of trouble. In such a context, the Council of Chalcedon was organized (451). It was the proposal of Emperor Marcjan. The Council, after having condemned Eutyches and Dioskur of Alexandria because of their position on theological matter, proclaimed a new definition of the catholic faith. The base of this definition was the Letter of Pope Leo the Great Ad Flavianum. The most important point of this definition was the statement that Divinity and humanity meet in Christ, and both form one person. Such a declaration seems to be clear, but it did not satisfy Greek theologians. They did not want to accept the formula two natures (duo physeis) in one person, because in their opinion it signifies a separation between the Divinity and the humanity of Christ. They preferred to speak about mia physis tou Theou Logou sesarkomene. Surely, by the term physis they did not understand nature, but a being. While saying mia physis they did not mean one nature, but one being. In their conception, Jesus Christ was a Being in which met Divinity and humanity. Many theologians were suspicious of the term person (prosopon); they supposed that it had a modalistic meaning. The main opinion of Modalists is: there is only One God who appears sometimes as Father, sometimes as Son, sometime as Holy Spirit. There were also other reasons of contesting the definition of Chalcedon. It was known that that this definition was imposed by the Greek emperor, influenced by the Bishop of Rome (Pope). Many theologians, especially in monastic milieu, did not want to accept the intervention of the civil authorities in religious matter. They did not have a very good opinion about Latin theology. In the fifth century there were some anti-Hellenic tendencies in the eastern part of the Empire. Many Oriental theologians rejected the definition of Chalcedon because it was „a formula of Rom and Constantinople”. In such circumstances, a lot of Christians separated themselves from the Catholic Church, forming Monophysite Churches. Those who remained in unity with Rome and Constantinople, keeping the definition of Chalcedon, were called Melchites. Another problem was the canon 28, which gave some privileges to the bishop see of Constantinople. Pope Leo the Great did not approve this canon. Anti-Hellenic tendencies were so strong that in the time of Islamic invasions the people of Palestine, Syria, and Egypt welcomed Arabic soldiers as liberators from Byzantine domination. It is to be said that Arabic authorities, after having taken power in a country, were friendly towards Monophysites and persecuted Melchites. So, the contestation of the definition of Chalcedon prepared the ground for the victory of Islam in the East. The article is ended by an observation of a French theologian Joseph Moingt: declaration that Divinity and humanity make union the person of Jesus Christ produced division not only in the Church, but also in the Roman Empire. This is one of great paradoxes in the history of Christianity.

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Siniscalchi, Glenn B. "Was Jesus God?" Faith and Philosophy 27, no. 3 (2010): 352–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/faithphil201027336.

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HAIGHT, Roger. "Jesus Symbol of God." Louvain Studies 27, no. 4 (December 1, 2002): 389–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ls.27.4.946.

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Palmquist, Stephen R. "Could Kant’s Jesus Be God?" International Philosophical Quarterly 52, no. 4 (2012): 421–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ipq201252443.

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JOHNSON, E. A. "Jesus, the Wisdom of God." Ephemerides Theologicae Lovanienses 61, no. 4 (December 1, 1985): 261–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/etl.61.4.556282.

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31

Moore, Dom Sebastian. "“Why did God Kill Jesus?”." Downside Review 112, no. 386 (January 1994): 15–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001258069411238602.

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Bridgford, Kim. "Offerings: Mary; Joseph; Jesus; God." Iowa Review 34, no. 3 (December 2004): 100–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.17077/0021-065x.5899.

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Gunton, Colin. "The God of Jesus Christ." Theology Today 54, no. 3 (October 1997): 325–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004057369705400304.

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Stern, Adam Y. "Rosenzweig’s Jesus (God, Corpse, Survivor)." Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 61, no. 1 (2016): 83–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/leobaeck/ybv037.

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35

Houlden, Leslie. "Richard Swinburne, Was Jesus God?" International Journal for Philosophy of Religion 65, no. 2 (February 3, 2009): 119–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11153-008-9196-3.

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36

Harriman, K. R. "Take Heart, We Have Overcome the World: Participatory Victory in the Theological-Ethical Framework of 1 John." Evangelical Quarterly 88, no. 4 (April 26, 2017): 305–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-08804002.

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While studies in Johannine ethics continue to develop through analysis of broad ethical instructions, this paper contributes to the conversation by conveying the belief of participatory victory that seems to inform the ethical instruction of the author of 1 John. That is, in the midst of the cosmic conflict in which John and his fellow believers find themselves, John speaks from the vantage point of one who participates in the victory of Jesus to other participants in that victory. Though there is no explicit statement of this notion of participating in the victory of Jesus, its influential place in the authorial framework is discernible at several points in the text, such as when John uses the terminology and imagery of victory, uses the terminology and imagery of participation, and particularly when he converges these two streams of thought.

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Surbakti, Pelita H. "Menghidupkan Leluhur: Sebuah Penafsiran Terhadap Matius 22:32." GEMA TEOLOGIKA: Jurnal Teologi Kontekstual dan Filsafat Keilahian 4, no. 1 (April 24, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.21460/gema.2019.41.414.

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Matthew 22:32 contains a tradition of mentioning the God of Israel which was no longer popular in the time of Jesus. That tradition is often called Theos patros, the God of the ancestors—the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob. In a dialogue between Jesus and several Sadducees about the resurrection of the dead, Jesus “revived” the tradition. Studies concerning that text, however, seems to overlook such tradition of mentioning God. If Jesus implicitly states that the ancestors of Israel lived, what kind of life did Jesus mean? This article attemps to answer the above question by considering “God with Us” as the main theme and “Rhetoric of Fighting Leadership” as the essence of this gospel rhetoric. Both become what is often referred to as the Hermeneutical Framework.Matthew 22:32 contains a tradition of mentioning the God of Israel which was no longer popular in the time of Jesus. That tradition is often called Theos patros, the God of the ancestors—the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob. In a dialogue between Jesus and several Sadducees about the resurrection of the dead, Jesus “revived” the tradition. Studies concerning that text, however, seems to overlock such tradition of mentioning God. If Jesus implicitly states that the ancestors of Israel lived, what kind of life did Jesus mean? This article attempts to answer the above question by considering “God with Us” as the main theme and “Rhetoric of Fighting Leadership” as the essence of this gospel rhetoric. Both become what is often referred to as the Hermeneutical Framework.

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Anna, Dian Nur. "PENYALIBAN YESUS DALAM PERSPEKTIF PSIKOLOGIS UMAT KRISTEN DAN UMAT ISLAM." RELIGI JURNAL STUDI AGAMA-AGAMA 12, no. 2 (February 1, 2018): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/rejusta.2016.1202-01.

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This article aims to understanding the crucifixion of Jesus according to bothChristians and Muslims in psychological perspective. This article try to illustrate how Christians and Muslims talk about the crucifixion of Jesus and the possibility to make an understandable between both religions. Christianity be-lieves that Jesus was dead on the cross for salvation. Islam, as a religion begin-ning after Christianity, also respects Jesus, especially the death of Jesus. Muslims have different opinions about the death of Jesus which divided them into two groups. The first group believes that Jesus did not crucify and did not die on the cross. The second groups of Muslims agree that Jesus crucified, but maintain that he did not die on the cross. Based on this article, it can know the meaning of crucifixion of Jesus from both Christians and Muslims in psychological perspective. For Christians, the mean-ing of crucifixion of Jesus is a proof of love and triumph of God. Jesus is an incarnation of God dead to redeem a great sin of human being and he was resurrected. For Muslims, the meaning of crucifixion of Jesus is a proof of love and triumph of God. God save Jesus from death on the cross with take Jesus beside God. Then, Muslims can understand how God sent Jesus as human to redeem human beings and God loves Jesus as a prophet with special status.

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Talbert, Charles H. "The Place of the Resurrection in the Theology of Luke." Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 46, no. 1 (January 1992): 19–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002096439204600103.

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According to Luke, the resurrection takes place according to divine plan and functions variously: to signal God's reversal of Jesus' rejection; to attest to Jesus' victory over death; to confirm Jesus as the mediator of salvation; to establish the Eucharist as the extension of table fellowship with Jesus; and to make mission possible.

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Ismail, Roni. "KONSEP WAHYU MENURUT SAKSI-SAKSI YEHUWA." RELIGI JURNAL STUDI AGAMA-AGAMA 14, no. 1 (August 22, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/rejusta.2018.1401-08.

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In the mainstream Christianity, revelation of God manifests in Jesus Christ, in his blood and flesh. Jehovah's Witnesses, as a sect in Christianity, believes that the revelation or word of God is fully Bible, and not Jesus as in the mainstream Christianity. Bible is revealed by God directly so it is accurate. It is also belived as The Book of God's Thought because was written in His guidance. This concept of revelation has serious implications to the dogma of the Trinity. Based on Bible, Jehovah's Witnesses believes that God is not the Trinity, but God is One God and One Person named Jehovah. Jesus also is not part of the Trinity. Indeed Jesus is believed as God's word, but as a speaker of God. He is also believed as the son, as God fiirst creation. by God. Therefore, Jesus is a creature of Jehovah and is not God, so is not part of the Trinity.

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Long, Thomas G. "Bold in the Presence of God." Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 52, no. 1 (January 1998): 53–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002096439605200106.

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The main goal of Hebrews is the renewal of Christian worship. Following Jesus the pioneer, freed by Jesus the liberator, and perfected by the offering of Jesus the great high priest, the faithful may enter the sanctuary with a clear conscience and stand boldly in the presence of God.

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Priana, I. Made. "Misi Gereja Menghadirkan Kerajaan Allah di Bumi." SANCTUM DOMINE: JURNAL TEOLOGI 4, no. 1 (December 9, 2019): 12–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.46495/sdjt.v4i1.14.

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This article tries to show that the mission of the church is to present or to embody the kingdom of God in this earth. The kingdom of God mission is not church oriented mission but the world oriented mission. The kingdom of God mission is God’s mission which is done by Jesus that the world will exist and run as it is designed by God, that is the world under God’s sovereignty. As God sent Jesus to present the kingdom of God in this earth, it does likewise Jesus sends the church to actualize the mission of Jesus (John 20:21). Church mission is actualization of Jesus’mission that is by words and deeds demonstrating the values of the kingdom of God that the world will be transformed as it is designed by God.

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Hoon Lee, Sang. "The Victory of Jesus in Barth’s Conception of Eternity." Theology Today 75, no. 2 (July 2018): 182–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040573618783417.

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Karl Barth has developed the Boethian concept of eternity as simultaneity by placing the person of Jesus Christ at the center of God’s eternity. Even though it is a momentous achievement, Barth’s conception still stands in need of clarification or modification, for otherwise it might impugn the victory of Jesus Christ unwittingly, since it logically entails a problematic notion of the simultaneity of Jesus’ past, present, and future. It follows that his past of death is never gone but simultaneously present in the divine eternal Now. To avoid this problematic ambivalence, I will suggest that even in God’s eternity there must be the indicator of God’s Now, the flowing “now” from the past to the future. And yet, my suggestion will not depart from the concept of simultaneity in God’s omniscience.

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Michaels, J. Ramsey, and G. R. Beasley-Murray. "Jesus and the Kingdom of God." Journal of Biblical Literature 107, no. 2 (June 1988): 320. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3267715.

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Morray-Jones, C. R. A. "Jesus and God in Paul's Eschatology." Journal of Jewish Studies 43, no. 2 (October 1, 1992): 320–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/1667/jjs-1992.

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BORING, M. EUGENE. "MARKAN CHRISTOLOGY: GOD-LANGUAGE FOR JESUS?" New Testament Studies 45, no. 4 (October 1999): 451–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688598000459.

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It is possible to construct both ‘ontological’ and ‘chronological’ scales on which Mark's Christology is then plotted. In neither case, however, does the method correspond to Mark's own christological method, which uses narrative to juxtapose pictures of Jesus as both ‘truly human’ and ‘truly divine’. This essay explicates the ‘truly divine’ side of Mark's presentation, arguing that a number of Markan texts express a ‘high’ Christology without compromising either Jesus’ humanity or a truly monotheistic doctrine of God.

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Oakes, Edward T. "Jesus Symbol of God. Roger Haight." Journal of Religion 81, no. 2 (April 2001): 303–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/490843.

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Brown, Raymond E. "Did Jesus Know He Was God?" Biblical Theology Bulletin: Journal of Bible and Culture 15, no. 2 (May 1985): 74–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/014610798501500207.

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Sykes, Stephen. "Book Review: Jesus, Symbol of God." Theology 104, no. 821 (September 2001): 374–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x0110400525.

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Morton, Russell, and L. Joseph Kreitzer. "Jesus and God in Paul's Eschatology." Journal of Biblical Literature 108, no. 3 (1989): 534. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3267134.

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