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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Jesus Christ – Passion – History of doctrines

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Academic literature on the topic 'Jesus Christ – Passion – History of doctrines'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 3 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Jesus Christ – Passion – History of doctrines"

1

Ellington, Donna Spivey. "Impassioned Mother or Passive Icon: The Virgin's Role in Late Medieval and Early Modern Passion Sermons*." Renaissance Quarterly 48, no. 2 (1995): 227–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2863065.

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On 13 April 1403, Parisian chancellor Jean Gerson delivered one of his most famous sermons, a sermon on the Passion of Christ entitled “Ad deum vadit.” That evening, in the second part of the sermon, Gerson set forth the central and most dramatic portion of the Passion narrative, the crucifixion of Jesus. As he had done throughout the story, Gerson sought to recreate the feelings, responses, and very words of Mary as she witnessed her son's suffering. In an anguished question that echoed Jesus’ own, Gerson proclaims that Mary was able to cry to God.

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2

Segal, Alan. "‘How I Stoppedworrying about Mel Gibson and Learned to Love the Quest for the Historical Jesus’: A Review of Mel Gibson’S the Passion of the Christ." Journal for the Study of the Historical Jesus 2, no. 2 (2004): 190–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/147686900400200205.

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AbstractThe Passion of the Christ by Mel Gibson has proven to be a mass-cultural phenomenon. This article compares it with the recent film The Gospel of Johnand then evaluates the film under three rubrics: (1) artistic and religious merit, (2) historical accuracy, and (3) anti-Semitism. The relationship between these two films and the problem of the historical Jesus is investigated.

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3

Miller, Howard, and Stephen J. Nichols. "Jesus Made in America: A Cultural History from the Puritans to "The Passion of the Christ"." Journal of American History 96, no. 1 (2009): 178. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27694742.

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4

Friesen, Dwight H. "How Karunamayudu (1978) Became an Evangelistic Tool: Implications for Understanding Evangelicals and Media." Exchange 41, no. 2 (2012): 120–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157254312x638319.

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Abstract It has not been uncommon in the history of Jesus in film for commercial movies of Jesus’ life to be conscripted for Christian evangelism around the world. Cecil B. DeMille’s The King of Kings (1927), John Krish and Peter Sykes’ Jesus (1979), better known today as The Jesus Film, and Mel Gibson’s The Passion of the Christ (2004) are but three notable examples. Each of those movies, however, was first produced in America for American audiences. In the case of Karunamayudu (1978), a Telugu commercial movie of Jesus’ life, the target audience was South Indian viewers raised on a steady di

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5

Allbaugh, Thomas. "Book Review: Jesus Made in America: A Cultural History from the Puritans to the Passion of the Christ." Christianity & Literature 59, no. 1 (2009): 161–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/014833310905900129.

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6

Page, Sydney H. T. "The Suffering Servant between the Testaments." New Testament Studies 31, no. 4 (1985): 481–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500012042.

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Traditionally Christians have interpreted Isaiah 52. 13–53. 12 as a prophecy of the passion of Christ,1but modern biblical scholars have disagreed about how this identification of the suffering servant with Jesus arose. In particular, those who have investigated the question of whether Jesus saw himself as occupying the role of the servant have reached conflicting conclusions.2In the background of this discussion is another contentious issue, namely, whether a messianic interpretation of the suffering servant had already been adopted in pre-Christian Judaism. Representative of a negative respo

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7

Lawrence, Louise. "Book Review: Jesus and Mel Gibson'sThe Passion of the Christ: The Film, the Gospels and the Claims of History." Theology 108, no. 845 (2005): 390–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x0510800533.

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8

Muessig, Carolyn. "Signs of Salvation: The Evolution of Stigmatic Spirituality Before Francis of Assisi." Church History 82, no. 1 (2013): 40–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964071200251x.

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Francis of Assisi's reported reception of the stigmata on Mount La Verna in 1224 is widely held to be the first documented account of an individual miraculously and physically receiving the wounds of Christ. The appearance of this miracle, however, in the first quarter of the thirteenth century, is not as unexpected as it first seems. Interpretations of Galatians 6:17—“I bear the marks of the Lord Jesus Christ in my body”—had been circulating in biblical commentaries since the early Middle Ages. These works posited that clerics bore metaphorical and sometimes physical wounds(stigmata)as marks

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9

Sunarko, Adrianus. "Allah Berharap pada Manusia: Teologi dengan Paradigma ‘Kebebasan’." MELINTAS 32, no. 2 (2017): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/mel.v32i2.2677.171-192.

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The author introduces a way of theologising by way of a particular paradigm, that is, ‘freedom’ paradigm. From the philosophical viewpoint this way of thinking according to the paradigm is chosen with the consideration that it has become one of the central themes in modern thought, is not under the level of reflection reached by the modern thought, and conforms the requirement of reason to borderlessly question the fundamental cause of everything. From the theological viewpoint, the choice for this paradigm has a consequence that ‘freedom’ becomes the reference, towards which theological refle

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ΦΩΣΚΟΛΟΥ, Βασιλική. "Αναζητώντας την εικόνα του Ελκομένου της Μονεμβασίας. Το χαμένο παλλάδιο της πόλης και η επίδρασή του στα υστεροβυζαντινά μνημεία του νότιου ελλαδικού χώρου". BYZANTINA SYMMEIKTA 14 (26 вересня 2008): 229. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/byzsym.879.

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&nbsp; <p>Vassiliki Foskolou</p><p>Tracing the Monemvasia Icon of Christ Helkomenos. The City's lost Palladium and its Influence on the Late Byzantine Monuments of Southern Greece</p><p>The study's aim is to trace the now lost Monemvasia icon of Christ Helkomenos. Our knowledge of the city's celebrated palladium is confined to fragmentary information deriving from narrative sources. Specifically, we know that it was transferred by Isaac Comnenos to Constantinople in the late 12th century; as for the scene represented on the icon, our sole information comes fro

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