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Journal articles on the topic 'Jesus the Jew'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 12 February 2022

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1

Hogeterp, Albert. "Gendering Jesus the Jew." Religion and Gender 10, no. 1 (June 18, 2020): 37–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18785417-01001002.

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Abstract Gendering Jesus has been a matter of divergent interpretations, ranging from emphasis on typical features of masculine power to ‘unmanly’ character by ancient elite standards. This article explores anew Jesus’ Jewish masculinity. It revisits a recent study of the question what Jesus looked like, by mutually reconsidering ancient literary and rhetorical traditions of description, literary data about Jesus’ physical and social appearance, major aspects in the literary record about Jesus the Jew in comparison with Jewish tradition including the Dead Sea Scrolls, and recent findings in iconography. Jesus the Jew comes off as an unconventional challenger of male power at the time, whose appearance would neither have adhered to elite standards of physical and social apparel nor to late antique adaptations through the Romanization of Christian iconography.

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Altindal, Aytun. "Jesus—The secular Jew." History of European Ideas 20, no. 4-6 (February 1995): 669–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(95)95796-j.

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SÖDING, THOMAS. "‘Was kann aus Nazareth schon Gutes kommen?’ (Joh 1.46). Die Bedeutung des Judeseins Jesu im Johannesevangelium." New Testament Studies 46, no. 1 (January 2000): 21–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500000023.

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The polemic against ‘the Jews’ in the Fourth Gospel is often realized and criticized. But John also points out that Jesus himself is a Jew. This is the way John draws the line of his incarnation theology into the ‘history’ of Jesus, narrated in the gospel. As ‘prophet’ (4.19) Jesus the ‘Jew’ (4.9) is ‘the Saviour of the world’ (4.42); as man, coming from Nazareth in Galilee (1.46; 4.43f; 7.41), Jesus is the Messiah, born in Bethlehem (7.42): well known as ‘son of Joseph’ (1.45; 6.42), unknown as ‘Son of God’ (cf. John 1.19). On the cross Jesus the ‘King of the Jews’ (19.19) dies ‘for the people’ and ‘for the scattered children of God’ (11.50ff). It is an essential aspect of John's Christology that Jesus belongs to his Jewish people. This theological fact, founded in the identity of the one God, shows the so-called anti-Judaism of John in a new light.

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Fredriksen, Paula. "Augustine on Jesus the Jew." Augustinian Studies 42, no. 1 (2011): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augstudies20114211.

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5

Evener, Vincent M. "Jewishness as an Explanation for Rejection of the Word." Church History and Religious Culture 95, no. 2-3 (2015): 203–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-09502005.

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The present essay challenges prior accounts of the “literary echo” to Martin Luther’s 1523 treatise, That Jesus Christ Was Born a Jew, which called for “friendly” theological instruction of Jews. Focusing on a dialogue between a Christian and a Jew written by Caspar Güttel, I demonstrate that Güttel was not concerned with the persuasion of Jews. Rather, writing in 1527, Güttel deployed his knowledge of the ineffectiveness of Luther’s missionary overture as part of a larger strategy casting intra-Christian resistance to the Word as “Jewish.” Moreover, the primary influence on Güttel was not That Jesus Christ Was Born a Jew, but Luther’s Christmas Postils. From the latter, Güttel received and propagated an image of Jews as “blind with seeing eyes”—as unable to deny truth yet paradoxically unreceptive to it. Güttel’s case underlines the necessity of looking beyond Luther’s “Jewish writings” to locate the transmission and reception of the reformer’s anti-Judaism.

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Marquardt, Friedrich-Wilhelm. "What Think You of Christ?" Theology Today 58, no. 2 (July 2001): 190–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004057360105800206.

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After Auschwitz, without changing their confession of Jesus Christ, Christians have to renew their christology. Jesus, who rules us today, is a Jew. His own people have fetched him home. He is seen in various ways by them. We can no longer understand him according to the measure of our non-Jewish tradition, which strives for a unified conception of Jesus, in thrall to a western rationality that would gain control of everything. We have to confess Jesus as Messiah without condemning others, so that Jesus may be recognizable to Jews as Messiah.

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Fredriksen, Paula. "The Religion of Jesus the Jew." Journal of Jewish Studies 44, no. 2 (October 1, 1993): 319–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/1721/jjs-1993.

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8

Gruber, Mayer I. "André LaCocque, Jesus the Central Jew." Review of Rabbinic Judaism 22, no. 2 (September 16, 2019): 277–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700704-12341360.

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9

Botha, P. J. J. "Jesus the Jew: some reflections on current investigations." Religion and Theology 1, no. 2 (1994): 185–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157430194x00150.

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AbstractIn this article attention is drawn to the emphasis on Jesus' Jewishness in current historical Jesus studies. Some of the findings of this research are briefly presented. Three reasons for this development are identified: the resurgence in historical Jesus studies, the re-evaluation of early Judaism by scholarship, and contemporary doubts about Christology. The Jewishness of Jesus confronts us with many challenges and new problems and some are identified and discussed. The improved understanding of early Judaism challenges us to revise our views of early Christian tradition, and our interpretive stances, assessments and beliefs about Jesus of Nazareth.

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10

Homolka, Walter. "Jesus der Jude Die jüdische Leben-Jesu-Forschung von Abraham Geiger bis Ernst Ludwig Ehrlich." Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 60, no. 1 (2008): 63–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007308783360561.

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AbstractThe article provides an overview of Jewish Life-of-Jesus research from Abraham Geiger to Ernst Ludwig Ehrlich. Julius Wellhausen's assessment that Jesus was not Christian but Jewish encountered a Jewish community that was striving for civic equality in the course of the Enlightenment and that saw itself impaired by the idea of the ,,Christian state". The ensuing Jewish concern with the central figure of the New Testament was not of fundamental nature, but rather followed from an apologetic impulse: the wish to participate in general society without having to give up Jewish identity. Since then, many Jewish thinkers of the modern era have studied Jesus. The essay outlines the history of ,,bringing Jesus home" to Judaism, which has been observed since the nineteenth century. Jesus returns as exemplary Jew, as hortatory prophet, as revolutionary and freedom fighter, as big brother and messianic Zionist. The foremost intention though was that Jews wanted to remain Jews and nevertheless be part of Christian society. How fortunate, therefore, that Jesus was Jewish.

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11

Vermes, Geza. "Jesus the Jew: Christian and Jewish Reactions." Toronto Journal of Theology 4, no. 1 (March 1988): 112–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/tjt.4.1.112.

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12

Elizondo, Virgilio. "Jesus the Galilean Jew in Mestizo Theology." Theological Studies 70, no. 2 (May 2009): 262–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004056390907000202.

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Galilee must have had special salvific signification for the first Christians, as it played an important role in the post-Easter memory of the followers of Jesus and was part of the earliest kerygma (Acts 10:37–41). This article narrates a Mexican-American pastor's journey that led to a theological exploration of Galilee. It examines why this ethnic reference was so important to bring out the beauty and originality of the liberating way of Jesus, beginning with his very particular identity as a Jewish Galilean from Nazareth.

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13

Stahl, Neta. "JESUS AS THE NEW JEW: ZIONISM AND THE LITERARY REPRESENTATION OF JESUS." Journal of Modern Jewish Studies 11, no. 1 (March 2012): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14725886.2012.646693.

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Marina, Marko. "Školovanje u antici - Prema jasnijem razumijevanju obrazovanja i pismenosti u Palestini tijekom 1. stoljeća." Nova prisutnost XVII, no. 2 (July 9, 2019): 307. http://dx.doi.org/10.31192/np.17.2.4.

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The question of Jesus’ literacy and education is one of the most interesting questions there is in the Historical Jesus studies. The purpose of the present essay was to show what position did education had in ancient world, especially in Palestine during the 1st century. Looking at the primary sources and secondary bibliography, article concludes that level of literacy was much lower in the ancient world then it is in the modern societies. Also contrary to some scholars, article’s thesis is that there wasn’t any universal network of schools operating in the Palestine during the life of Jesus. Consequently, most people didn’t go to school and they weren’t literate in the sense of being able to read or write comprehensive texts. Testimonies of Philo and Josephus present an ideal, formulated from the perspective of well-educated upper-class Jews, not the reality of average Jew living in 1st century Palestine. In particular, article argues that Josephus is probably presenting a best-case scenario to his Roman readership for what it’s like for other elite Jews like himself. There is no reason to think that the average Jew was able to read and write on a sophisticated level. Also, rabbinic sources come from 3rd or 4th century at best and one cannot use them to reconstruct the world of Palestine prior to 70 A.D. However, essay emphasizes the importance of the graduation of literacy in ancient world, since there is evidence that some people (manual laborers) were literate on a level necessary for them in their daily job (some form of rudimentary knowledge of letters). Article does not go into discussion about Jesus’ literacy per se. Rather it gives a clearer picture of the education and literacy rates in the ancient world so that some further research into Jesus’ literacy would be able to have better understanding of the broader picture.

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15

Houlden, Leslie. "Book Review: The Religion of Jesus the Jew." Theology 96, no. 773 (September 1993): 409–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x9309600521.

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16

Scheffler, Eben. "Jesus the Jew for Today: A Hermeneutical Exercise." Acta Patristica et Byzantina 20, no. 1 (January 2009): 194–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10226486.2009.11879104.

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17

RICHES, JOHN. "2. WORKS AND WORDS OF JESUS THE JEW." Heythrop Journal 27, no. 1 (January 1986): 53–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2265.1986.tb00077.x.

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18

Tatum, W. Barnes. "Book Review: The Religion of Jesus the Jew." Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 49, no. 2 (April 1995): 204–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002096439504900221.

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19

Evans, Craig. "Assessing Progress in the Third Quest of the Historical Jesus." Journal for the Study of the Historical Jesus 4, no. 1 (2006): 35–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1476869006061777.

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AbstractAlthough historical-Jesus research in the last three decades has produced a great deal of divergent results, one is able to discern several important areas of progress. Perhaps the most important gain is in a renewed appreciation of the Judaic character of Jesus, his mission, and his world. New source material and more nuanced, contextual methodology have sharpened Jesus' profile as a Galilean Jew, standing in the tradition of Israel's redemption and restoration.

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20

Ryan, Maurice. "What did Jesus look like? Reclaiming Jesus the Jew in art and religious education." Journal of Religious Education 69, no. 2 (March 8, 2021): 239–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s40839-021-00137-7.

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21

Grindheim, Sigurd. "Jesus and the Food Laws Revisited." Journal for the Study of the Historical Jesus 18, no. 1 (January 31, 2020): 61–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455197-2019001.

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This article challenges the emerging consensus that Jesus was a faithful Jew whose teaching could be understood within the bounds of first-century Jewish legal discussion. It is argued that Mark’s remark, that “Jesus declared all foods clean” (Mk 7:19b), adequately represents the originally intended meaning of an authentic saying regarding ethical and ceremonial purity (Mk 7:15, 18–19 par.). If so, he did not consider all of the stipulations of the Mosaic law to be binding.

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22

Loughlin, Gerard. "Baptismal Fluid." Scottish Journal of Theology 51, no. 3 (August 1998): 261–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930600056714.

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23

DiNoia, J. A. "Book Review: A Marginal Jew: Rethinking the Historical Jesus." Pro Ecclesia: A Journal of Catholic and Evangelical Theology 2, no. 1 (February 1993): 122–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106385129300200113.

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24

Ellens, J. Harold. "Jesus the Central Jew, His Times and His People." CrossCurrents 66, no. 4 (December 2016): 538–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/cros.12216.

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25

Hertig, Paul. "The Jubilee Mission of Jesus in the Gospel of Luke: Reversals of Fortunes." Missiology: An International Review 26, no. 2 (April 1998): 167–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182969802600206.

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There may be no better way to get to the heart of Jesus' mission than to study Jesus' inaugural address in his hometown Nazareth synagogue. There Jesus proclaimed that he was the anointed one of God and introduced a jubilee era that is programmatic in Luke's Gospel for his holistic mission of grace. But for some listeners with high messianic expectations, it was only half the mission of the Messiah; they also awaited the omitted day of vengeance. Jesus' good news to the poor did not meet exclusive expectations, but was inclusive of Gentiles and outcasts. Jesus' jubilee mission was holistic in four aspects: It was proclaimed and enacted, spiritual and physical, for Jew and Gentile, present and eschatological.

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Reitsma, Bernhard J. G. "The Jew a Jew, the Muslim a Muslim?" European Journal of Theology 30, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 143–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/ejt2021.1.008.reit.

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Summary This article deals with an Islamic criticism that Paul in 1 Corinthians 9 is professing religious dissimulation – in Islam called Taqiyya – and that in Islamic contexts throughout history missionaries, and the so-called Insider Movements in particular, have adopted this as their missionary strategy. Paul seems to change his religion from Jew to Gentile and vice versa in order to trick people into Christianity. A more careful reading of this passage in context, however, shows that Paul primarily emphasizes the essence of the Christian faith while he is willing to give up anything that might hinder people from seeing God in Christ. He never denies his full allegiance to Jesus Christ and the cross, and is even willing to suffer for this confession. He is not dishonest about it, but he merely makes everything subordinate to this essence of the gospel. The author discusses the consequences of this conclusion for contextual missiology and the Insider Movements in relation to the Missio Dei. Zusammenfassung Der vorliegende Artikel befasst sich mit der islamischen Kritik, dass Paulus in 1. Korinther 9 eine bewusste religiöse Verschleierung bekundet – im Islam wird dies Taqiyya genannt – und dass im islamischen Kontext durch die Geschichte hindurch Missionare und besonders die sogenannte Insiderbewegung diese als ihre missionarische Strategie angewandt haben. Paulus wechselt scheinbar seine Religion von jüdisch zu christlich und umgekehrt, um die Menschen zu überlisten, sich zum christlichen Glauben zu bekehren. Jedoch zeigt eine etwas sorgfältigere Lesart dieses Abschnitts im Kontext, dass Paulus in erster Linie das Wesen des christlichen Glaubens hervorhebt, während er bereit ist, jedwede Sache aufzugeben, welche die Menschen abhalten könnte, Gott in Christus zu erkennen. Niemals leugnet er seine uneingeschränkte Loyalität Jesus Christus und dem Kreuz gegenüber, ja er ist vielmehr bereit, für sein Glaubensbekenntnis zu leiden. Paulus ist diesbezüglich nicht unehrlich, doch er ordnet nur alles diesem Wesen des Evangeliums unter. Der Autor erörtert die Konsequenzen dieser Schlussfolgerung für eine kontextuelle Missiologie und die Insiderbewegung in Zusammenhang mit der Missio Die. Résumé Cet article traite d’une critique faite par les musulmans à l’encontre de Paul qui, en 1 Corinthiens 9, enseigne la dissimulation (Taqîya dans l’islam) dans le domaine religieux et des missionnaires – des Insider Movements en particulier – qui, dans un contexte musulman, ont de tout temps fait de cette pratique une stratégie missionnaire. Paul donne l’impression de passer d’une religion à l’autre – juif un jour, païen le lendemain, et vice-versa – dans le but d’attirer les gens dans le christianisme par la ruse. Mais une lecture plus attentive de ce chapitre replacé dans son contexte montre que Paul met avant tout l’accent sur l’essence même de la foi chrétienne, tout en affirmant qu’il est prêt à renoncer à tout ce qui pourrait empêcher l’un ou l’autre de voir Dieu en Christ. Il ne nie jamais sa totale allégeance à Jésus-Christ et à la croix et se dit même prêt à souffrir pour cette confession. Il n’est pas malhonnête à ce sujet; simplement, il subordonne toute chose à l’essence de l’Évangile. L’auteur étudie les conséquences de cette conclusion pour la missiologie contextuelle et le rapport entre les Insider Movements et la Missio Dei.

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27

Lyons, William. "On the Life and Death of Joseph of Arimathea." Journal for the Study of the Historical Jesus 2, no. 1 (2004): 29–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/147686900400200102.

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AbstractRecent studies have raised significant questions about where the historical Joseph of Arimathea ends and the Joseph of legend begins. Here it is argued that the Markan Joseph was a devout Jew who buried Jesus for reasons of either personal piety or communal duty. He was subsequently either 'defended' as a sympathizer (Luke), explicitly 'converted' (Matthew, John), or suppressed by 'harmonizing' commentators. Both Crossan's argument that Mark created his Joseph ex nihilo to solve the problem of the loss of Jesus' body, and Brown's argument that the pious Joseph must have subsequently become a believer, are considered and rejected. It is suggested that Mark found Joseph's name in earlier tradition and retained it because it suited a specific motif, the appearance of exemplary characters who provide a critical contrast to the Markan disciples. The historical Joseph almost certainly lived and died a pious Jew.

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Elliott, John. "Jesus the Israelite Was Neither a `Jew' Nor a `Christian': On Correcting Misleading Nomenclature." Journal for the Study of the Historical Jesus 5, no. 2 (2007): 119–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1476869007079741.

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AbstractDistinguishing between insider and outsider groups and their differing nomenclatures is essential for accurate interpretation and translation. Jesus and his earliest followers, evidence demonstrates, were called `Israelites', `Galileans' or `Nazoreans' by their fellow Israelites. `Israel', `Israelites' were the preferred terms of self-designation among members of the house of Israel when addressing other members—not `'Ιουδαιος', `Jew' or `Judaism'. Modern interpreters and translators of the Bible, it is argued, should respect and follow this insider preference. 'Ιουδαιος , an outsider coinage, is best rendered `Judaean', not `Jew', to reflect the explicit or implied connection with Judaea. It was employed by Israelites when addressing outsiders as an accommodation to outsider usage. The concepts `Jew', `Jewish' and `Christian' as understood today are shaped more by fourth century rather than first-century CE realities and hence should be avoided as anachronistic designations for first-century persons or groups. Use of `Christian' is best restricted to its three NT appearances. The use of appropriate nomenclature is crucial for minimizing historical and social inaccuracies and misunderstandings.

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Rudolph, David J. "Jesus and the Food Laws: A Reassessment of Mark 7:19b." Evangelical Quarterly 74, no. 4 (April 16, 2002): 291–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-07404001.

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The article proposes that Jesus’ parable in Mark 7:14-19a and Mark’s editorial comment in 7:19b uphold the validity of the Torah’s ritual purity system. Prioritization, not abrogation, is the aim of Jesus’ teaching. The Markan insertion was likely intended as a historicaltheological justification for the Jerusalem Council’s exemption of Gentile Christians from the Leviticus 11 dietary laws; Pauline influence is also plausible. The article calls into question the use of revocation terminology by commentators to explicate the parenthesis. From the Jewish Christian perspective, as implied in the Apostolic Decree, the dietary laws remained incumbent on Jews. Against this Acts 15 backdrop, Mark 7:19b is best understood as a matter of Gentile halakhic application and not an apocalyptic pronouncement that all foods are now clean. Recognition of this Jew-Gentile ecclesiological variegation is essential to understanding the early Church’s reading of Mark 7.

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Besier, Gerhard. "Anti-Bolshevism and Antisemitism: The Catholic Church in Germany and National Socialist Ideology 1936–1937." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 43, no. 3 (July 1992): 447–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002204690000138x.

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In his essay ‘Judaism and Christianity in the ideology and politics of National Socialism’ Klaus Scholder outlined the basic principles of Hitler's world view and examined his perception of the relationship between Christianity and antisemitism. According to Hitler, there could be no doubt that Christian leaders, given the nature of their beliefs, should be active exponents of antisemitism. He revitalised the old motif of the Jews as ‘Christ killers’ and described Jesus as ‘a leader of the people’ who ‘opposed Jewry’. Because of this he had been murdered on the initiative of the Jews and the Jew Paul ’refined, falsified and exploited the teaching of the Galilean for his own ends’.

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Trumbower, Jeffrey A. "The Historical Jesus and the Speech of Gamaliel (Acts 5.35–9)." New Testament Studies 39, no. 4 (October 1993): 500–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500011930.

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As a supplement to the careful analysis of early Christian texts, anyone studying the historical Jesus of Nazareth is inevitably drawn to make comparisons between him and other figures from the ancient world in general, and first-century Palestine in particular. Just what type of figure was he? For example, in his book, Jesus the Jew, Geza Vermes emphasizes Jesus' compatibility with the category of Jewish charismatic figures like Honi the Circle-drawer (perhaps a Galilean) and Hanina Ben-Dosa (definitely a Galilean). Morton Smith compares the actions and words of Jesus to the magical papyri and finds remarkable similarities to ancient magicians, thus the title of his book, Jesus the Magician. Smith, like Celsus 1800 years earlier, delights in showing how Jesus was just one of the many fakers and charlatans practising the magical arts in the first-century Mediterranean world. More recently, Burton Mack has argued that Jesus was a cynic sage like those found in Diogenes Laertius' Lives of Eminent Philosophers. In Mack's reconstruction, Jesus' thought was not eschatological, nor did Jesus intend to found a movement or movements devoted to himself; rather, he preached the flaunting of social conventions and criticized his culture in general terms, like other cynic philosophers.

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Paget, James Carleton. "Albert Schweitzer and the Jews." Harvard Theological Review 107, no. 3 (July 2014): 363–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816014000327.

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Albert Schweitzer's engagement with Judaism, and with the Jewish community more generally, has never been the subject of substantive discussion. On the one hand this is not surprising—Schweitzer wrote little about Judaism or the Jews during his long life, or at least very little that was devoted principally to those subjects. On the other hand, the lack of a study might be thought odd—Schweitzer's work as a New Testament scholar in particular is taken up to a significant degree with presenting a picture of Jesus, of the earliest Christian communities, and of Paul, and his scholarship emphasizes the need to see these topics against the background of a specific set of Jewish assumptions. It is also noteworthy because Schweitzer married a baptized Jew, whose father's academic career had been disadvantaged because he was a Jew. Moreover, Schweitzer lived at a catastrophic time in the history of the Jews, a time that directly affected his wife's family and others known to him. The extent to which this personal contact with Jews and with Judaism influenced Schweitzer either in his writings on Judaism or in his life will in part be the subject of this article.

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Witherington, Ben. "The Jesus Quest: The third Search for the Jew of Nazareth." Pro Ecclesia: A Journal of Catholic and Evangelical Theology 7, no. 3 (August 1998): 377–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106385129800700320.

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Förster, Niclas. "Jesus der Täufer und die Reinwaschung der Jünger." New Testament Studies 64, no. 4 (September 3, 2018): 455–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688518000152.

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The dispute ‘about purification’ between the disciples of John the Baptist and a Jew (John 3.25) has to do with the priority of ethical purity as effected through baptism over the ritual washing prescribed by the Torah, e.g. before entering the Jerusalem temple. This issue is referred to in John 13.10 and 15.3, and also in P.Oxy. 840. It is presupposed here that the circle of Jesus’ disciples received John's baptism of repentance either from John the Baptist or from Jesus (John 3.22, 26; 4.1). The Gospel of John thus engages with an ongoing debate within Jewish Christianity about the obligatory nature of ritual washing.

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Harris, Daniel A. "HAGAR IN CHRISTIAN BRITAIN: GRACE AGUILAR’S “THE WANDERERS”." Victorian Literature and Culture 27, no. 1 (March 1999): 143–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150399271082.

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But he who was of the bondwoman was born after the flesh; but he of the free woman was by promise. Which things are an allegory: for these are the two covenants; the one from the mount Sinai, which gendereth to bondage, which is Hagar. For this Hagar is mount Sinai in Arabia, and answereth to Jerusalem which now is, and is in bondage with her children. But Jerusalem which is above is free, which is the mother of us all. . . . Now we, brethren, as Isaac was, are the children of promise.— St. Paul, Epistle to the GalatiansThese Ishmaels and Hagars of mankind . . .— Longfellow, “The Jewish Cemetery at Newport,” 1852GIVEN PAUL’S TORTUOUS, divisive rhetoric, the Jew is always the proto-Christian, deprived of actual historical identity and development. For Christianity, founding itself on usurpation, cannot dispense with the Abrahamic covenant or the sacrifice of Isaac (to Jews, the akedah, binding) that prefigures the martyrdom of Jesus. Because Christianity begins by absorbing Hebraic characters as patterns, it must represent real Jews by a second displacement, as non-Jews: “These Ishmaels and Hagars of mankind.” In Christian eyes, the Jew is twice dispossessed — once by metamorphosis into the potentially free Christian, and again by disguise as a creature of bondage.

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Kot, Piotr. "Jesus and the Woman of Samaria (John 4:7b–15). From the Heritage of Tradition to the Mystery of Faith." Biblical Annals 10, no. 4 (April 9, 2020): 615–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/biban.8674.

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The dialogue between Jesus and the woman of Samaria, which is related in detail by the author of the fourth gospel, focuses on the sign of Jacob’s well and the living water in its first part (4:7b–15). The climax of this section combines the well, the gift of God and the identity of Jesus. By way of allusion, Jesus leads the woman to the recognition of His person’s mystery. If readers wish to comprehend the meaning of this conduct, they cannot limit themselves only to the biblical story of the patriarch Jacob. They must consider the Targum traditions. Only thus is it possible to understand how a woman of Samaria could recognize the mystery of Jesus, a Jew. Setting the story in the cultural context sheds light on the author’s intentions behind the inclusion of the narrative of 4:1–42 in Corpus Johanneum. This is important in relation to the land of Samaria which was then inhabited by people who varied in terms of ethnicity and religion. The woman whom Jesus met at Jacob’s well is described in such a way as to represent all Samaritans: descendants of proto-Samaritans and immigrant heathens. All of them were invited to draw from the source of salvation opened up by Jesus Christ.

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DUNN, JAMES D. G. "WHO DID PAUL THINK HE WAS? A STUDY OF JEWISH–CHRISTIAN IDENTITY." New Testament Studies 45, no. 2 (March 1999): 174–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002868859800174x.

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The question of Paul's identity is raised by his history as a diaspora Jew, then Pharisee, who became a believer in Messiah Jesus and apostle to the gentiles. How did he think of himself? The essay focuses on the categories ‘Jew’, ‘(in) Judaism’, ‘Hebrew’ and ‘Israel(ite)’, with particular reference to Rom 2.28–9, 1 Cor 9.20–1, Gal 1.13–14, 2 Cor 11.22, Phil 3.4–7 and Rom 11.1. It also contrasts Paul's devaluation of circumcision and food laws with his continued and characteristically Jewish hostility to idolatry and sexual licence. Paul's identity was evidently in transition, both rooted in his Jewish heritage and responding to fresh revelation, thus reflecting the emerging identity of Christianity.

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Reinhartz, Adele. "The Misunderstood Jew: The Church and the Scandal of the Jewish Jesus." Biblical Interpretation 19, no. 3 (2011): 344–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851508x284737.

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Bryan, S. "Review: A Marginal Jew. Rethinking the Historical Jesus. III. Companions and Competitors." Journal of Theological Studies 53, no. 2 (October 1, 2002): 615–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/53.2.615.

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Prasad, Ajit. "Jesus was Born a Jew!: Strategy, Religion and the Product Life Cycle." Vision: The Journal of Business Perspective 9, no. 1 (January 2005): 37–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097226290500900105.

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Illman, Siv, Theodor Katz, Karl-Johan Illman, and Ulrika Lindblad. "Book reviews." Nordisk Judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 14, no. 2 (September 1, 1993): 182–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.69506.

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Om uppfostran (Martin Buber, 1993) is reviewed by Siv Illman.The Chinese Encyclopedia Judaica (1993) is reviewed by Theodor Katz.Directory of individuals interested in the Jews and the Jewish communities of East, Southeast and South Asia (ed. Frank Joseph Shulman, 1993) is reviewed by Theodor Katz.I den frågande själ? Essäer i judiska ämnen (Mikael Enckell, 1993) is reviewed by Karl-Johan Illman.Uppbrottet. Bibelteologisk kommentar till andra Moseboken (Göran Larsson, 1993) is reviewed by Karl-Johan Illman.Periodiska systemet (Primo Levi, 1993 övers.) is reviewed by Ulrika Lindblad.Från Auschwitz till Günskirchen (Therese Müller, 1993) is reviewed by Ulrika Lindblad.The Jews of dynastic China: a critical bibliography (Michael Pollak, 1993) is reviewed by Theodor Katz.Zeugnisse jüdischer Kultur (Heinrich Simon, 1992) is reviewed by Theodor Katz.The religion of Jesus the Jew (Geza Vermes, 1993) is reviewed by Ulrika Lindblad.

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Scroggs, Robin. "Book Review: The Historical Jesus: The Life of a Mediterranean Jewish Peasant; A Marginal Jew: Rethinking the Historical Jesus." Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 47, no. 3 (July 1993): 299–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002096430004700310.

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Forger, Deborah. "Divine Embodiment in Philo of Alexandria." Journal for the Study of Judaism 49, no. 2 (February 27, 2018): 223–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12491160.

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AbstractBecause later polemics established Jews and Christians as binary opposites, distinguished largely by their views on God’s body, scholars have not sufficiently explored how other Jews in the early Roman period, who stood outside the Jesus movement, conceived of how the divine could become embodied on earth. The first-century Jewish philosopher Philo of Alexandria often operates as the quintessential representative of a Jew who stressed God’s absolute incorporeality. Here I demonstrate how Philo also presents a means by which a part of Israel’s God could become united with human materiality, showing how the patriarchs and Moses function as his paradigms. This evidence suggests that scholarship on divine embodiment has been limited by knowledge of later developments in Christian theology. Incarnational formulas, like that found in John 1:14 were not the only way that Jews in the first and second centuryCEunderstood that God could become united with human form.

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Albl, Martin. "The Image of the Jews in Ps.-Gregory of Nyssa's Testimonies against the Jews." Vigiliae Christianae 62, no. 2 (2008): 161–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007207x235155.

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AbstractThis article examines the implicit audience of Ps.-Gregory's Testimonies against the Jews, a late fourth-century collection of Old Testament proof-texts and commentary intended to prove the truth of Christian beliefs over against Jewish objections. As a "meta-collection" of previous Christian proof-text collections and exegetical traditions, it reflects disparate and sometimes contradictory images of the Jews. In comparison with other Christian adversus Iudaeos literature, however, the Testimonies is remarkable for its generally positive portrayal of Judaism. It argues, for example, that the purpose of the Jewish law was to keep the descendants of Abraham pure until the birth of the Messiah. While "proving" at length that Jesus' death was prophesied in scripture, it never blames the Jews for that death. Its tone is consistently civil, presuming that "the Jew" is not "blind" or "hard-hearted," but rather is a person who can be persuaded by rational argument.

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Bermejo-Rubio, Fernando. "The Process of Jesus’ Deification and Cognitive Dissonance Theory." Numen 64, no. 2-3 (March 8, 2017): 119–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341457.

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The starting point of this article is the paradox that the first-century Jew, Jesus the Galilean, came to be considered divine by a sect belonging to a religion which is often deemed to be monotheistic, to the extent that many scholars refer to this phenomenon as “striking” and “puzzling.” Although a complete survey of the cultural and religious (Jewish, Greco-Roman) contexts in which the sect of the Nazoreans — the original core group from which Christianity grew — developed its beliefs and practices is of paramount importance for understanding this phenomenon, my contention is that a historical approach should be supplemented by social science theories. In this article, I argue that cognitive dissonance theory, after having been enriched and modified by quite a few criticisms in the last several decades, contributes to making the psychological and social processes which led to Jesus’ exaltation and deification more intelligible.

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Perkins, Pheme. "Book Review: A Marginal Jew. Rethinking the Historical Jesus. By John P. Meier." Theological Studies 78, no. 1 (March 2017): 229–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040563916682640b.

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Chilton, Bruce. "A Marginal Jew: Rethinking the Historical Jesus. Volume Three--Companions and Competitors (review)." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 22, no. 3 (2004): 152–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2004.0055.

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Botha, Pieter J. J. "Jesus of Nazareth: Jew from Galilee, Savior of the World by Jens Schröter." Neotestamentica 50, no. 3 (2016): 236–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/neo.2016.0030.

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Zanini, Rogério Luiz. "A encarnação de Jesus na ótica de gênero." Revista Eclesiástica Brasileira 76, no. 303 (August 9, 2018): 576–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.29386/reb.v76i303.175.

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Síntese: Ao pensar ou repensar a encarnação de Jesus, sua masculinidade pode se constituir numa questão. As teólogas feministas começaram a utilizar a dimensão de gênero como categoria de análise dentro de um princípio metodológico de desconstrução e reconstrução, juntamente com a “hermenêutica da suspeita”. Descobrem que a humanidade de Jesus é essencial para seu papel salvífico e reconhecem nitidamente que Jesus de Nazaré pertence ao sexo masculino. No entanto, nunca sugerem que é a masculinidade de Cristo que une os humanos com Deus de maneira salvífica. O ministério inclusivo do Reino de Deus, pregado por Jesus, questionou muitos estereótipos de gênero de seu tempo e ainda anuncia um ideal inclusivo de Igreja na qual “não há judeu nem grego, nem escravo nem livre, nem homem nem mulher...” (Gl 3,28). E a conclusão a que chegamos é a de que a fé num Deus identificado puramente com o masculino é incompatível com a revelação cristã e sua proposta de amor totalizante e universal.Palavras-chave: Jesus. Gênero. Discipulado de iguais.Abstract: When thinking or rethinking the incarnation of Jesus, his masculinity may become an issue. Feminist theologians have begun to use the gender dimension as an analytical category within a methodological principle of deconstruction and reconstruction, together with the “hermeneutics of suspicion”. They discovered that the humanity of Jesus is essential to his salvific role and recognize clearly that Jesus of Nazareth belongs to the male gender. However, they never suggest that it is Christ’s masculinity that unites the human beings with God in a salvific way. The inclusive ministry of the Kingdom of God preached by Jesus, questioned many gender stereotypes of his time and also announced an ideal inclusive church in which “there is neither Jew nor Greek, neither slave nor free man, neither male nor female ...” (Gal 3:28). And the conclusion we reached is that the faith in a God that is purely identified with the male gender is incompatible with the Christian revelation and its proposal of a totalizing and universal love.Keywords: Jesus. Genre. Discipleship of equals

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MECSI, Beatrix. "Pindola in Korea and Japan: Is the Wandering Jew Coming from East Asia?" Asian Studies 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2014): 75–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2014.2.2.75-88.

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The legend of the Wandering Jew became very popular, especially from the 17th century Western Europe. The story of punishment by eternal life until the next coming of Jesus Christ has parallels with the Buddhist legend of Pindola Bharadvaja, a disciple of Shakyamuni Buddha who was also punished by eternal life until the coming of the Future Buddha, Maitreya. The similarities were dealt with the Japanese polymath, Minakata Kumagusu (1899) and Walter Edwards (1902) in the turn of the 20th century, claiming that the story of the Wandering Jew was influenced by the Asian legends of Pindola. In this paper I show that even if we do not have convincing evidences for proving any historical connections between these legends, the myth of eternal life as a punishment is an interesting idea, which appears in many traditions, forming layers on the existing and ever-growing traditions of myths and pictorial representations.

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