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Journal articles on the topic 'Jewish-Arab relations'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

Abbasi, Mustafa. "The end of Arab Tiberias: the Arabs of Tiberias and the Battle for the City in 1948." Journal of Palestine Studies 37, no. 3 (2008): 6–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2008.37.3.6.

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Tiberias was unique among Palestinian mixed cities for its unusually harmonious Arab-Jewish relations, even during periods of extreme tension like the 1936--39 Arab Revolt. Yet within hours of a brief battle in mid-April 1948, the town's entire Arab population was removed, mostly across the Transjordanian border, making Tiberias a wholly Jewish town overnight. In exploring how this took place, this article focuses on the Arab community's rigid social structure; the leadership's policy of safeguarding intercommunal relations at all costs, heightening local unpreparedness and isolating the town

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2

Erlich, Rakefet Ron, Shahar Gindi, and Michal Hisherik. "“I’ll Do Business with Anyone”." Israel Studies Review 35, no. 3 (2020): 72–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2020.350305.

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Given the surplus of Arab teachers and the shortage of Jewish teachers in Israel, the government has adopted the policy of employing Arab teachers in Jewish schools, contrary to the dominant nationalistic agenda. We argue that this low-cost solution meets the criteria for disruptive innovation in that it flies under the radar and has the potential to proliferate and change the existing social order. Through surveys and interviews with boundary-crossing Arab teachers, this article finds that teachers circumvent power structures in three social fields. In the Arab community, work in Jewish schoo

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3

Erlich, Rakefet Ron, Shahar Gindi, and Michal Hisherik. "“I’ll Do Business with Anyone”." Israel Studies Review 35, no. 3 (2020): 72–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2020.350305.

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Given the surplus of Arab teachers and the shortage of Jewish teachers in Israel, the government has adopted the policy of employing Arab teachers in Jewish schools, contrary to the dominant nationalistic agenda. We argue that this low-cost solution meets the criteria for disruptive innovation in that it flies under the radar and has the potential to proliferate and change the existing social order. Through surveys and interviews with boundary-crossing Arab teachers, this article finds that teachers circumvent power structures in three social fields. In the Arab community, work in Jewish schoo

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4

Hofman, John E. "Jewish‐Arab relations in Israel: Human relations and social identity." Patterns of Prejudice 21, no. 3 (1987): 15–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031322x.1987.9969914.

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5

Payes, Shany. "Education across the divide: Shared learning of separate Jewish and Arab schools in a mixed city in Israel." Education, Citizenship and Social Justice 13, no. 1 (2017): 19–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1746197917698489.

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This article examines the impact of contact-based educational encounter strategies of shared learning on Jewish–Arab relations in Israel. It analyses a programme of education for shared life that takes place in a mixed (75% Jewish/25% Arab) city at the centre of Israel since 2012. The programme aims to mitigate Jewish–Arab relations in the city amidst tensions resulting from the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, unequal power relations and hostilities between the groups. Uniquely, it assimilates shared life education into the generally separate educational system in the city, and uses methods of s

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6

Rudin, Shai. "Responses of Arab teachers of Hebrew in Israel to an Israeli novel on Jewish-Arab relations." Journal for Multicultural Education 35, no. 2 (2019): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jme-07-2019-0058.

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Purpose This study aims to examine the responses and perceptions of Israeli Arab teachers toward multicultural and educational issues concerning Jewish–Arab relations. Design/methodology/approach This study is a qualitative research. The study included 44 novice Arab teachers, who teach Hebrew in the Arab sector and are currently studying toward their masters’ degree at a teacher education college in northern Israel. The teachers were asked to read the novel Nadia by Galila Ron Feder–Amit. Published in 1985, the novel describes the complex integration of Nadia, an Arab village girl, into a Jew

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7

Kimmerling, Baruch. "Patterns of militarism in Israel." European Journal of Sociology 34, no. 2 (1993): 196–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600006640.

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Most of the subjects concerned with Israel, such as the location of the military and militaristic culture, are heavily distorted in comparison to other themes prevalant in the discourse and the debates in the social sciences, very much like the other issues linked with the Jewish-Arab conflict and Jewish-Arab relations (Kimmerling, 1992). Ideological and value loaded considerations blur the issue, making even the usage of the term ‘militarism’ in the canonical textbooks a taboo in Israel. The main purpose of this paper is three-fold: 1) to present a brief survey of the present state of the lit

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8

Al-Haj, Majid, Elihu Katz, and Samuel Shye. "Arab and Jewish Attitudes." Journal of Conflict Resolution 37, no. 4 (1993): 619–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002793037004002.

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9

Smooha, Sammy. "Arab‐Jewish relations in Israel in the peace era." Israel Affairs 1, no. 2 (1994): 227–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537129408719325.

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10

Al-Qasem, Anis Mustafa. "Arab Jews in Israel: the struggle for identity and socioeconomic justice." Contemporary Arab Affairs 8, no. 3 (2015): 323–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2015.1054613.

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This article is based on a study in Arabic by author that formed the final chapter of the book Yahud al-bilad al-‘arabiyyah (The Jews of the Arab Countries) by the late Palestinian historian Khairiyyah Qasimiyyah. It examines the problem of identity among Jews of Arab origin in Israel and the resurgent use of the term ‘Arab Jew’ used by Jewish academics and activists in Israel. It also considers the issues of discrimination and socioeconomic injustice against the Arab Jewish community since the early history of Israel. Finally, it discusses the potential for joint action by Arab Jews and Pales

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11

Barany, Zoltan. "Selective Reconciliation: The Rapprochement Between Israel and the Gulf Monarchies." Transatlantic Policy Quarterly 21, no. 3 (2022): 59–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.58867/fujf1673.

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The September 2020 Abraham Accords between Israel and the United Arab Emirates, and Bahrain was the culmination of a multi-year process. Later two other Arab monarchies, Morocco, and Jordan jointed them in improving their relations with the Jewish State while the remaining Gulf Cooperation Council members opted not to join the Accords. This article focuses on Gulf Kingdoms and argues that the improvement in Israeli-Arab relations is explained by a growing realization that in Iran, both sides have a common enemy; the failings of America’s Middle East policy; the anticipated economic and securit

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12

Gat, Moshe. "Jewish Property Claims against Arab Countries." Journal of Israeli History 28, no. 1 (2009): 76–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13531040902752556.

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13

Abu-Gweder, Aref. "Modern Communication Techniques as Means of Breaking the Cultural Barrier of Arab-Bedouin Youth and Jewish Youth." Studies in Media and Communication 10, no. 2 (2022): 166. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/smc.v10i2.5718.

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New media have facilitated communication all over the world and we are able to maintain long-distance relationships. The purpose of this study was to investigate how young Arab Bedouin people engage with their friends online via social networking sites. The researchers employed 200 questionnaires to gather information from Jewish and Arab-Bedouin users of social networking sites. According to the findings, online interaction between Bedouin and Jewish teenagers in the Arab world helped them acquire social and emotional experiences. Additionally, many mentioned how communicating online has impr

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14

Ivanova, Nadezhda A. "U.S. policy towards Israel in the context of the Israeli-Jordanian armed clashes (1954)." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 5 (2022): 1343–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2022-27-5-1343-1351.

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The U.S. policy towards Israel in 1954 is considered on the example of foreign policy decisions taken by the American side during the Israeli-Jordanian armed clashes. As part of the unresolved Arab-Israeli conflict, the U.S. administration considered the vector of establishing partnerships with Arab countries as one of the ways to counteract the expansion of Soviet influence in the region. When resolving the issue of the Israeli-Jordanian border conflicts, the U.S. resorted to a policy of maneuvering, trying to maintain a balanced interaction with each of the parties. Meanwhile, this did not i

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15

Khalidi, Raja. "Sixty years after the UN Partition Resolution: What Future for the Arab Economy in Israel??" Journal of Palestine Studies 37, no. 2 (2008): 6–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2008.37.2.6.

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Despite the expectations of economic theory, a century of Arab-Jewish economic interaction in Palestine has not led to the convergence that is supposed to result from exchange between a capital-rich economy and a labor-intensive one. After 60 years of failed integration, the Arab population in Israel has fallen to the bottom of the socioeconomic ladder. With the Palestinian ““regional economies”” in Israel and the occupied territories operating as part of the same Israeli economic regime, the challenge for Palestinian economic policy makers is to build on the new paradigm in shaping a national

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16

Hisherik, Michal, and Shahar Gindi. "‘We were not even trained to have an opinion’: Political socialization of Arabs in Israel." Citizenship Teaching & Learning 17, no. 2 (2022): 249–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ctl_00093_1.

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There are two main paradigms regarding political socialization. The early-years-of-life hypothesis emphasizes the importance of political socialization in the early years, while the life-long hypothesis argues that political socialization is shaped continuously throughout life. The literature on the topic concentrates on seminal events and their impact on political socialization. In this study, we examined these hypotheses in the unique context of Arab teachers in Jewish schools in Israel. The teachers spoke about the culture of silence about politics that characterized their childhood and the

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17

Seginer, Rachel. "Jewish-Arab Relations in Israel: A Psychology of Adolescence Perspective." Journal of Psychology 120, no. 6 (1986): 557–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00223980.1986.9915486.

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18

Kaplan, Danny. "Jewish-Arab Relations in Israeli Freemasonry: Between Civil Society and Nationalism." Middle East Journal 68, no. 3 (2014): 385–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/68.3.13.

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19

Moskovich, Yaffa, and Ido Liberman. "Academic Colleges in the Galilee: Platforms for Inter-Group Relations." Journal of Student Research 4, no. 2 (2015): 49–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.47611/jsr.v4i2.230.

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This study examines the changes that took place in intergroup relations between Jewish and Arab students in three Israeli colleges in the northern Galilee, as reflected in common traits and behaviors resulting from their shared undergraduate studies. The study investigated whether and how the joint study experience influenced learning and affected intergroup relations for 461 students at different stages of their undergraduate studies. The students answered a four-part questionnaire on cooperative behavior, personality, and demographic traits, and one open question on personal feelings in the

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20

Jones, Clive. "Arab responses to Soviet Jewish Aliya, 1989–1992." Israel Affairs 1, no. 2 (1994): 267–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537129408719327.

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21

Tauber, Eliezer. "Jewish‐non‐Palestinian‐Arab negotiations: The first phase." Israel Affairs 6, no. 3-4 (2000): 159–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537120008719577.

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22

yudkin, Leon I. "The Jewish‐Arab conflict in recent Israeli literature." Israel Affairs 1, no. 3 (1995): 215–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13517129508719346.

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23

Hovhannisyan, Nikolay. "Theodor Herzl And The Armenian Question According To Marwan Buheiry’s Work." Fundamental Armenology 1 (July 14, 2022): 157–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.54503/1829-4618-2022.1(15)-157.

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In the article is discussed the monograph “Theodor Herzl and The Armenian Question” written by the Lebanese scholar Marwan Buheiry, specializing in modern and contemporary history of the Middle East, Arab peoples and international policy of Zionism. The study is devoted to the Armenian-Jewish relations in the early stages of political Zionism.

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24

Tauber, Eliezer. "The Canadian Arab: The First Arab Political Organ in Canada." Journal for Interdisciplinary Middle Eastern Studies 8, no. 1 (2022): 5–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.26351/jimes/8-1/1.

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In the early 1940s, Arab lobbying activities started to be noticeable in Canada. In 1944, Muhammad Said Massoud, a Druze emigrant from Lebanon, founded the Canadian Arab Friendship League in Montreal. The League soon became the spearhead of Arab lobbying activity in Canada with a declared goal of improving Canada’s relations with the Arab world. The Canadian Arab, published by Massoud between May 1945 and December 1947, was the most significant enterprise of the League. Being the first of its kind in Canada, the journal was intended to refute Zionist arguments regarding Palestine and prevent C

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25

Shepkaru, Shmuel. "JEWISH-ARAB RELATIONS THROUGH THE LENSE OF ISRAELI CINEMA; THEN AND NOW." Levantine Review 2, no. 1 (2013): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/lev.v2i1.5083.

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Israeli cinema has presented different aspects of the relationship between Israeli Jews and Arabs. These aspects encompass topics such as personal friendships and conflicts, homosexual and heterosexual affairs, gender issues, politics and wars, and questions of identity. This article focuses on the presentations of the relationships between Jews and Arabs and their desire for normalization and peace.

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26

Theodore Sasson. "Review Essay: Israeli Attitudes on Civil Rights, Democracy and Arab-Jewish Relations." Israel Studies 23, no. 2 (2018): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/israelstudies.23.2.10.

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27

Bishara, Azmi. "Reflections on October 2000: A Landmark in Jewish-Arab Relations in Israel." Journal of Palestine Studies 30, no. 3 (2001): 54–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2001.30.3.54.

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28

Bashkin, Orit. "When the Safras Met the Dajānīs." Journal of Arabic Literature 47, no. 1-2 (2016): 138–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570064x-12341316.

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This paper explores how readers can hear Arabic voices within Hebrew novels written by Jews who came to Israel from Arab countries or who were born in Israel to Arabic-speaking parents.1 I look at the ways in which the Arabic language itself, as well as Arabic literature and Islamic religious texts, are mediated in these novels. The inclusion of Arabic voices within the Hebrew texts, I argue, acts powerfully against national monolingualism and generates a new understanding of Arab-Jewish relations and of Mizrahi Diasporic identities.

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29

BOSTANCI, Mustafa. "Turkish-Arab Relations in the Axis of the Question of Palestine and the Establishment of Israel State." JOURNAL OF HISTORY AND FUTURE 9, no. 2 (2023): 244–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.21551/jhf.1294348.

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The question of Palestine issue began when Jewish immigrants settled in Palestine from the 1880s and formed large colonies on the land they purchased, and it evolved into a chronic problem with the establishment of the State of Israel.  The recognition of Israel's independence by Türkiye induced intense reactions in the Arab Middle East and sabotaged the development process of Turkish-Arab relations. Following this act of recognition, Türkiye quickly became distanced to the region and despite all the moves attempted afterwards, Türkiye failed to erase its scars and the desired level of r

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30

Ivanova, Nadezhda Andreevna. "The Jewish Lobby and U.S. Policy Toward Israel in 1952-1954." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 6 (June 2022): 135–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2022.6.39428.

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The article is dedicated to the study of the Jewish lobby and its influence on the U.S. foreign policy decision-making in 1952-1954. The methods applied by Jewish lobbyists to defend the interests of Israel in the U.S. administration and Congress during the stated period are revealed. The assessment of the effectiveness of these methods as the ruling party changed was carried out. The research starting point is 1952, when the U.S. presidential election took place, D. Eisenhower won and that created the need for the Jewish lobby to adapt itself to the new administration. The upper research limi

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31

Keshet, Yael. "Organizational diversity and inclusive boundary-work: the case of Israeli hospitals." Equality, Diversity and Inclusion: An International Journal 39, no. 4 (2020): 447–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/edi-08-2019-0231.

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PurposeThe theoretical conceptualization of boundaries is proposed as a useful approach to study diversity in organizations.Design/methodology/approachTwo types of diversity in health-care organizations – functional diversity and social category diversity – are compared, drawing on two extensive studies of Israeli hospitals. One study addresses the boundary between the medical professions and complementary medicine and the other examines the boundary between Israel's Jewish ethnic majority and the Arab minority.FindingsWith regard to functional diversity, boundary-work is used to draw, redraw,

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32

Niehina, Vlada, and Oleksandr Vysotskyi. "APPLICATION OF ISRAELI FOREIGN POLICY TECHNOLOGIES THROUGH THE PRO-ISRAEL LOBBY IN THE UNITED STATES." Politology bulletin, no. 84 (2020): 203–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2020.84.203-217.

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Israeli-American relations are based on common democratic values. The pro-Israel lobby is considered one of the most powerful, well-funded, and has ties to American politicians it supports during the election campaign. But lobbyists are faced with the task of obtaining pro-Israel support in important issues for the Jewish state: security, the status of Jewish settlements, Iran’s nuclear program, financial support under the «Memorandum of understanding on military assistance» and improving relations with the Arab world through the mediation of the United States. Since the lobby consists of vari

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33

Yasien-Esmael, Hend, Simon Shimshon Rubin, and Yohanan Eshel. "Widowhood in the Israeli Arab Muslim Society." OMEGA - Journal of Death and Dying 80, no. 3 (2017): 420–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0030222817737229.

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Adjustment of Israeli Arab Muslim widows to the traumatic loss of their husbands was examined by comparing their reported ways of coping with those of married women of their community by means of the Two-Track-Bereavement Model. Participants included 93 widows and 86 comparable married women who were mostly middle aged and of middle class. We hypothesized that widows will express concurrently greater suffering and higher resilience to adverse life events compared with married women. It was hypothesized further that positive and close relations to a deceased husband will be reported by Arab wid

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34

Winter, Ofir. "Controversial Fraternity: Abrahamic Discourse as a Justification for Arab-Israeli Normalization." Journal for Interdisciplinary Middle Eastern Studies 9, no. 1 (2023): 5–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.26351/jimes/9-1/1.

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Over the course of the Arab-Israeli conflict, Islamist scholars affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood and its offshoots have disseminated anti-Jewish religious discourse based on selective interpretations of Quranic verses and prophetic traditions. This rhetoric contributed to the development of a negative perception of Jews among broad segments of the Arab public, who viewed the former as unacceptable partners for peace and normalization. From the Camp David Accords to the Abraham Accords, as Arab regimes gradually pivoted toward the signing of peace treaties with Israel, they advanced alter

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35

Michaeli, Inna. "Immigrating into the Occupation: Russian-Speaking Women in Palestinian Societies." Feminist Review 120, no. 1 (2018): 20–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41305-018-0136-5.

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Social researchers have extensively addressed the immigration of one million Russian speakers to Israel/Palestine over the past twenty-five years. However, the immigrants’ incorporation into the Israeli occupation regime and the ongoing colonisation of Palestine have rarely been questioned as such. In the interviews informing this article, Russian-speaking immigrant women living in Arab-Palestinian communities discuss their complex relations with Palestinian, Jewish-Israeli and Russian-Israeli communities. Sharing a background with Russian-speaking Jewish Israelis on the one hand, and marital

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36

Wallach, Tracy. "Authority, Leadership and Peacemaking: The Role of the Diasporas: The Intersection of the Personal and the Political in a Group Relations Conference." Organisational and Social Dynamics 12, no. 2 (2012): 171–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.33212/osd.v12n2.2012.171.

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This paper will describe the dynamics within and around 'Authority, Leadership and Peacemaking: The Role of the Diasporas', which applied the group relations conference model to understanding the role of American, Jewish, and Arab Diaspora communities in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It will include a discussion of pre-conference and conference dynamics, and ways they mirrored the larger conflict; innovations and adaptations to conference design; preliminary research findings on the impact of the conference on participants; and considerations for future iterations of the conference. Finall

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37

Tessier, Laurent. "La défense de l’idéal sioniste au Canada, point de rencontre entre Juifs et chrétiens 1939–1947." Canadian Jewish Studies / Études juives canadiennes 34 (December 20, 2022): 89–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1916-0925.40293.

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In the early 1940s, the Canadian Jewish Zionist organizations, whose activities were essentially focused on the Jewish community and fundraising for Jewish settlement in Palestine, decided to reorient their strategy and establish a real public relations policy. The priority was to find support among the Canadian population so that parliamentarians and the Canadian government would put pressure on London to end the migration restrictions on persecuted European Jews to Palestine. Canadian Jewish Zionists found singular support among a few English-speaking Christian compatriots whose familiarity

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38

Burg, Avraham. "The Way Forward." Journal of Palestine Studies 44, no. 4 (2015): 48–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2015.44.4.48.

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This article argues for an unorthodox reading of Israel's current political situation. Rather than examine the immediate results of the March 2015 elections, it lays out the ramifications of the country's current predicament in light of the complex relations between the Jewish majority and Palestinian Arab minority. The author contends that despite the seeming stranglehold that extremist nationalism exerts on the political process, there is true potential for Palestinian citizens of Israel (PCI) to gain full and equal citizenship, on a par with that of their Jewish counterparts. He argues furt

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39

Kohen-Raz, Reuven, and Maruan Masalha. "Relations of Basic Arithmetic and Motor Skills in Deaf Elementary School Children." Perceptual and Motor Skills 66, no. 1 (1988): 275–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pms.1988.66.1.275.

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3 segregated groups of Arab and Jewish deaf children of CA 10;9 ( n = 28) were compared with a group of hearing Arab first graders (CA = 6;10, n = 32) on tests of basic arithmetic, static balance control, and the ability to suppress synkinetic finger movements. The hearing-impaired performed as well on arithmetic tasks and on the tests of synkinetic control as their normal peers who were four years younger, while on static balance they were even inferior to the latter. Significant correlations were found between the basic airthmetic and motor skills, within the hearing as well as within the he

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40

Ma'oz, Moshe. "The Role of the Temple Mount / Al-Haram Al-Sharif in the Deterioration of Muslim–Jewish Relations." Approaching Religion 4, no. 2 (2014): 60–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.30664/ar.67550.

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For both Jews and Muslims the Temple Mount and the Old City of Jerusalem constitute highly important religious, cultural, political and national centres. For centuries Jews in the diaspora prayed in the direction of Jerusalem, vowed never to forget it (‘If I forget thee Jerusalem, may my right arm wither’); and blessed one another ‘Next year in Jerusalem’. The Zionist-Jewish movement (since the 1880s) – although predominantly secular – has considered Jerusalem (Zion) as the political and cultural centre of the Jewish people.By comparison, the Palestinian-Arab national movement has, since the 1

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41

Khezri, Haidar. "Kurds, Jews, and Kurdistani Jews: Historic Homelands, Perceptions of Parallels in Persecution, and Allies by Analogy." Religions 13, no. 3 (2022): 253. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13030253.

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This article highlights the positive relations between the Jewish and the Kurdish nations, maintained mainly by Kurdistani Jews until their displacement to Israel in the mid-20th century. These positive relations have been transmitted through their oral traditions, documented by both communities and travelers to Kurdistan, and validated by several scholars who studied the Jews of the region, Kurdistan, and Jewish-Kurdish relations. The dearth of historical documentation of both societies has resulted in a ‘negative myth’ used by the enemies of the Kurds and the Jews to dehumanize them before t

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42

Silverburg, Sanford R. "Arab-Jewish Relations: from Conflict to Resolution? Essays in Honour of Professor Moshe Ma'oz." Digest of Middle East Studies 17, no. 1 (2008): 113–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1949-3606.2008.tb00152.x.

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43

Naor, Moshe. "The Sephardi and Oriental Jews of Haifa and Arab-Jewish relations in Mandate Palestine." Middle Eastern Studies 55, no. 6 (2019): 1020–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2019.1625334.

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44

Kaplan, Avi, Ismael Abu-Sa'ad, and Yossi Yonah. "Jewish-Arab relations in Israel: Perceptions, emotions, and attitudes of university students of education." Intercultural Education 12, no. 3 (2001): 289–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14675980120087499.

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45

Addi-Raccah, Audrey, and Yael Grinshtain. "Teachers' capital and relations with parents: A comparison between Israeli Jewish and Arab teachers." Teaching and Teacher Education 60 (November 2016): 44–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.tate.2016.08.004.

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46

Sa’di, Ahmad H. "The peculiarities of Israel's democracy: some theoretical and practical implications for Jewish–Arab relations." International Journal of Intercultural Relations 26, no. 2 (2002): 119–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0147-1767(01)00043-8.

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47

Maoz, Ifat. "Power relations in intergroup encounters: a case study of Jewish–Arab encounters in Israel." International Journal of Intercultural Relations 24, no. 2 (2000): 259–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0147-1767(99)00035-8.

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48

Hager, Tamar, Tuffaha Saba, and Nava Shay. "Jewish Arab activism through dialogical encounters: changing an Israeli campus." Journal of Peace Education 8, no. 2 (2011): 193–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17400201.2011.589255.

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49

Goldberg, Tsafrir, and Yiftach Ron. "‘Look, Each Side Says Something Different’: the impact of competing history teaching approaches on Jewish and Arab adolescents’ discussions of the Jewish–Arab conflict." Journal of Peace Education 11, no. 1 (2013): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17400201.2013.777897.

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Peled, Yoav. "Ethnic Democracy and the Legal Construction of Citizenship: Arab Citizens of the Jewish State." American Political Science Review 86, no. 2 (1992): 432–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1964231.

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Abstract:

The citizenship status of its Arab citizens is the key to Israel's ability to function as anethnic democracy, that is, a political system combining democratic institutions with the dominance of one ethnic group. The confluence of republicanism and ethnonationalism with liberalism, as principles of legitimation, has resulted in two types of citizenship: republican for Jews and liberal for Arabs. Thus, Arab citizens enjoy civil and political rights but are barred from attending to the common good.The Arab citizenship status, while much more restricted than the Jewish, has both induced and enable

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