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1

Egler, Tamara Tania Cohen. "Judeus do Egito:." Êxodos e Migrações 4, no. 6 (December 18, 2019): 162–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.24168/revistaprumo.v4i6.1187.

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In Egypt there were 90,000 jews, I was nine years old when the Suez Canal war broke out in 1957, my community was forced to migrate to different countries of the world. This diaspora left me many questions, it was necessary to understand how this community managed to keep its culture accumulated over many generations, and how this social body is displaced, and the construction of its conditions of existence here in Brazil. The departure from Egypt produced an uprooting and the welcome in Brazil allows the displacement of its habitus, when reproducing their practices read in the same business, language, housing in the neighborhood of Higienópolis, in São Paulo, around their synagogues and the under their community organizations.
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2

Silvera, Alain. "The Jews of Egypt." Middle Eastern Studies 35, no. 2 (April 1999): 172–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263209908701272.

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3

Sela, Shulamit. "The head of the Rabbanite, Karaite and Samaritan Jews: on the history of a title." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 57, no. 2 (June 1994): 255–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00024848.

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For over a hundred years, scholars of medieval Jewish history have been interested in the history of the headship of the Jews in Egypt. The first among them, relying mostly on literary documents, believed that the ancient accounts about the establishment of the office of the head of the Jews (Nagid) could be traced back to the Fātimid occupation of Egypt (A.D. 969), while recent scholars—having at their disposal a growing stream of historical data from the Cairo Geniza—have ruled out the early establishment of the headship of the Jews (Negidut) because of the silence about this function in the Geniza documents of the first half of the eleventh century.With the rejection of the early establishment of the headship of the Jews in Egypt, an approach developed which attempted to view the Gaon, head of the Palestinian academy, as the head of the Jews in the Fātimid empire. Now, the rise of the headship of the Jews in Egypt was seen in conjunction with the decline of the Yeshiva of Eretz Israel, at the close of the eleventh century. Lately, scholarship has been enriched by the deciphering of two new Geniza documents related to the office of the headship of the Jews which provide an opportunity for a renewed discussion of two central problems. The first touches upon the old question of putting a date to the establishment of the headship of the Jews in Egypt, and the second, following on from the first, concerns the issue of the status of the Gaon of Eretz Israel during the Fatimid administration.
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4

Simon, Rachel, and Shimon Shamir. "Shamir, "The Jews of Egypt"." Jewish Quarterly Review 82, no. 3/4 (January 1992): 566. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1454896.

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5

Meiser, Martin. "The Translation of the Septuagint – Then and Now." Review of Ecumenical Studies Sibiu 10, no. 1 (April 1, 2018): 61–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ress-2018-0004.

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Abstract The program of „translating faith” was also inherent to the coming-into-existence of the so-called Septuagint. Jews living in Egypt began to translate their holy texts for pedagogical needs. The awareness of Greek cultural superiority required efforts to demonstrate that Jewish culture is equally valuable. Because of the non-Jewish political rulership, Jews had to emphasize their loyalty (Ex. 22.27 [28]; Deut. 17.15); anti-Jewish oppression built the desire of liberation (Isa. 9.3). The translation of the Septuagint therefore includes elements of inculturation (e.g. Gen. 1.26; Ex. 3.14) and dissociation (e.g. Prov. 3.19). Common language (between Jews and non-Jews) did not refer to a common religious feeling; and differences of language (between the Jews in Egypt and the Jews in Israel) did not imply “confessional controversies”. The translation of holy texts into Greek is hence no direct model for shaping ecumenical relationships nowadays, but an appeal to an ethos of speaking, writing, and translating in one’s own way.
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6

Pearce, Sarah. "THE CLEOPATRAS AND THE JEWS." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 27 (November 1, 2017): 29–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440117000032.

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ABSTRACTThis paper explores a variety of evidence for relations between Cleopatra VII, the last Ptolemaic ruler of Egypt, and her Jewish subjects. In the first part of the paper, the focus is on the profoundly negative portrait of the queen in the works of Josephus, with particular attention to Cleopatra's alleged antipathy to Alexandrian Jews in Josephus's Against Apion. Analysis of Josephus's evidence confirms, I argue, that his case against the queen does not stand up. The second part of the paper offers a detailed consideration of other evidence, epigraphic and literary, which, I suggest, confirms a picture of the queen as continuing the policy of her predecessors with regard to the Jews of the Ptolemaic kingdom, by participating in the long-established practice of extending royal support and protection to Jewish proseuchai (places of prayer). While the evidence does not permit definitive conclusions, it suggests that Cleopatra looked to particular Jewish groups – as to others – within Egypt for support and in this, followed a path taken by Cleopatra II and Cleopatra III. Finally, a few details in Plutarch's Life of Antony may also suggest the queen's political and personal alliances with individual Jews, in Egypt and Judea.
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7

Shemer, Yaron. "From Chahine’s al-Iskandariyya … leh to Salata baladi and ʿAn Yahud Misr." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 7, no. 3 (2014): 351–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-00703006.

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This study examines the discursive trajectories of the cosmopolitan Egyptian Jew in the documentaries Salata baladi (Nadia Kamel, 2007) and ‘An Yahud Misr (Amir Ramses, 2012) in light of Youssef Chahine’s classic al-Iskandariyya … leh (1978). Undoubtedly, each of these films provides a complex story of Jewish life in Egypt and, taken together, these creative works offer an alternative to formulaic representations of Jews in Egyptian cinema and television. Yet, a close analysis of the three films reveals an underlying problematic rendering of cosmopolitanism in the context of the Egyptian Jewish community. Arguably, the filmmakers’ main interest in attending to the Jewish question relates more to nostalgic views of Egyptianness (of the pre-1952 Revolution era) as a cosmopolitan, multiethnic and multi-religious identity, than to a genuine interest in Jewish life, history and religion. In other words, the limited and skewed view of the Jewish community, with its near exclusion of the poor, uneducated, monolingual and religiously traditional Jewish residents of Egypt, is driven primarily by anxieties about Egyptian identity in which cosmopolitan Jews are assigned a supporting role in the play of an idealized Egypt of the past and in challenging xenophobic sentiments in the present.
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8

Edan Lege, Dr Yousif Mahmmed. "The Jewish Sect in Egypt 1897-1948 –A study in Their Zionist Activity." ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 226, no. 2 (September 1, 2018): 79–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v226i2.80.

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The Zionist activity of the Jewish community in Egypt coincided with the beginnings of the emergence of the World Zionist movement, which found in the Jews of Egypt a great variety and geographically close to Palestine, and from this reality the gain of support for that community and harnessing its human and material energies in the service of World Zionism was one of the goals of the organization In 1897, the first Zionist Society was founded in Cairo in the name of the "Zionist Society of Barkostash", followed by the organizations and institutions that promote Zionist ideology in Egypt and the emigration of Jews to Palestine, and these institutions describe the members of the Jewish community in Egypt with guests who cannot They settle or calm their thoughts only in their home, the Zionist movement has been active among the ranks of the poor of the Jews of Egypt, and the Zionist propaganda has taken their promise of economic prosperity, democracy, tolerance and freedom of opinion in their promised state, and it is noteworthy that the Jewish community in Egypt enjoyed religious tolerance and freedom Wide and government support, the Egyptian government did not interfere in the affairs of that community, and this contributed to the growing phenomenon of Zionist activity in Egypt, and that activity was initially met with a bit of indifference from the government and the Muslim clerics and the general Egyptian people, perhaps because they did not know the dangerous intentions of that The global project, which intends to gather Jews from all over the world and settle them in Palestine, and with the growing national consciousness and the development of the Palestinian cause and the intensification of political assassinations by Zionist organizations in Palestine, the intentions of the Zionist movement are becoming clearer and in Egypt has become an official and popular reaction to the activity .
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9

Charry, Ellen T. "Who Delivered Israel from Egypt?" Theology Today 74, no. 3 (October 2017): 263–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040573617721915.

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10

Reid, Donald Malcolm, Gudrun Krämer, and Gudrun Kramer. "The Jews of Modern Egypt, 1914-1952." Journal of the American Oriental Society 111, no. 1 (January 1991): 170. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/603788.

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11

Uriel Rappaport. "3 Maccabees and the Jews of Egypt." Jewish Quarterly Review 99, no. 4 (2009): 551–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jqr.0.0067.

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12

Ray, John. "Book Reviews : The Jews in Early Egypt." Expository Times 107, no. 5 (February 1996): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452469610700516.

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13

Nemoy, Leon, and Mourad El-Kodsi. "El-Kodsi's "The Karaite Jews of Egypt"." Jewish Quarterly Review 79, no. 1 (July 1988): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1454423.

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14

Knopek, Jacek. "Polish Jews in Africa in the interwar period." Review of Nationalities 6, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 65–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pn-2016-0003.

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Abstract The article presents the emigration of Polish Jewish community to the individual regions in Africa in the years 1918-1939. It is stated in it that Africa was not really popular among Polish immigrants. Before 1939 only about 4200 people who had Polish citizenship lived on this large continent. Polish Jews occupied an important place among the population. Relatively the largest colonies of Polish Jews were then in North Africa (Egypt and the Maghreb) and in South Africa. Smaller ones were created in West, Central and East Africa. The wealthiest group of Polish Jews lived in Egypt and South Africa, where they were engaged in trade. In other regions, that group dealt with craft, had small shops or livied on hired labor. Polish Jews were involved in the development of Polish and of Polish origin association life in Africa. They contributed also to establishing business contacts between Poland and African lands. Individuals received satisfactory material status and a good professional position or were engaged in political activities.
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15

Hacham, Noah. "The Letter of Aristeas: A New Exodus Story?" Journal for the Study of Judaism 36, no. 1 (2005): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570063054012150.

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AbstractA common opinion views the purpose of the Letter of Aristeas as strengthening the self-identity of Egyptian Diaspora Jewry by sanctifying the Greek translation of the Torah. As Orlinsky has shown, this view is supported by linguistic and thematic parallels between Aristeas and biblical descriptions of the giving of the Torah. The linguistic and thematic associations, however, do not only apply to this specific biblical episode, but also to the entire book of Exodus including the exodus story itself. The author of Aristeas transformed the biblical stories of the exodus and the giving of the Torah into a new foundation story of Egyptian Jewry. In doing so, the new story disregards the biblical hostility to Egypt and instead expresses sympathy for the Ptolemaic king who released the Jews from slavery, settled them in Egypt and initiated the Torah translation into Greek. The aim of Aristeas was to offer a religious justification for the residence of Jews in Egypt.
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16

Shaham, Ron. "Jews and the Shari'a Courts in Modern Egypt." Studia Islamica, no. 82 (1995): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1595584.

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17

Ginat, Rami. "Jewish Identities in the Arab Middle East: The Case of Egypt in Retrospect." International Journal of Middle East Studies 46, no. 3 (July 18, 2014): 593–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743814000646.

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Much work has been done in recent decades on the histories of the Jews of Arab lands across a variety of time periods, reflecting an increasing interest in the historical past of the Jews of the “Orient.” While diverse, this literature may be divided into several general groups. The first comprises studies written by Western and Israeli scholars and encompasses a broad spectrum of Arabic-speaking countries. This literature has explored, among other things, issues relating to the way of life and administration of ethnically and culturally diverse Jewish communities, their approaches to Zionism and the question of their national identities, their positions regarding the Zionist–Israeli–Arab conflict in its various phases, and the phenomena of anti-Semitism, particularly in light of the increasing escalation of the conflict. It includes works by Israeli intellectuals of Mizrahi heritage, some of whom came together in the late 1990s in a sociopolitical dissident movement known as the Mizrahi Democratic Rainbow Coalition. The target audience of this movement was Mizrahi Jews: refugees and emigrants from Arab countries as well as their second- and third-generation offspring. The movement, which was not ideologically homogeneous (particularly regarding approaches to the resolution of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict), took a postcolonialist approach to the Zionist narrative and enterprise, and was critical of the entrenchment of the Ashkenazi (European-extraction) Jews among the elites of the emerging Israeli society. The movement had scant success in reaching its target population: the majority of Mizrahi/Sephardi Jews living in Israel. Nevertheless, it brought to the fore the historical socioeconomic injustices that many Jews from Arab countries had experienced since arriving in Israel, whether reluctantly or acquiescently.
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18

BAREKET, ELINOAR. "The head of the Jews (ra'is al-yahud) in Fatimid Egypt: a re-evaluation." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 67, no. 2 (June 2004): 185–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x04000138.

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The debate concerning the Head of the Jews (ra'is al-yahud) in the Fatimid kingdom, which has interested researchers since the late nineteenth century, has yet to reach a final conclusion. Today's researchers usually argue that this position was established in Egypt at the end of the eleventh century with the final fall of the Palestinian Yeshiva; prior to this the Head of the Jews was the gaon of Palestine, appointed by the Fatimid Imam. More recently a new argument has emerged, re-embracing the approach of J. Mann, who argued that the position of the Head of the Jews was established at the beginning of Fatimid rule (late tenth century), and the person to hold the position was a Jewish courtier from the field of finance or medicine, appointed by the Imam to be the supreme leader for all Jews in the Fatimid kingdom: Rabbanites, Karaites and Samaritans. This old–new notion is yet to be clearly proven. Such views are mainly supported by circumstantial analysis of logical arguments that arise from the Geniza documents, without real written proof, but the Geniza is known for surprises and it is possible that we will soon find unequivocal proof to show that the Head of the Jews in the Fatimid kingdom was indeed a Jewish courtier appointed by the Imam, since the beginning of the Fatimid rule over Egypt, Palestine and Syria at the end of the tenth century.
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19

Hasibuan, Uccok Kurnia Meliala, and Fitriani. "Hubungan Islam dan Yahudi Nasrani dalam Prespektif Hadis." Future Academia : The Journal of Multidisciplinary Research on Scientific and Advanced 2, no. 3 (July 6, 2024): 247–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.61579/future.v2i3.148.

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The purpose of this study is to find out Jewish history in a hadith view. In the Bible account, this marks the beginning of Abraham's journey to what is now Can'an, Palestine. The prophet Ya'qub and his sons, who later left Canaan for Egypt, are mentioned in the early history of the Jews, also known as the Children of Israel, in the Qur'an and Hadith. The research methodology used in this study is a qualitative descriptive approach. The research resources used in this procedure come from books, magazines, literature, journals, theses, and primary and secondary data sources. Literary methodology is a method used to obtain data. To draw conclusions from all the research findings, data reduction is the data analysis approach used in this study.the results of the study show that: 1) In history, other names of Jews used throughout history have been Hebrew, Bani Israel, Jew, and Zionist. Nonetheless, there was a difference of opinion about the term "Jew" itself until the author realized that it appeared after the death of Moses (a.s.). 2) The Old Testament, the Talmud, and the Protocol of Zionist Philosophy are scriptures that serve as guides. The Jews also split into a number of factions throughout their history, including the Samiritans, Al-Muqarabah and al-Yuz'aniyyah, the Pharisees, the Essenes, the Inanids, the Muta'assibun, and a few more. 3) The Jews continued to fight against each other until the Zionist movement, which is more widely known today to fight for a tahah that was not their right.
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20

Friedman, David A. "Josephus on the Servile Origins of the Jews." Journal for the Study of Judaism 45, no. 4-5 (September 23, 2014): 523–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12340063.

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The story of the Israelites’ slavery in Egypt and subsequent redemption is the central narrative element of the Pentateuch. Josephus’ claim that he was providing an accurate account of the Jews’ ancient history in Jewish Antiquities thus meant that he had to address the Jews’ servile origins; however, first-century Roman attitudes toward slaves and freedmen would have made this problematic for ideological and political reasons. Although Josephus added references to Jews’ slavery to the account of Jewish history in Jewish Antiquities, he appears deliberately to downplay the Jews’ servile origins at key parts of the narrative, including God’s promise to Abraham in Gen 15 and the account of the Jews’ enslavement in Exod 1. Josephus also demonstrates a concern with the servile status of Jacob’s secondary wives Zilpah and Bilhah. The account of Joseph’s life in Jewish Antiquities emphasizes his non-servile qualities and his chance enslavement. Roman hostility to slaves and freedmen, Josephus’ own personal experience of captivity, and the likely presence in Rome of Jewish freedmen might explain Josephus’ sensitivity to the Jews’ servile origins.
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21

LEWIS, HERBERT S. "The Jews in Modern Egypt, 1914-1952. GUDRUN KRAMER." American Ethnologist 20, no. 1 (February 1993): 204–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.1993.20.1.02a00240.

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22

Inbar, Efraim, and Ian S. Lustick. "Israel's Future: The Time Factor." Israel Studies Review 23, no. 1 (June 1, 2008): 3–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isf.2008.230101.

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A Debate between Efraim Inbar and Ian S. LustickTime is on Israel's Side Efraim InbarFrom a realpolitik perspective, the balance of power between Israel and its neighbors is the critical variable in the quest for survival in a bad neighborhood. If Israel’s position is improving over time and the power differential between the Jewish State and its foes is growing, then its capacity to overcome regional security challenges is assured. Moreover, under such circumstances there is less need to make concessions to weaker parties that are in no position to exact a high price from Israel for holding on to important security and national assets such as the Golan Heights, the settlement blocs close to the “Green Line,” the Jordan Rift, and particularly Jerusalem.With a Bang or a Whimper, Time Is Running Out Ian S. Lustick Israel’s existence in the Middle East is fundamentally precarious. Twentieth- century Zionism and Israeli statehood is but a brief moment in Jewish history. There is nothing more regular in Jewish history and myth than Jews “returning” to the Land of Israel to build a collective life—nothing more regular, that is, except, for Jews leaving the country and abandoning the project. Abraham came from Mesopotamia, then left for Egypt. Jacob left for Hauran, then returned, then left with his sons for Egypt. The Israelites subsequently left Egypt with Moses and Joshua, and “returned” to the Land. Upper class Jews who did not leave with the Assyrians left with Jeremiah for Babylon, then returned with Ezra and Nehemiah.
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23

Snir, Reuven. "'What Has Been Written Upon the Forehead, the Eye Must See': An Arabic-Jewish Author Between Baghdad and an Israeli Transit Camp." Miscelánea de Estudios Árabes y Hebraicos Sección Hebreo 70 (December 29, 2021): 169–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.30827/meahhebreo.v70.22580.

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As an integral part of Arab society since the pre-Islamic period, Jews participated in the making of Arabic literature. We know of prominent Jewish poets such as al-Samawʾal ibn ʿᾹdiyāʾ in the sixth century A.D. and Ibrāhīm ibn Sahl in al-Andalus in the thirteenth century. During the first half of the twentieth century, Arabic literature in fuṣḥā (standard Arabic) written by Jews witnessed a great revival, especially in Iraq and Egypt, but this revival was cut short as a casualty of Zionism and Arab nationalism and the conflict between them. We are currently witnessing the demise of Arabic literature written by Jews; the Arabic language among Jews will probably remain mostly a tool of the military establishment and the intelligence systems as encapsulated in the dictum 'know your enemy' instead of being a medium for coexistence and knowing the Other. The article concentrates on the literary activities of one of the most talented Iraqi-Jewish authors, Shalom Darwīsh (1913-1997), whose promising anticipated literary future in Arabic literature encountered a deadlock following the aforementioned exclusion of Jews from 'Arabness'.
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24

Laskier, Michael M. "Egypt and Beyond: The Jews of the Arab Countries in Modern Times - Gudrun Krämer. The Jews in Modern Egypt, 1914–1952. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1989. x, 319 pp." AJS Review 16, no. 1-2 (1991): 199–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009400003172.

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Gudrun Krämer's study on the Jews of Egypt is divided into five sections: Communal Structure and Composition; Communal Organization; Socioeconomic and Political Change (1914–1918); Jewish Reactions to Political Change: Egyptian Patriotism, Communism, and Zionism; and The Beginning of the End: Egyptianization, the Arab-Israeli War, and the Burning of Cairo.
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25

Halls, Katharine. "On the Mediterranean and the Nile: the Jews of Egypt." Journal of Modern Jewish Studies 19, no. 3 (May 27, 2020): 407–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14725886.2020.1767343.

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26

Cecere, Giuseppe. "The Shaykh and the Others - Sufi Perspectives on Jews and Christians in Late Ayyubid and Early Mamluk Egypt." Entangled Religions 6 (April 17, 2018): 34–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/er.v6.2018.34-94.

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This paper focuses on Sufi attitudes towards Jews and Christians in Late Ayyubid and Early Mamluk Egypt, as reflected in hagiographic literature of the time. This will shed further light on interfaith relations in a society where Jews and Christians lived under Islamic rule in the condition of ahl al-dhimma (lit. “protected people”), implying an overall condition of social and juridical inferiority. With this in mind, works by four prominent Sufi authors have been analyzed: al-Risāla by Shaykh Ṣafī l-Dīn ibn Abī l-Manṣūr (d. 1283), al-Kitāb al-waḥīd by Shaykh Ibn Nūḥ al-Qūṣī (d. 1308), Laṭāʾif al-minan by Ibn ʿAṭāʾ Allāh al-Iskandarī (d. 1309), Durrat al-asrār by Ibn al-Ṣabbāgh (fl. 1320s). This first survey shows a wide variety of attitudes towards Jews and Christians, ranging from interreligious violence to dialogue for converting and also to mutual respect, while adhering to the principles of dhimma and maintaining hierarchical relationships between Islam and other religions.
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Khalid, Shahbaz, Sarfraz, and Umar Shafiq. "Marketing Islamophobia: A Post-Colonial Analysis of the John Updike’s Terrorist (2006)." Global Sociological Review VII, no. I (March 30, 2022): 210–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsr.2022(vii-i).21.

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Many people's opinions of Muslims and Islam have evolved since the World Trade Center attacks on September 11, 2001. Muslims and Islam have been blamed for helping to breed terrorists. This prediction has thus been included in the literature. The same thing is done by John Updike in his book Terrorist. He has played Jews and Muslims. The disparity between the two identities fuels Western viewers' and Americans' fears about Islam. Updike masterfully alienates his Muslim protagonist from his community by utilising language, narrative style, concepts, and symbols. To analyse the Islamophobic and Orientalist elements in Updike's Terrorist, this study analyses and contrasts the two. American Jews and Muslims from Egypt are two very different populations.
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28

Berthelot, Katell. "The Accusations of Misanthropy Against the Jews in Antiquity." Antisemitism Studies 7, no. 2 (September 2023): 338–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/antistud.7.2.04.

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Abstract: This article argues that the origin of the accusation of misanthropy against the Jews is Greek—not Egyptian, as other scholars have thought—and reflects a Greek interpretative framework. The depiction of the Jewish way of life as misanthropic may go back to Hecataeus of Abdera, at the very beginning of the Hellenistic era, or it may have developed later, in the context of Ptolemaic Egypt or during the Judeo-Seleucid conflict of the second century BCE. Accusations of misanthropy are often found to appear during conflicts between Jews and Greeks—be it in the Seleucid kingdom, in Alexandria at the beginning of the first century CE, or in Syria during the first century. Moreover, several authors who depict the Jews as misanthropes share a Stoic or at least a universalist ideological background. Finally, in a Roman context, the accusation of misanthropy becomes associated with an aversion to the phenomenon of Judaization or conversion to Judaism.
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Berthelot, Katell. "The Accusations of Misanthropy Against the Jews in Antiquity." Antisemitism Studies 7, no. 2 (September 2023): 338–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/ast.2023.a910235.

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Abstract: This article argues that the origin of the accusation of misanthropy against the Jews is Greek—not Egyptian, as other scholars have thought—and reflects a Greek interpretative framework. The depiction of the Jewish way of life as misanthropic may go back to Hecataeus of Abdera, at the very beginning of the Hellenistic era, or it may have developed later, in the context of Ptolemaic Egypt or during the Judeo-Seleucid conflict of the second century BCE. Accusations of misanthropy are often found to appear during conflicts between Jews and Greeks—be it in the Seleucid kingdom, in Alexandria at the beginning of the first century CE, or in Syria during the first century. Moreover, several authors who depict the Jews as misanthropes share a Stoic or at least a universalist ideological background. Finally, in a Roman context, the accusation of misanthropy becomes associated with an aversion to the phenomenon of Judaization or conversion to Judaism.
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30

Hacham, Noah. "Bigthan and Teresh and the Reason Gentiles Hate Jews." Vetus Testamentum 62, no. 3 (2012): 318–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853312x645263.

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Abstract The account of Bigthan’s and Teresh’s conspiracy against the king (Esth 2:21-23) was transposed in the Septuagint to Addition A, which opens the book, while an additional story regarding a conspiracy to kill the king was introduced, in its stead, at the end of chapter 2 of this translation. These moves are part of Greek Esther’s reworking of the story in order to depict Mordechai as faithful to the king, and Haman as the king’s adversary who seeks his downfall, and to suggest that this contrast explains Haman’s animosity toward Mordechai, and the Jews, who are loyal to the throne. This tendency, to accentuate the Jews’ allegiance to the gentile monarch while understating the contrasts between Jews and gentiles, is widely manifested throughout Greek Esther. Its objective is to assert that gentile hatred of the Jews derives from their loyalty and reflects, in effect, hatred of the king. The historical backdrop to Esther, reworked in this manner, is most probably Egypt at the beginning of the first century BCE, when the extent of Jewish involvement within the Ptolemaic court and military was considerable.
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31

Johnston-Bloom, Ruchama. "Jews, Muslims andBildung: the German-Jewish Orientalist Gustav Weil in Egypt." Religion Compass 8, no. 2 (February 2014): 49–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/rec3.12097.

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32

Abou-Hadid, A. F., S. A. Gaafer, M. Z. El-Shinawv, M. A. Medany, and A. S. El-Beltagy. "STUDIES ON THE PRODUCTION OF OFF-SEASON JEWS' MALLOW IN EGYPT." HortScience 28, no. 5 (May 1993): 522e—522. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/hortsci.28.5.522e.

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Jews' Mallow (Melokhia) Corchorus olitorus, is a very important leafy vegetable for the Egyptians all year round, except for winter period. Short days and low temperatures accelerate the flower initiation and inhibits the vegetative growth entirely. Some supplimentary light of 8000 lux for one or two hours after sun-set, or as a flash for 10 min. at mid-night have been tried. The obtained results showed that two hours of artificial light after sun set inhibits the flowering and encourages leaf number, leaf area, plant height, plant fresh and dry weight, and leaf/height ratio. The obtained data were discussed in relation to the prevailed microclimatic conditions.
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33

Rapoport, Yossef. "Matrimonial Gifts In Early Islamic Egypt." Islamic Law and Society 7, no. 1 (2000): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851900507553.

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AbstractThe mahr or sadāq is the only marriage gift required under Islamic law. But Islamic law did not necessarily determine actual marriage settlements, even in early Muslim societies. In this essay, I compare the early Islamic legal literature with the pattern of matrimonial gifts recorded in marriage contracts and divorce deeds preserved from early Islamic Egypt. In marriage settlements recorded in the papyri, the groom gave a sadāq that was divided into advance and deferred portions, and brides brought to the marriage a counterpart dowry (jihāz or shiwār). These marriage settlements, which were common to Muslims, Copts and Jews, resembled the Egyptian marriage settlements of late antiquity. The Islamic legal literature preserves the objections of contemporary jurists, including Mālik, to these Egyptian practices, which they initially regarded as an objectionable innovation. Eventually, the local traditions were incorporated, albeit with modifications, into the legal discourse.
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Alkhaled, Mohamad. "The Survival of Sharia Islamic Divorce Law in the Syrian and Egyptian Personal Status Laws." DÍKÉ 5, no. 1 (September 1, 2021): 190–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/dike.2021.05.01.13.

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The family law was not codified in both Syria and Egypt until 1917 when the Ottomans issued the Ottoman Family Rights Law, which applied to Muslims, Christians, and Jews each according to its provisions. This Ottoman Family Rights Law and the book of the Egyptian scholar Muhammad Qadri Pasha (‘Legal Ruling on Personal Status’) formed the first core of personal status laws in both Egypt and Syria, which s explains the survival of Islamic law to this day in personal status laws, in contrast to other branches of law. This paper presents a comparative study between the Egyptian Personal Status Law No. 25 of 1920, and the Syrian Personal Status Law No. 59 of 1953, regarding divorce provisions.
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35

Piotrkowski, Meron M. "Artapanus as a Source for the Building of the Temple of Onias in Egypt." Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha 29, no. 3 (March 2020): 197–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103420913773.

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In scholarly literature, one frequently encounters the claim that Artapanus supplies the only reference to the building of the Temple of Onias in the entire extant corpus of Jewish-Hellenistic literature. While this assumption has found acceptance, this article wishes to investigate that claim. While Artapanus indeed incorporated a reference to the building of a temple by Jews in Heliopolis—the same place, where Josephus located the Temple of Onias—it seems, however, that what Artapanus had in mind was not the Jewish Temple of Onias, but the famed Egyptian Temple of Atum-Ra. This insight is supported by passages of ancient Hellenistic writers such as Herodotus and Diodorus Siculus, who, as Artapanus, contain similar references, to which the latter appears to allude. Artapanus’ note may thus be explained by the notion that the piece of information about Jews being responsible for the building of a famous Egyptian temple fulfills an apologetic purpose and served to aggrandize the Jewish presence in the Egyptian Diaspora.
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36

Honigman, Sylvie. "Breaking Down the Narrative Regarding "Jews": Judeans in Judea and Egypt in Hellenistic and Roman Times." Antisemitism Studies 7, no. 2 (September 2023): 427–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/antistud.7.2.07.

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Abstract: This article focuses on the Hellenistic period, when Jews had a homeland, that is, a territory in which they formed the majority population group and possessed their own state institutions. Consequently, it is claimed, their history cannot be apprehended through paradigms, such as "antisemitism," devised for later periods of time, when Jews formed a minority bereft of a homeland. Moreover, statehood also impacted the collective self-perception, and hence the agency, of Jewish population groups who lived as minorities outside Judea, in particular in Egypt. To illustrate this twofold claim, two case studies are discussed: the so-called religious persecution carried out by Seleucid King Antiochus IV in the mid to late 160s BCE, and commemorated in the Jewish festival of Hanukkah; and the distorted versions of the Exodus story composed by Egyptian authors, which are often seen as the first anti-Judaic texts ever written.
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Honigman, Sylvie. "Breaking Down the Narrative Regarding "Jews": Judeans in Judea and Egypt in Hellenistic and Roman Times." Antisemitism Studies 7, no. 2 (September 2023): 427–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/ast.2023.a910238.

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Abstract: This article focuses on the Hellenistic period, when Jews had a homeland, that is, a territory in which they formed the majority population group and possessed their own state institutions. Consequently, it is claimed, their history cannot be apprehended through paradigms, such as "antisemitism," devised for later periods of time, when Jews formed a minority bereft of a homeland. Moreover, statehood also impacted the collective self-perception, and hence the agency, of Jewish population groups who lived as minorities outside Judea, in particular in Egypt. To illustrate this twofold claim, two case studies are discussed: the so-called religious persecution carried out by Seleucid King Antiochus IV in the mid to late 160s BCE, and commemorated in the Jewish festival of Hanukkah; and the distorted versions of the Exodus story composed by Egyptian authors, which are often seen as the first anti-Judaic texts ever written.
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38

Hanson, Ann Ellis, and Aryeh Kasher. "The Jews in Hellenistic and Roman Egypt: The Struggle for Equal Rights." American Historical Review 92, no. 2 (April 1987): 392. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1866643.

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39

Noy, David. "Book Review: The Jews of Egypt from Rameses II to Emperor Hadrian." Theology 99, no. 790 (July 1996): 316–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x9609900428.

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40

Laskier, Michael M. "From war to war: The Jews of Egypt from 1948 to 1970." Studies in Zionism 7, no. 1 (March 1986): 111–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13531048608575895.

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41

Moch, Michał. "„Nasza walka z Żydami” – Sayyida Qutba – arabski fundamentalistyczny pamflet na Żydów i judaizm w kontekście europejskiego dyskursu antysemickiego." Kultura i Społeczeństwo 52, no. 2 (April 9, 2008): 177–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/kis.2008.52.2.8.

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The paper deals with the famous essay by Sayyid Qutb, one of the most famous ideologues of Islamic fundamentalism and leader of the Muslim Brethren in Egypt, who was sentenced to death in 1966. Despite its rather small volume, “Our Fight with Jews” is a really influential text, especially among the fundamentalist milieu in the Arab societies. The essay’s sole purpose was to clarify Qutb’s hostile attitude towards Judaism and the Jews. The Egyptian fundamentalist justifies his point using religious, historical and political arguments. Some of the historical views, figures of speech and propaganda tricks, appearing in the text, were probably borrowed from the European anti-Semitic literature. After presenting Qutb’s short biography, the author researches main aspects of the aforementioned work; and debates how Islamic theological background merges with the influences of European anti-Semitism.
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42

Olszowy-Schlanger, Judith. "Cheap Books in Medieval Egypt: Rotuli from the Cairo Geniza." Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 4, no. 1-2 (2016): 82–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2212943x-00401007.

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Cheap books produced and read by medieval Jews in the East have been little studied so far. The main source for the study of Hebrew book culture in general and popular and cheap books in particular is the Cairo Geniza. Only a few documents contain explicit information about the books’ costs of production and prices. However, as it is argued in this paper, additional information can be deduced from the extant book fragments themselves. Taking as an example fragments of rotuli or bookrolls from the Cairo Geniza, this paper examines the ways of making cheaper books by reducing the cost of wriitng material and of the scribe’s working time.
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43

Stroganova, E. M., and D. A. Stroganov. "The Issue of Historicity of the Jewish Exodus from Egypt." Prepodavatel XXI vek, no. 3, 2020 (2020): 241–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31862/2073-9613-2020-3-241-247.

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The article analyzes and interprets the events of the biblical book of Exodus on the resettlement of Jewish tribes from Egypt, and compares it with data from extra-biblical sources, such as the Merneptah Stele and the works of Aristobul, given the achievements of domestic and foreign historiography of this issue. The article deals with the hypothesis of the two exoduses of the Jewish tribes from Egypt, the early references to them in the sources, and the interpretation of the inscription of the Merneptah Stele as well as the historical context of its creation. The article analyzes the term “Habiru” its identification with the Jewish people and related Semitic ethnoses living in north-eastern Egypt. Its various interpretations and connotations, which shed light on the social status of the Habiru, are examined. The first references to the Israeli people in the extra-biblical sources with biblical events of the book of Exodus are also identified. The chronology of the Book of Exodus is considered separately. Various translations and descriptions of the terms used to describe the social status of the Jews in Egypt according to the Septuagint are also given, and the changes in the position of the tribes of Israel in Egypt and possible causes that led to the migration of Semitic tribes to Palestine are monitored.
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Parker, Victor. "On the Historical Value of 2 Maccabees." Klio 102, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 44–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2020-0004.

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Summary2 Maccabees provides solid historical information concerning the activities of Antiochus IV in Egypt and Palestine in the 160s B.C. This information both supplements and partially corrects the corresponding account in 1 Maccabees. Since the Jews in Palestine used the so-called Babylonian Seleucid Era (instead of the Macedonian Seleucid Era as Klaus Bringmann has argued), the presentation of events in 1 Maccabees becomes highly problematic at points, and it is once again 2 Maccabees which points the way toward a solution.
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45

Verburg, Jelle, Tal Ilan, and Jan Joosten. "Four Fragments of the Hebrew Bible from Antinoopolis, P.Ant. 47–50." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 105, no. 2 (December 2019): 209–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0307513320905848.

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An expedition of the Egypt Exploration Society in 1913–14 discovered four fragments of the Hebrew Bible (from the books of Kings and Job). This article presents the first critical edition of the fragments. With a few minor exceptions, the fragments conform to the Masoretic Text. The possible datings of these fragments range from the third to the early eighth centuries ce. Very little is known about the transmission of the text of the Hebrew Bible in the so-called ‘silent’ or ‘dark’ period between the Dead Sea Scrolls and the Cairo Genizah. The fragments also testify to the presence of a Jewish community in Egypt – which was virtually eradicated after the revolt of 115–17 ce. The article gives a brief overview of the extant documentary and epigraphic evidence to reconstruct the forgotten story of Jews at Antinoopolis in Late Antiquity.
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46

Gambetti, Sandra. "The Attack on the Jews in Alexandrian Egypt in 38 CE: Was It a Pogrom?" Antisemitism Studies 7, no. 2 (September 2023): 370–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/antistud.7.2.05.

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Abstract: This article offers a comparison between the events of Alexandria, Egypt, in 38 CE, and the pogroms of nineteenth century Imperial Russia, which demonstrates the emergence of lexical and historical problems when labels are used to define events belonging to different chronological periods and cultural environments. The article argues that the word "pogrom," used to define Russian assaults against the Jews in the Pale of Settlement, has acquired semantic characteristics that cannot be applied to the events of Alexandria almost 2,000 years earlier.
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Gambetti, Sandra. "The Attack on the Jews in Alexandrian Egypt in 38 CE: Was It a Pogrom?" Antisemitism Studies 7, no. 2 (September 2023): 370–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/ast.2023.a910236.

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Abstract: This article offers a comparison between the events of Alexandria, Egypt, in 38 CE, and the pogroms of nineteenth century Imperial Russia, which demonstrates the emergence of lexical and historical problems when labels are used to define events belonging to different chronological periods and cultural environments. The article argues that the word "pogrom," used to define Russian assaults against the Jews in the Pale of Settlement, has acquired semantic characteristics that cannot be applied to the events of Alexandria almost 2,000 years earlier.
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48

Alshech, Eli. "Islamic Law, Practice, and Legal Doctrine: Exempting the Poor from the Jizya Under the Ayyubids (1171-1250)." Islamic Law and Society 10, no. 3 (2003): 348–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851903770227584.

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AbstractMost Sunnī scholars unequivocally exempt poor dhimmīs (mostly Christians and Jews under Muslim rule) from the duty to pay the Qur ān-imposed poll tax. Shāfi ī scholars, however, hold two conflicting opinions, one that exempts the poor and another that does not. This article examines the reality of destitute Jews living in Egypt and Syria under the Ayyubid regime in order to determine which of the two conflicting Shāfi ī rulings was applied in practice. Drawing on Geniza documents and literary sources, I argue that in the Ayyubid period no exemptions were offered to the poor whatsoever. This taxation policy, in my view, may reflect not an arbitrary choice made by local Ayyubid tax officials, but a conscious decision made by the Ayyubid rulers and the leading contemporary Shāfi ī scholars. The Ayyubids most likely appealed to the Shāfi ī religious authorities, pressing them to adopt the more stringent opinion, which would allow authorities to refrain from exempting the poor.
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49

Jakab, Eva. "Joseph Mélèze Modrzejewski, The Jews of Egypt from Rameses II to Emperor Hadrian." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte. Romanistische Abteilung 116, no. 1 (August 1, 1999): 590–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra.1999.116.1.590.

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50

Décobert, Christian. "MODRZEJEWSKI (Joseph Mélèze), The Jews of Egypt. From Rameses II to Emperor Hadrian." Archives de sciences sociales des religions, no. 112 (December 31, 2000): 160–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/assr.20441.

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