Academic literature on the topic 'Jews in advertising'

This chapter discusses a series of twentieth-century advertising campaigns undertaken by the food manufacturing company Procter & Gamble to convince Jewish women to change their cooking fats of choice from butter and schmaltz, rendered poultry fat, to Crisco. The effectiveness of this early instance of targeted marketing reveals a particular moment in the changing mores of American Jews as religious practitioners and as consumers of commercial goods, identities that were often intertwined. Jewish home cooks, generally women, were convinced to relinquish authority to corporate experts not only in matters of cuisine and health, but also regarding religious practices related to food production and consumption. Over the course of the twentieth century, for many American Jews, buying packaged food products overseen by federal health regulators and Jewish religious organizations became an integral part of religious practice.

Religious holydays are a key element in the Jewish religious experience. While the synagogue fulfils an important role for the Jewish religious communities the majority of the Israeli population comprise either traditional (35%) or secular (30%) Jews who draw their religious identity from the wider environment like media. The media fulfil a role in the contemporary world of generating religious identity when formal frameworks like synagogue attendance are declining. One under researched question of importance is the role of the media in religious holydays. It is argued that religious holyday editorial matter contributes to religious identity in the contemporary era. This chapter focuses upon editorial content and religious holydays. The research discovered differences in editorial patterns between the different religious holydays, and between the secular and religious media. There was no major difference in the share of religious holyday advertising between the religious press and the secular press. The wide gap between the Jewish festival annual lifecycle as reflected in editorial patterns contrasts with the traditional status which the respective holyday holds in Jewish religious culture.

Religious holydays are a key element in the Jewish religious experience. While the synagogue fulfils an important role for the Jewish religious communities the majority of the Israeli population comprise either traditional (35%) or secular (30%) Jews who draw their religious identity from the wider environment like media. The media fulfil a role in the contemporary world of generating religious identity when formal frameworks like synagogue attendance are declining. One under researched question of importance is the role of the media in religious holydays. It is argued that religious holyday editorial matter contributes to religious identity in the contemporary era. This chapter focuses upon editorial content and religious holydays. The research discovered differences in editorial patterns between the different religious holydays, and between the secular and religious media. There was no major difference in the share of religious holyday advertising between the religious press and the secular press. The wide gap between the Jewish festival annual lifecycle as reflected in editorial patterns contrasts with the traditional status which the respective holyday holds in Jewish religious culture.

Americans Are Patriotic And Nationalist, but not more than some Europeans (figure 173). Unsurprisingly, Germans are least proud of their nation, and rather unexpectedly and cheerily, the Portuguese—not the Americans—are most proud, with the Irish tied for second place. A 2007 survey reveals that a larger proportion of Italians consider their culture superior than any other nationalities surveyed, including the Americans. Another survey finds that only the Irish feel more uniformly proud to be of their nation. Proportionately more Austrians, Irish, French, and Danes claim they feel very close to their nation than do Americans. Americans are more likely than any Europeans to think that their country is better than most others. But proportionately more Portuguese, Danes, and Spaniards feel that the world would be improved if other people were like them. And any U.S. tendency to boosterism is tempered by the finding that a larger fraction of Americans admits that certain aspects of their country shame them than do the Germans, Austrians, Spanish, French, Danes, or Finns. No country more robustly projects its own nationalist aspirations in the products it sells abroad than the supposedly postnational Swedes. Swedish manufacturers, or at least their advertising agencies, seem convinced that the sheer fact of being Swedish is a selling point. Ikea’s walls are adorned with musings on the preternaturally close relationship between Swedes and nature that allegedly sets them apart from the rest of humanity, as are packets of Wasa crispbread. Asko’s slogan, “Made In Sweden,” is festooned prominently on its products. Though it does not necessarily inspire confidence that the company’s dishwashers are better than the competition, it certainly makes clear Asko’s national origins. Absolut Vodka’s tag—in uncharacteristically unidiomatic English—“Country of Sweden,” does much the same. Saab hawks its cars as “Born from Jets,” an unsubtle allusion to the company’s standing as a pillar of the Swedish military-industrial complex.