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1
Paget, James Carleton. "Clement of Alexandria and the Jews." Scottish Journal of Theology 51, no. 1 (February 1998): 86–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003693060005002x.
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Did Justin Martyr really have a conversation with Trypho the Jew as he states that he did in hisDialogue with Trypho?And even if he did not, does this text, indirectly at least, give evidence of genuine contact between Christians and Jews? When Tertullian in hisAdversus Judaeosreviled Jews for their failure to understand the scriptures in the way he did, was he in fact reviling Jews known to him who actually disagreed with him? Or put another way, do the accusations he makes against Jews give evidence of an ongoing debate with that ancient community?
2
Forger, Deborah. "Divine Embodiment in Philo of Alexandria." Journal for the Study of Judaism 49, no. 2 (February 27, 2018): 223–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12491160.
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AbstractBecause later polemics established Jews and Christians as binary opposites, distinguished largely by their views on God’s body, scholars have not sufficiently explored how other Jews in the early Roman period, who stood outside the Jesus movement, conceived of how the divine could become embodied on earth. The first-century Jewish philosopher Philo of Alexandria often operates as the quintessential representative of a Jew who stressed God’s absolute incorporeality. Here I demonstrate how Philo also presents a means by which a part of Israel’s God could become united with human materiality, showing how the patriarchs and Moses function as his paradigms. This evidence suggests that scholarship on divine embodiment has been limited by knowledge of later developments in Christian theology. Incarnational formulas, like that found in John 1:14 were not the only way that Jews in the first and second centuryCEunderstood that God could become united with human form.
3
VAN DER HORST, PIETER W. "The first pogrom: Alexandria 38 CE." European Review 10, no. 4 (October 2002): 469–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798702000388.
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The first pogrom documented in history took place in Alexandria in the year 38 CE. The only document describing this event is an eyewitness account by the Jewish philosopher Philo of Alexandria. It is a problematic source because the concern of the author is largely theological and also because he fails to inform the reader about the causes of the violence. These causes must be sought in the combination of a growing tendency among Alexandrian intellectuals to depict Jews as criminal misanthropes, and the Jewish tendency to side with the Roman occupiers of Egypt.
4
GOLDHILL, SIMON. "WHAT HAS ALEXANDRIA TO DO WITH JERUSALEM? WRITING THE HISTORY OF THE JEWS IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY." Historical Journal 59, no. 1 (December 18, 2015): 125–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x15000047.
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ABSTRACTHistories of the Jews are a fundamental and polemical aspect of Christian and especially Protestant historiography in the nineteenth century. This article considers, in their context, the five most popular and influential multi-volume histories published in Britain, namely those of Henry Hart Milman, Heinrich Ewald, Arthur Penrhyn Stanley, Ernest Renan (the one significant – lapsed – Catholic historian in the tradition), and Emil Schürer. It shows how each of these major historians constructs an opposition between Alexandrian Judaism and Palestinian Judaism, a hierarchical opposition which denigrated Alexandrian Judaism as a betrayal or corruption of true religion because it depended on an assimilation of Jewishness and Greekness. The opposition of Greek and Jew was fundamental to nineteenth-century thought for a high intellectual tradition (most famously embodied in Matthew Arnold's categories of Hebraism and Hellenism). The Alexandrian Jews become for these historians an icon of a dangerous hybridity – despite the fact that the Septuagint, the Alexandrian Greek Bible, was the Bible of early Christianity. The article considers the different strategies adopted by these historians in response to this constructed opposition of Jerusalem and Alexandria, and its continuing implications for the historiography of the Hellenistic world.
5
Pearson, Birger A. "Christians and Jews in First-Century Alexandria." Harvard Theological Review 79, no. 1-3 (July 1986): 206–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000020472.
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Krister Stendahl represents, to my mind, the very best of Scandinavian-style “realistic interpretation” of the Bible, resolutely faithful in his exegesis to the historical situation of the text and its author but then marvelously insightful in eliciting from the text a fresh and sometimes surprising address to contemporary issues in church and society. As is well known, it is precisely Stendahl's interest in relations between Jews and Christians (Jewish and Gentile) that has made so much of his New Testament work so stimulating and innovative. As it happens, though, his research has tended to concentrate geographically on that large sweep of territory “from Jerusalem and as far round as Illyricum.” What I want to do in this article in his honor is to explore an area relatively untouched by my teacher—Alexandria—in an effort to see if anything can be said of Jewish-Christian relations there in the first century. In doing this I must perforce extend our investigation mainly to noncanonical sources. Even so the task is formidable, for the first-century Alexandrian church is, as Stendahl says, something “about which we know nothing.” What follows is, therefore, largely a matter of inference, at least insofar as it bears upon first-century Christianity in Alexandria. Insofar as it bears upon first-century Judaism, that giant among Jewish exegetes and philosophers, Philo Judaeus, will play a substantial role.
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Pearce, Sarah. "Rethinking the Other in Antiquity: Philo of Alexandria on Intermarriage." Antichthon 47 (2013): 140–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400000307.
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AbstractThe fundamental traditions of Judaism preserve strict prohibitions against intermarriage with outsiders. The interpretation of such prohibitions in ancient Jewish literature provides our main evidence for Jewish attitudes towards intermarriage with non-Jews, and underpins discussions about the marital habits of ancient Jews. While the scriptural commentary of the Jewish philosopher, Philo of Alexandria, represents a substantial body of material on this topic, scholars remain very divided in their interpretation of his attitudes and their significance for Jewish intermarriage in antiquity, a problem compounded by the absence of detailed studies of Philo's evidence. This article explores Philo's reading of the prohibitions against intermarriage in his commentaryOn the Special Laws,devoted to the rationalising of the laws of Moses, as represented in the Greek Pentateuch. It argues that Philo's interpretation of the prohibitions against intermarriage does not resolve questions about the relative prevalence or absence of Jewish intermarriage in Philo's era. But, through his actualisation and rationalisation of the prohibitions, exploiting the rich resources of the Greek intellectual tradition, Philo underlines the crucial importance of these prohibitions for his contemporaries, as a means of preserving the Jewish community and its foundations in the monotheistic tradition.
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Greenfield, Noah, and Steven Fine. "“Remembered for Praise”: Some Ancient Sources on Benefaction to Herod's Temple." IMAGES 2, no. 1 (2008): 166–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187180008x408663.
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AbstractThe Temple of Jerusalem was reconstructed and enlarged under the patronage of Herod the Great beginning in 20/19 BCE. This essay assembles epigraphic sources from Jerusalem and literary sources preserved in the writings of Flavius Josephus and the ancient rabbis for benefaction to the Temple by individual wealthy Jews. Donors from as far afield as Rhodes, Alexandria and Adiabene may be identified, with Nicanor of Alexandria and Queen Helena and her son Monobazus of Adiabene appearing in archaeological remains, Josephus and rabbinic literature. This corpus provides a controlled example of ways that literary sources of various genre and archaeological remains may be placed in conversation so as to elicit historical evidence that may be of use to students of Jewish and general Roman antiquity.
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Karpozilos, Kostis. "Review of Rika Benveniste's, Αυτοί που επέζησαν; Dimitris Kousouris', Δίκες των δοσίλογων, 1944-1949; Menelaos Haralabidis', Δεκεμβριανά 1944; Polymeris Voglis', Η αδύνατη επανάσταση." Historein 15, no. 2 (July 17, 2016): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/historein.8753.
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<p>Rika Benveniste. Αυτοί που επέζησαν: Αντίσταση, εκτόπιση, επιστροφή. Θεσσαλονικείς Εβραίοι στη δεκαετία του 1940 [Those who survived: Resistance, deportation, return. Thessaloniki Jews in the 1940s]. Athens: Polis, 2014. 444 pp.<br />Dimitris Kousouris. Δίκες των δοσίλογων 1944-1949: Δικαιοσύνη, συνέχεια του κράτους και εθνική μνήμη [Trials of the collaborators, 1944-49: justice, state continuity and national memory]. Athens: Polis, 2014. 688 pp.<br />Menelaos Haralabidis. Δεκεμβριανά 1944: Η μάχη της Αθήνας [December events, 1944: The battle of Athens]. Athens: Alexandria, 2014. 374 pp.<br />Polymeris Voglis. Η αδύνατη επανάσταση: Η κοινωνική δυναμική του εμφυλίου πολέμου [The impossible revolution: the social dynamics of civil war]. Athens: Alexandria, 2014. 424 pp.</p>
9
Klawans, Jonathan. "Identities Masked: Sagacity, Sophistry and Pseudepigraphy in Aristeas." Journal of Ancient Judaism 10, no. 3 (May 19, 2019): 395–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-01003005.
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The Letter of Aristeas can best be understood when interpreters attend to the full range of postures toward Hellenism and Judaism exhibited by the various characters in the work. These stances range from the translators’ public, universalist philosophizing before the king in Alexandria to the High Priest Eleazar’s more particularistic defense of Jewish ritual law articulated in Jerusalem. Yet when the translators work on the Island of Pharos, or when the High Priest writes to the King, these characters display other sides of themselves. For the author of Aristeas – himself a Jew parading rather successfully as a Greek – knowing how much to conceal or reveal, when and where, is a fundamental skill, the secret to success for Jews in the Hellenistic diaspora.
10
Birnbaum, Ellen. "Two Millennia Later: General Resources and Particular Perspectives on Philo the Jew." Currents in Biblical Research 4, no. 2 (February 2006): 241–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1476993x06059010.
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Twenty centuries after he lived, Philo is regarded by scholars in many disciplines as an important and intriguing subject of study. Extensive print and electronic resources are available to facilitate and inform Philonic research. Fifty years ago, writers debated whether Philo—long neglected by mainstream Jewish tradition—was more fundamentally a Jew or a Greek. To illuminate this issue, these writers often focused on possible Jewish and/or Greek sources of Philo’s ideas and examined his ideas in relation to Jewish and/or Greek parallels. In recent works, however, scholars have probed the complexity of Philo’s Jewish identity from a wider range of perspectives. These include describing what constitutes Philo’s Judaism (‘the descriptive approach’); examining how he deals with Jewish and universal aspects of certain themes (‘the thematic approach’); comparing his ideas to Jewish and other traditions to see how he uses these traditions (‘the comparative approach’); studying how he presents Jews and Judaism to create a positive impression among his readers (‘the presentational approach’); and taking into account the socio-political context of first-century Alexandria to explore his attitudes about Jews and others, to find reflections of contemporary circumstances in his works or to explore the relationship between his exegetical and historical writings (‘the socio-political approach’). Generally considered by scholars today to have been a loyal and observant Jew, Philo is occasionally being integrated into broader studies of the Second Temple period and of Diaspora Jews during that time, and he has also been included in surveys of Jewish topics from the Bible to the present.
11
Alston, Richard. "Philo's in Flaccum: Ethnicity and Social Space in Roman Alexandria." Greece and Rome 44, no. 2 (October 1997): 165–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gr/44.2.165.
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Philo's famous account of anti-semitic rioting in Alexandria in A.D. 38, the InFlaccum, has frequently been exploited by scholars interested in the legal status of the Jewish community within the city and the issue of the constitution of Alexandria. This legalissue lies near the heart of the dispute which leads to some ancient and most modern accounts tracing the roots of the dispute to the Ptolemaic period. It is notable, however, that the first major attested outbreaks of anti-Jewish feeling considerably post-date the Roman conquest, suggestingthat this is a problem of Roman Alexandria with its roots in the Roman administration of the city. Philo also places comparatively little emphasis on legality in the InFlaccum. The account of the persecution concentrates rather on the topography of the dispute. The centrality of spatial factors in the In Flaccum can be illustrated by comparing the persecution of the Jews and the fall of Flaccus. Flaccus was publicly humiliated through a show trial, through the sale of his property at public action, and on his journey into exile, by the crowds in Italy and Greece who flocked to watch him pass. He was excluded from public space, both from his city by decree of the emperor and from the urban spaces of his island exile, prompted in the latter case by his conscience. Finally, while in isolation, he was attacked and murdered. The Jews were robbed and driven from the streets of their city into exile and deprived of access to the theatre and market. Their leaders were humiliated in the most public places in the city and finally they were attacked in their own homes. Although the parallels are not exact, as can be seen in Table 1, they are explicit and thiselaborate structure demonstrates for Philo the justice of God in His persecution of the persecutors.
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Trotter, Jonathan. "The Homeland and the Legitimation of the Diaspora: Egyptian Jewish Origin Stories in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods." Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha 28, no. 2 (December 2018): 91–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951820718823394.
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How diasporans tell the story of their origin in the homeland and how they came to their new home abroad is just as important as the historical context(s) in which the diaspora community was created. This study draws attention to one common strategy employed by Egyptian Jews in the Hellenistic and Roman periods (in the Letter of Aristeas, the writings of Philo of Alexandria, and 3 Maccabees) when remembering and (re)creating accounts of their origins in the diaspora in ways that legitimized life abroad: the use of diaspora-homeland connections and comparisons.
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Anagnostou-Laoutides, Eva. "HERODAS' MIMIAMB 7: DANCING DOGS AND BARKING WOMEN." Classical Quarterly 65, no. 1 (April 2, 2015): 153–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000983881400055x.
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Herodas' Mimiamb 7 has often attracted scholarly attention on account of its thematic preoccupation with the sexuality of ordinary people, thus offering a realistic and exciting glimpse of everyday life in the eastern Mediterranean of the third century b.c.e. In addition, his obscure reference in lines 62–3 to the obsession of women and dogs with dildos has been the focus of long-standing scholarly debate: while most scholars agree that the verses employ a metaphor, possibly of obscene nature, their exact meaning is still to be clarified. In response, this article offers an additional paradigm which stresses the cultural osmosis between the Greeks and their eastern neighbours in the Hellenistic period; in my view, Herodas' peculiar choice of expression could be explained more aptly through this hitherto unnoticed perspective. Despite having frustratingly little information about the poet and his life, his familiarity with the Hellenistic East is often implied in his poetic settings: for example, Cos in Mimiamb 2 and probably locations in Asia Minor in Mimiambs 6 and 7 are considered likely to reflect the places where he lived. Hence, it is reasonable to assume that Herodas spent periods of his life in areas of the eastern Aegean where cultural interaction was practically unavoidable. Moreover, his first poem exhibits a certain amount of knowledge and admiration for Ptolemaic Egypt and, although this does not necessarily mean that he lived there, he must have been very familiar with Alexandria and its erudite circles. After all, Herodas, a contemporary of Theocritus who subscribed to his preference for short, elegant poetic forms, shared the latter's interest in the lowly mime, which both of them invested with learned language. Thus, specific motifs, such as the visit of an abandoned mistress to the witches in a desperate attempt to coax back a cruel lover, are treated by both poets and ultimately derive from the literary corpus of mimes by the influential Sophron. Theocritus was also familiar with locations in Cos, an island that appears to have been culturally diverse. One of the foreign communities that increasingly made its presence felt in third-century b.c.e. Asia Minor and the nearby islands of the eastern Aegean was that of the Jews, although the history of particular communities is often difficult to recover. Nevertheless, we do know that as early as the third century b.c.e. ‘various Jewish authors writing in Greek had adopted the prevailing patterns of Greek literature in its many forms, filling them with Jewish content’. The Jews had a prominent and well-documented presence at Alexandria, where their interaction with the Greeks was promoted by the Ptolemies. There, already by the middle of the third century b.c.e., the Pentateuch (the Hebrew Torah) had been translated into Koine Greek by royal request, which probably indicates a sizeable community able to participate dynamically in the cultural interface of Ptolemaic Alexandria. In the following pages, I shall revisit the past interpretations of the aforementioned verses in Mimiamb 7 before arguing that the key to their understanding lies in the interaction of the Greeks with near eastern cultures, particularly the Jews, who seemed to have employed a distinctive metaphor about ‘dogs’ and their perceived sexual habits.
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Shepardson, Christine. "Defining the Boundaries of Orthodoxy: Eunomius in the Anti-Jewish Polemic of his Cappadocian Opponents." Church History 76, no. 4 (December 2007): 699–723. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964070050002x.
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Scholars have long recognized that the theological arguments of Basil of Caesarea, Gregory of Nazianzus, and Gregory of Nyssa against their opponent Eunomius helped to shape the development of Christian orthodoxy, and thus Christian self-definition, in the late fourth-century Roman Empire. The cultural and theological significance of the strong anti-Judaizing rhetoric contained within these Cappadocian authors’ anti-Eunomian treatises, however, remains largely unexamined. Recent scholarship has demonstrated the critical role of anti-Judaizing rhetoric in the arguments that early Christian leaders Athanasius of Alexandria and Ephrem of Nisibis used against “Arian” Christian opponents in the middle of the fourth century, and the implications of this rhetoric for understanding early Christian-Jewish and intra-Christian relations. Scholars have yet to recognize, however, that anti-Judaizing rhetoric similarly helped to define the terms and consequences of the anti-Eunomian arguments made by Basil, Gregory, and Gregory in the decades that followed. The anti-Judaizing rhetoric of their texts attests to the continuing advantages that these leaders gained by rhetorically associating their Christian opponents with Jews. By claiming that Eunomius and his followers were too Jewish in their beliefs to be Christian, and too Christian in their behaviors to be Jewish, Basil, Gregory, and Gregory deployed anti-Judaizing rhetoric to argue that Eunomians were significantly inferior to both true Christians and Jews. The Cappadocians’ strategic comparisons with Jews and Judaism rhetorically distanced their Eunomian opponents from Christianity and thus strengthened the Cappadocians’ own claims to represent Christian orthodoxy.
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Benmelech, Moti. "History, Politics, and Messianism: David Ha-Reuveni's Origin and Mission." AJS Review 35, no. 1 (April 2011): 35–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s036400941100002x.
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In the last weeks of 1523, a colorful traveler arrived in Venice from Alexandria: “Dark in aspect, short in stature, gaunt, his language Hagarish [Arabic] and a little Jewish. … He wore striped silk according to the custom of the Ishmaelites, and on his head a white scarf, with which he covered his head and most of himself.” The traveler presented himself to local Jews and community leaders as “David,” the ambassador of an independent Jewish state on the Arabian peninsula, where he claimed that his brother, King Joseph, ruled over the tribes of Reuven, Gad, and half the tribe of Menashe. The “Jewish ambassador” announced that he was on his way to Rome to hold a state meeting with the Pope, as an emissary of the Seventy Elders, the advisers of his brother the king. He added, of course, that he needed money.
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Jay, Jeff. "Spectacle, Stage-Craft, and the Tragic in Philo’s In Flaccum." Journal of Ancient Judaism 8, no. 2 (May 19, 2017): 222–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00802007.
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This article provides a literary analysis of how references to spectacle and stage-craft function in Philo’s In Flaccum, which is a valuable text for understanding Philo’s complex and seemingly contradictory attitudes toward the theater, stage-craft, and drama. After marching Jews into the theater of Alexandria for punishment during the pogrom, Flaccus becomes a spectacle himself when Philo portrays Flaccus’s deportation to exile as a procession. By staging an elaborate textual spectacle starring the deposed Flaccus, Philo exploits the well-attested punitive dimension of spectacles. Through exhibition he is able to maximize justice, comfort the Jewish victims, and issue a deterrent to future powerholders over Jews. Philo, moreover, imbues the narrative of Flaccus’s demise with an overriding sense of tragedy by eliciting several of tragedy’s motifs and moods, including reversal, revenge, recognition, lamentation, and emotionalism. This elicits sympathy for Flaccus, which reinforces the warning that his plight could be the plight of any Roman ruler, each of whom must decide how like or unlike Flaccus he will govern. Philo thus shows himself to be deeply acculturated in the communicative dynamics of the spectacles and, through these references, is able to craft his own complex textual display. He thus participates in spectacle-creation himself, and this allows him to comfort and defend his people and speak powerfully back to leading power holders.
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Walker, Paul E. "Al-Ḥākim and the Dhimmīs." Medieval Encounters 21, no. 4-5 (December 1, 2015): 345–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342201.
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Dhimmī (non-Muslim subjects, mostly Christians and Jews, who were afforded protection by the Islamic state) persecution in Islamic Egypt included most notably that instigated by the Fatimid caliph al-Ḥākim from about 395/1004 until near the end of his reign in 411/1021. This ruler imposed burdensome restrictions and sumptuary regulations on Jews and Christians, causing significant numbers of them to adopt Islam. He also commenced the state-sponsored destruction of churches and synagogues, most famously the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. And yet, near the end, this same caliph relented, mitigating the severity of his previous policies. A general picture of what happened already exists, but the precise chronological order of these events and many of the exact details remain vague. Most importantly, we continue not to have a reason for his radically new policy. Al-Maqrīzī’s various accounts provide useful evidence although they hardly suffice. The Jewish reaction is far from clear. Two Christian histories, those by the Melkite Yaḥyā ibn Saʿīd of Antioch and the History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria, confirm many particulars. However none of this information explains why. Was al-Ḥākim moved to act as he did in response to, or in imitation of, the strikingly similar set of restrictive regulations imposed long before under the so-called “Pact of ʿUmar”?
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BORGEN, PEDER. "TWO PHILONIC PRAYERS AND THEIR CONTEXTS: AN ANALYSIS OF WHO IS THE HEIR OF DIVINE THINGS (HER.) 24–29 AND AGAINST FLACCUS (FLAC.) 170–75." New Testament Studies 45, no. 3 (July 1999): 291–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688598002914.
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Although Abraham's prayer in Her. 24–29 has several distinctive features, the similarities with the Hodayot suggest that it is an Alexandrian example of the same kind of prayer. Flaccus's prayer in Flac. 170–75, and the whole treatise Against Flaccus, belong to the writings which present the view that those who attack God or God and His people suffer punishments. Such writings are the book of Esther and parts of the books of Daniel and 2 Maccabees. A parallel is also found in Rev 18. Flaccus's prayer in itself has the form of a prayer at departure before death. Abraham's prayer illustrates how a cited text in Philo's Allegorical Commentary is interpreted by means of expository paraphrases and elaborations in which various biblical texts are woven together. At the same time critical circumstances in Philo's time are reflected. In the treatise Against Flaccus (as also in the Embassy to Gaius) the interpretation of the Laws of Moses in the practice and crisis of communal life is the issue. Thus there were in Alexandria conflicting views of, and actions relative to, the Laws of Moses. Flaccus's exile and death were an indubitable proof that, in spite of the pogrom suffered by the Jews, God's help was not withdrawn from their nation. Flaccus was a person who was justly punished. In Abraham's prayer, his and the people's exile and banishment are understood paradoxically. What Abraham was lacking as an outcast, he nevertheless possessed in his Lord. Abraham, and then implicitly the Jewish people, lived a life ‘in spite of’.
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Trotter, Jonathan R. "Jewish Identity and the Intercommunal Links between Diaspora Jewish Communities in the Second Temple Period." Journal of Ancient Judaism 12, no. 1 (March 29, 2021): 71–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-12340020.
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Abstract Many diaspora communities identify not only with a distant homeland but also with others distant from the homeland. How exactly do these intercommunal connections take place and contribute toward a shared identity? What specific aspects of diasporan identity are created or strengthened? What practices are involved? This study will begin to answer these questions through investigating two practices which were widespread among diaspora Jewish communities during the last two centuries of the Second Temple period (1st cent. B.C.E.–1st cent. C.E.). First, we will show how sending offerings and making pilgrimages to the Jerusalem temple from these communities enabled regular intercommunal contact. Then, we will suggest some ways in which these voluntary practices reinforced a cohesive Jewish identity and the importance of the homeland, especially the city of Jerusalem and the temple, for many diaspora Jews, whether they lived in Alexandria, Rome, Asia Minor, or Babylonia.
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Wilfand, Yael. "The Roman Context for the Rabbinic Ban on Teaching Greek to Sons." Journal of Ancient Judaism 8, no. 3 (May 19, 2017): 365–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00803004.
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This paper examines Mishnah Soṭah 9:14, Tosefta Soṭah 15:8 and Jerusalem Talmud Soṭah 9:14, 24c (= Pe’ah 1:1, 15c), which provide accounts of the rabbinic prohibition against teaching Greek to one’s son. Scholars often consider these sources in the context of Jewish attitudes toward Greek culture and Hellenization. This mishnah has also been examined in relation to the events of 115–117 C. E. (the Diaspora Revolt); thus, establishing a link between the ban on teaching Greek and the destruction of the Jewish community in Alexandria. In this study, I show that these texts place this exclusion in the framework of relationships with Roman authorities, thereby associating it with confrontations between Jews and Romans. Thus, I suggest that this proscription be read in a Roman context more than a Greek one, especially in the Tosefta and the Jerusalem Talmud, which mention that language as a means for enabling communication with Roman authorities.
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Weidemann, Hans-Ulrich. "Jesus als Typos der Mannhaftigkeit." Vigiliae Christianae 74, no. 1 (January 23, 2020): 29–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341412.
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Abstract This article examines the way Cyril of Alexandria interprets the Passion narrative in his commentary on the Gospel of John. It argues that besides the doctrinal, christological focus of his exegesis Cyril is concerned with a second issue: the contested masculinity of Jesus and his followers during the events of the Passion. This concern becomes clear when Cyril designates the cross-bearing Jesus as “the type of manly courage” (typos andreías). Following a survey of the current historical masculinity studies, the article examines Cyril’s interpretation of such scenes of the Johannine Passion account where Jesus is depicted as being arrested, beaten and flogged, humiliated and finally crucified – i.e., depicted in a way that might seem to contradict antique ideals of manliness. It finally analyzes Cyril’s explanations as to various “unmanly” or “manly” traits of Jesus’ adversaries, especially of the Jews, and of his followers: Peter, his beloved disciple and his Mother.
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Kirschner, Robert. "Apocalyptic and Rabbinic Responses to the Destruction of 70." Harvard Theological Review 78, no. 1-2 (April 1985): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000027371.
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Until Titus's destruction of Jerusalem in 70 CE, the national and religious life of Palestinian Jewry was organized around the cultic system of the Temple. Despite many changes in the political status of the nation and of Jerusalem itself, the Temple continued to serve as the seat of the priesthood, the destination of sacred pilgrimage, and the instrument of cultic expiation. Other places and forms of worship are attested during the second commonwealth, and by the advent of the common era groups such as the Qumran community had turned away from Jerusalem altogether. Yet there can be little doubt that the Temple was perceived as the preeminent symbol of Israel's God. Excavations of first-century Palestinian synagogues have revealed a basic architectural design of orientation toward the sanctuary. Although geographically and religiously remote from the Temple, the Jews of the diaspora continued, writes Philo of Alexandria (ca. 20 BCE–50 CE), to “hold the Holy City where stands the sacred Temple of the most high God to be their mother city.”
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Meijering, Eginhard. "Athanasius on God as Creator and Recreator." Church History and Religious Culture 90, no. 2-3 (2010): 175–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712411-0x542365.
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This article considers the ideas of Athanasius of Alexandria with regard to the relation between creation and recreation. Attention is given to the intention of his apologetic, and internally coherent, work Contra Gentes/De Incarnatione Verbi. This work provides evidence of Athanasius’s conviction that the Recreator is no other God than the Creator. In coherence with this fundamental ideas, Athanasius voices four manners of revelation, which are all analyzed in this article: the first manner of revelation appears in the fact that man was created in God’s image and likeness, as a result of which man is able to know God. The second manner of revelation is found in the harmony of creation. However, since his Fall, man did not respond to that in the right way either. The third manner is the revelation through the Holy Scriptures of the Jews, the Old Testament. According to Athanasius, these Scriptures were meant for all of mankind. The fourth and final manner of revelation to be discussed, is Athanasius’s view of Incarnation.
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Hołasek, Andrzej. "Rola pontyfikatu Cyryla (412-444) w procesie umacniania potęgi patriarchy aleksandryjskiego w Kościele wczesnobizantyńskim." Vox Patrum 58 (December 15, 2012): 107–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4071.
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The author analyzes the content of Historia Ecclesiastica (Church History) by Socrates Scholasticus as well as the documents contained in the series Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum to depict political conditions of the pontificate of Bishop Cyril of Alexandria (412-444). In the article the scholar shows the ways in which Cyril’s actions influenced reinforcing of the Egyptian Patriarchate position in the Eastern Church. From the first years of his pontificate Cyril was very knowledgeable about political situation at the imperial court in Constantinople. Juvenile Theodosius was influenced by her older sister Pulcheria and changing prefects at her side. Court coteries fought each other to win the regentess’ favour. The Court performed anti-Jewish and antipagan policy. Cyril took advantage of it to get rid of his serious opposition. He expelled Jews from the city and led to killing of a woman-philosopher Hypatia, who centered the pagan establishment around her. He also crushed prefect Orestes, who acted against his tyranny. The situation has changed in 428. Emperor Theodosius grew up and began to make their own decisions. The monks of Egypt came to the capital to lodge a complaint about Cyril to the Emperor. Theodosius designated Nestorius, the Bishop of Constantinople, to investigate the complaint. It seriously threatened to the Egyptian patriarch with loss of his rank and of being hound out of the country. At the same time Nestorius supported calling the mother of Jesus Christ with the name Theothokos. Cyril decided to use this fact to accuse the bishop of heresy. It was his way of diverting the public attention from the charges against himself. In the article the author, basing on source materials, strives to prove that all Cyril’s moves arose due to his determination to retain his position to date. Theological issues were of secondary importance to him. He had no scruples in accomplishing his goals. Violence, bribery, propaganda, instigating and inciting the people of Ephesus were his methods. Cyril managed to defeat Nestorius thanks to his flair for politics and tracking current information. Cyril’s activities not only strengthened the position of Egyptian patriarchate in the eastern church but also led to gain a temporary control over the Constantinople bishopric, as Maximianus, Nestorius successor, was a henchman of the Bishop of Alexandria.
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Kubat, Rodoljub. "Literal in contrast to alegorical interpretation: History versus myth." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 166 (2018): 207–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1866207k.
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Allegoresis as an exegetical method originated within Hellenistic schools of philosophy, and it expressed the Hellenistic thought to a great extent. First interpreters of the Bible who started using allegorical interpretation were the Hellenized Jews - Aristobulos and Philo of Alexandria. Later Christian interpreters followed in their footsteps, especially the representatives of the Alexadrian School, of whom the most notable is Origen. Biblical interpreters were faced with the problem of relation between the literal and the allegorical interpretation from the very beginning. The source of that problem was the Christian understanding of history, namely, the belief that God has really revealed Himself in history. Denial of text?s historical meaning deprived the formative events of faith of any meaning. On the other side, the sole view of the history as series of events from the past which have no deeper meaning led exegesis to sterile literalism. Tensions between the literal interpretation and the allegoresis escalated particularly in the 4th century when Emperor Julian the Apostate tried to revive Hellenistic paganism. In order to revive old myths, he made use of allegoresis. In polemic writings against the Christians he also emphasized that the Bible has to be understood allegorically. Prominent Christian theologians then arose against allegorical interpretation, seeing in it as a serious threat for the correct understanding of the Scripture. In that exegetical battle, the most notable were: Basilius the Great, Diodoros of Tarsus and Theodore of Mopsuestia. In this paper we will take a look at that exact moment in history.
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PUCCI BEN ZE'EV, Maria. "Greek Attacks Against Alexandrian Jews During Emperor Trajan's Reign." Journal for the Study of Judaism 20, no. 1 (1989): 31–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006389x00038.
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Pearce, Sarah. "THE CLEOPATRAS AND THE JEWS." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 27 (November 1, 2017): 29–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440117000032.
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ABSTRACTThis paper explores a variety of evidence for relations between Cleopatra VII, the last Ptolemaic ruler of Egypt, and her Jewish subjects. In the first part of the paper, the focus is on the profoundly negative portrait of the queen in the works of Josephus, with particular attention to Cleopatra's alleged antipathy to Alexandrian Jews in Josephus's Against Apion. Analysis of Josephus's evidence confirms, I argue, that his case against the queen does not stand up. The second part of the paper offers a detailed consideration of other evidence, epigraphic and literary, which, I suggest, confirms a picture of the queen as continuing the policy of her predecessors with regard to the Jews of the Ptolemaic kingdom, by participating in the long-established practice of extending royal support and protection to Jewish proseuchai (places of prayer). While the evidence does not permit definitive conclusions, it suggests that Cleopatra looked to particular Jewish groups – as to others – within Egypt for support and in this, followed a path taken by Cleopatra II and Cleopatra III. Finally, a few details in Plutarch's Life of Antony may also suggest the queen's political and personal alliances with individual Jews, in Egypt and Judea.
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Zurawski, Jason M. "Mosaic Paideia: The Law of Moses within Philo of Alexandria’s Model of Jewish Education." Journal For The Study of Judaism 48, no. 4-5 (October 11, 2017): 480–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12340153.
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AbstractPaideia is one of Philo’s most consistent preoccupations. It was so thoroughly foundational for the Alexandrian that he built it into nearly every aspect of his philosophy and worldview. Paideia was the tool needed to acquire virtue and wisdom, eradicate the passions, become an ideal citizen of the world, and secure the immortal life of the soul. The following explores the role of the Mosaic law within Philo’s overall theory of education, looking at what made the law such a unique pedagogical resource, how it functioned at various levels of education, what its relationship was to the other forms of education Philo deemed necessary—the curriculum of encyclical paideia and the study of philosophy—and, ultimately, what Philo’s idealized vision of Jewish education can tell us about his deeper concerns for his fellow Alexandrian Jews and his understanding of Jewish identity in the Mediterranean diaspora.
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Wellman, Tennyson Jacob. "Making Tradition of an Ass. Zênôn the Alexandrian, a White Donkey, and Conversion to Hellenism." Religion and Theology 15, no. 3-4 (2008): 321–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157430108x376564.
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AbstractModern discussions of religious change in the ancient Mediterranean have frequently focused on the steady increase in Christian authority and numbers, and the related decrease in the number of 'pagans.' This is frequently paired with a supercessionist logic that suggests Christianity is a new thing in contrast to the older, static, Jewish and pagan cultures. Looking at an invented conversion ritual (one moving from Judaism to Hellenism), we can begin to question the standard ideas of tradition and innovation in Late Antique religious cultures, and to see the ways that some Jews and Hellenes used Christian discourses to assert their own independence and agency.
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Burdeț, Onița. "Philo the Jew – A Significant Exponent of the Jewish Diaspora from Alexandria." Studia Judaica 22 (2017): 179–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/sj.2017.v22.10.
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Miles, Johnny. "A Tale of Two Purims: Food-Identity Ideology and Purim Reception from the Late Persian to the Byzantine Christian Era." Biblical Interpretation 28, no. 3 (June 4, 2020): 303–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685152-00283p02.
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Abstract Royal banquets in the ancient world typically reinforced a particular food-identity ideology. mt Esther reveals an identity of excessiveness and self-indulgence to Persian banquets that easily lent to Grecian stereotypes of Persians also appropriated by Hellenistic Jewish writers. By contrast, Mordecai emended Jewish Purim with a food-identity ideology of moderation and compassion for its inscribed memory. This article traces the reception history of Purim from the late Persian to the Christian Roman and Byzantine eras to reveal in effect two Purims. Throughout these eras, the incorporated memory of Purim with its incidences of drunkenness and gluttony punctuated by occasional outbursts of violence principally, if not wholly, neglected Purim’s inscribed memory, despite efforts at emendation, inauguration of different festivals among Alexandrian Jews, and rabbinic dicta of “food gifts to the poor” as an act of tzedakah.
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Koskenniemi, Erkki. "Philo and Greek Poets." Journal for the Study of Judaism 41, no. 3 (2010): 301–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006310x488034.
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AbstractPhilo's manner of quoting and referring to Greek poets has never been systematically investigated. This article shows how Philo often quotes Homer, but also Hesiod, Solon, Pindaros and Theognis. He knows the poets as well any Greek writer. In most cases, Philo quotes the verses exactly as we have them from other sources, preserving all the dialectic peculiarities. However, he may correct the quotation theologically, make a mistake or drop a line, and sometimes he might have learned a text that differed from ours. He often cleverly gives the words a new sense and makes them speak for his own view, following the manner of the Stoics. Philo's works allow us a glimpse the learned circles of the Alexandrian Jews. Philo had memorized poets in gymnasium. He hardly lost the contact to them after his early years, but allowed them to entertain him and his friends during his lifetime.
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Hanafy, Dr Khaled S. "Obstacles to the Application of the Total Quality Standards in the Faculty of Education at Alexandria University from the Faculty’s Points of View." Journal of Educational & Psychological Sciences 17, no. 4 (December 1, 2016): 611–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.12785/jeps/170420.
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A. A., Saad, Ragab, F. M. A., Abdel Fatah H. M., Abdel-Wareth, Marwa, T.A., and Ibrahim Nevine, K. "EFFECT OF TWO ALGAE; CYSTOSEIRA BARBATA AND DICTYOTA DICHOTOMA ON DIGESTIVE GLAND OF BIOMPHALARIA ALEXANDRINA SNAILS." Journal of Environmental Science 37, no. 2 (March 1, 2017): 37–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/jes.2017.19467.
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AlMostafa, Mohammad Salem, and Ahmad M. S. Abu Baker. "The Image of Egypt in a Selection of Elizabethan & Jacobean Plays." Journal of Arts and Humanities 6, no. 2 (February 21, 2017): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.18533/journal.v6i2.1109.
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<p>This study communicates the question of representational Egypt(ians) through textual analysis and close reading of Elizabethan and Jacobean selected plays, whose main concern is Egypt and Egyptians: Shakespeare’s Antony & Cleopatra, As You Like It, A Midsummer Night’s Dream, (All Is True)Henry VIII, and Cymbeline, Marlowe’s The Jew of Malta, Jonson’s The Alchemist, Beaumont and Fletcher’s The False One, Daniel’s The Tragedie of Cleopatra, Chapman’s The Blind Beggar of Alexandria, and Webster’s The White Devil. It examines the process of labelling, the concomitant negative stereotyping of land and human, and its effect upon characters’ lives and future prospects as a result of the dramatists’ response to contemporary colonialist discourse that exaggerated the signs of cultural and epistemological difference.</p>
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Morley, Neville. "Trajan's Engines." Greece and Rome 47, no. 2 (October 2000): 197–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gr/47.2.197.
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It was never a foregone conclusion that the Roman Empire should have made any significant use of steam power. The basic principles of the steam engine were certainly known by the mid-first century A.D., as seen in the ‘wind-ball’ (aiölipile) described by Hero of Alexandria in his treatise on Pneumatica. Hero's device, in which a copper sphere was made to rotate by jets of stream when the reservoir of water underneath was heated to boiling point, clearly demonstrated that steam could serve as a source of propulsion. It was, admittedly, a very inefficient design: in modern reconstructions, either too much steam escaped through the joints or the joints had to be made so tight that friction became a serious problem. Such deficiencies were by no means insurmountable, and all the other elements necessary for the construction of a working steam engine – pistons, cylinders, an effective valve mechanism – can be found in Hero's writings or in those of his contemporaries.
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Halberstam, Malvina. "Terrorism on the High Seas: The Achille Lauro, Piracy and the IMO Convention on Maritime Safety." American Journal of International Law 82, no. 2 (April 1988): 269–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203189.
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On October 7, 1985, the Achille Lauro, an Italian-flag cruise ship, was seized while sailing from Alexandria to Port Said. The hijackers, members of the Palestine Liberation Front (PLF), a faction of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), had boarded the ship in Genoa, posing as tourists. They held the ship’s crew and passengers hostage, and threatened to kill the passengers unless Israel released 50 Palestinian prisoners. They also threatened to blow up the ship if a rescue mission was attempted. When their demands had not been met by the following afternoon, the hijackers shot Leon Klinghoffer, a Jew of U.S. nationality who was partly paralyzed and in a wheelchair, and threw his body and wheelchair overboard. The United States characterized the seizure as piracy, a position that has been supported by some commentators and opposed by others.
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Penner, Ken M. "Philo’s Eschatology, Personal and Cosmic." Journal for the Study of Judaism 50, no. 3 (August 29, 2019): 383–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-15021258.
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AbstractAlthough first-century writings in the New Testament, Dead Sea Scrolls, and the pseudepigrapha are widely recognized for their descriptions of the ultimate destiny of individuals and the world, the views of Philo of Alexandria do not get the same attention. To situate the apocalyptic eschatologies of Jesus, the Qumran sectarians, and Enoch in their context, we must compare them to the eschatology of this contemporary Hellenistic Jew. I demonstrate that Philo’s eschatology is shaped by two convictions: (1) that God is good and can do no evil, and (2) virtue must be developed within people in this life. These convictions entail that the purpose of punishment must be solely for correction, and that God provides unlimited opportunity for souls to improve. Philo held that reincarnation provides just such an ever-improving spiral in which souls finally become wise by honoring God and consequently the world becomes a peaceful, prosperous paradise.
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Gradl, Hans-Georg. "Kaisertum und Kaiserkult: Ein Vergleich zwischen PhilosLegatio ad Gaiumund derOffenbarung des Johannes." New Testament Studies 56, no. 1 (December 2, 2009): 116–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688509990208.
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In face of the religious and cultic claims of the Roman emperors, Philo (Legatio ad Gaium) and Revelation develop contrasting perspectives in positioning their respective religious communities within the cultural majority of their day. The Alexandrian Jew Philo opts for critical integration and social cohabitation—a solution that is conventionally ascribed to early Christianity. John pleads strongly for the self-isolation of the Christian minority groups in the Province of Asia—a solution conventionally ascribed to Jewish self-definition in the Tannaitic period. The article illustrates this remarkable exchange of religious and social self-conceptualisations in both authors. Social rather than religious boundaries determine the framework in which the Roman Empire and its ruler are conceptualised, literary reactions are developed, and strategic alternatives are formed.
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Niehoff, Maren R. "A Jewish Critique of Christianity from Second-Century Alexandria: Revisiting the Jew Mentioned in Contra Celsum." Journal of Early Christian Studies 21, no. 2 (2013): 151–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.2013.0015.
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Uusimäki, Elisa. "Maskil among the Hellenistic Jewish Sages." Journal of Ancient Judaism 8, no. 1 (May 19, 2017): 42–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00801004.
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While the Hebrew word משכיל has multiple meanings, many of the Dead Sea Scrolls suggest that it designates a specific sage and wisdom teacher. This is indicated by diverse rule, wisdom, and liturgical texts that associate the figure with various tasks and portray him as a first-person speaker. Previous studies include insightful analyses of the Maskil as a leader in the sectarian movement. This paper aims at providing a complementary approach and exploring the wider intellectual context of this character beyond those Jews who produced, used, and collected the Qumran corpus. The following questions will be asked: How is the Maskil’s role imagined in the texts from Qumran? How does the figure embody wisdom, i. e., what kinds of exercises does he undertake to attain, perform, and/or retain his wisdom? What does his portrayal look like in comparison with other ancient data on sages? Following a survey of the Qumran corpus, the Maskil accounts are compared with descriptions of Jewish sages in selected sources that originate from the Hellenistic and early Roman era, including Qoheleth, Ben Sira, Wisdom of Solomon, and Philo of Alexandria’s texts. Finally, the evidence for the Maskil is contextualized in relation to the Greek phenomenon of philosophy, which involved the performance of spiritual exercises in the Graeco-Roman period. It will be argued that the Maskil materials are part of the ancient Mediterranean discussion on the search for wisdom and the ideal sage to be emulated.
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Belenkiy, Ari. "A Unique Feature of the Jewish Calendar - Deĥiyot." Culture and Cosmos 06, no. 01 (June 2002): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.46472/cc.0106.0203.
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From the 2nd century AD the coincidence of Passover and Easter was recognized as a problem for the Christian church by the church authorities, and in the 4th century, after Christianity became the Roman state religion, Roman authorities took steps to prevent Passover and Easter coinciding. This effort was complicated by the growing separation between the churches in Rome and Constantinople. Though from the 2nd century the majority of Jews lived in the diaspora, at least up to the 10th century the calendar was governed by a rabbinical court in Eretz Israel (the Land of Israel). Here we discuss the changes in the Jewish calendar in the 5-8th centuries AD, the middle (c. 636 AD) of which period witnessed an abrupt transition from Byzantine rule over Eretz Israel to Arab rule. In this period no serious changes were made in the basic mathematics of the Jewish calendar; the only changes had a political context. Here we discuss a single but singular feature of the Jewish calendar, the 'Deĥiyot' [postponements] of Rosh Hashana. Our major claim is that Deĥiyah D [postponement from Wednesday to Thursday] and Deĥiyah U [postponement from Friday to Saturday] entered the calendar c. 532 AD as an ingenious Jewish response to Emperor Justinian's ban against the Passover feast (Nisan 14) falling on a Saturday, instituted to mend a famous calendar rift between the Roman and Alexandrian churches. Next we claim that Deĥiyah A [postponement from Sunday to Monday] became part of the calendar no earlier than when the 2nd day of the festivals Rosh Hashana [New Year] and Sukkot [Tabernacles] acquired the status of sacred day and we raise the lower historical boundary of Deĥiyah A's introduction in the calendar up to the time of the first Gaonim [heads of talmudic academies in the Arab caliphate] (c. 658 AD). We also suggest the reasons for the timing of three other deĥiyot.
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Beck, M., A. Nieters, M. Rizzi, U. Salzer, J. Thiel, N. Venhoff, N. Peter, H. Eibel, R. Voll, and S. Finzel. "AB0701 ANTIBODY RAPID TEST POSITIVE HEALTH CARE WORKERS AT A GERMAN UNIVERSITY HOSPITAL: FIRST WAVE CHARACTERISTICS." Annals of the Rheumatic Diseases 80, Suppl 1 (May 19, 2021): 1383.1–1383. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/annrheumdis-2021-eular.3780.
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Background:Freiburg was among the most heavily affected German cities during the first wave of Sars-Cov-2 infections in spring 2020. Consequently, the University Medical Center Freiburg was one of the first hospitals in Germany to treat Covid19 patients.Objectives:To assess the proportion and characteristics of health care workers (HCW) that have been infected during that first wave SARS-CoV-2 serum IgG and IgM antibodies were measured.Methods:HCW (n=902, mean age: 40.7 years) participated in this study, and filled out an epidemiological questionnaire. Serum samples were analysed for SARS-Cov-2 IgG/IgM antibodies via rapid diagnostic test (RT) and via ELISA. Statistical analyses were performed using STATA 14.2. An exposure prevention score was developed to quantify the adherence to preventive measures in everyday life.Results:902 HCW were tested by RT, and 499 by ELISA. In total, 11.5% of recruited HCW were antibody-positive in the RT, 12.2% in the ELISA. 87.5% of RT positives, 98% of ELISA-positives reported symptoms, compared to 74.6% and 78% of negatives, respectively. Symptoms such as cough (57%/46%), loss of smell and taste (34%/5.2%), fatigue (68%/45%), fever (48%/24%), body aches (45%/22%), and headaches (58%/46%) were reported by significantly more RT positives compared to negatives. The respective differences were even more pronounced (p<0.001) among ELISA-positives compared to negatives with >50% of those positive reported impaired smell or taste compared to less than 7% among the group of ELISA-negatives (p<0.00001).In logistic regression models, shift work and belonging to the lowest quartile of the exposure prevention score were significantly associated with seropositivity in both tests. Exposure towards children was inversely associated with seropositivity, however, in the finally adjusted model only significant for those that were RT-positive, but not ELISA-positive, reflecting the lower specificity of the former.Conclusion:The endemic infection rate in HCW was high. HCW adhering to preventive measures in everyday life had lower infection rates.Disclosure of Interests:Manuel Beck: None declared, Alexandra Nieters: None declared, Marta Rizzi: None declared, Ulrich Salzer: None declared, Jens Thiel Speakers bureau: BMS, Nils Venhoff Speakers bureau: Novartis, Nicole Peter: None declared, Hermann Eibel: None declared, Reinhard Voll Speakers bureau: Novartis, Grant/research support from: BMS, Pfizer, Novartis, Stephanie Finzel Speakers bureau: Novartis
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van Henten, Jan Willem. "The Alexandrian Riots of 38 C.E. and the Persecution of the Jews: A Historical Reconstruction. By Sandra Gambetti. (Supplements to the Journal for the Study of Judaism 135). Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2009. Pp. x, 340. Cloth with dust jacket. €114.00 / US$ 169.00. ISBN 978-90-04-13846-9." Journal for the Study of Judaism 43, no. 3 (2012): 402–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006312x644263.
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Oliver, Willem H. "The Catechetical School in Alexandria." Verbum et Ecclesia 36, no. 1 (March 25, 2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v36i1.1385.
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During her Golden Era, Alexandria, the Delta City of Egypt, was the pride of Africa in that she was larger than the two other world cities of the Roman Empire � Rome and Antioch � and also the unrivalled intellectual centre of the (Greco-)Roman world. Her schools, including the Didaskaleion � the Catechetical School � outshone the schools of her rivals by far. During the first half of the 1st century CE and specifically after the destruction of the temple and the fall of Jerusalem in 70 CE, many Jews fled their home country for different parts of the Roman Empire, like Transjordan, Syria and Africa. A number of these Jews � later called Christians � believed in Jesus of Nazareth. In Alexandria, these believers were confronted with different religions, cults and philosophies. The Didaskaleion was founded to rival these religions and cults and to provide the students with the necessary basis for their newly found religion. The lack of literature, on the one hand, and the credibility of the extant literature, on the other, caused great difficulty in reasoning with authority on the Didaskaleion. This is part one of two articles, the second one being constructed around the heads of the School.Intradisciplinary and/or interdisciplinary implications: Research about Africa done by Africans (inhabitants of Africa) need to increase because, in many ways Africa, is silent or silenced about her past. The fundamental question is: �Can anything good come out of Africa?� My answer is, �Yes! Come and see.� Therefore these two articles attempt to indicate the significance of Africa, which was actually the place where Christian Theology was founded. This has intra- as well as interdisciplinary implications. In this case the investigation is done from a theological perspective.
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Oliver, Willem H., and Mokhele J. S. Madise. "The formation of Christian theology in Alexandria." Verbum et Ecclesia 35, no. 1 (January 14, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v35i1.1314.
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Jesus was born in Palestine. He was the main determinant for the foundation of a religious movement or sect later called Christianity. This movement, founded in Palestine after the ascension of Jesus, with Jerusalem as its main centre of worship, was merely a Judaeo-Christian sect. In Jerusalem, the adherents to this movement were not really distinctive from the Jewish religion, as they worshipped the same God, Yahweh, went to the same Temple and/or synagogues and kept the same Jewish Laws. After the destruction of the Temple in 70 CE, many Jews, including the �believers in Christ�s teachings� (the earliest Christians) fled Jerusalem for different parts of the Roman Empire such as Transjordan, Syria and Africa. Different �Christianities� developed in the main cities of the Roman Empire � Rome, Antioch and Alexandria. In each of these cities, the believers in Christ�s teachings developed their own religion alongside Judaism. This article argued that it was in Alexandria, a world famous city during the time of the Roman Empire, especially renowned for its academic excellence, that the new religion best found and made its own stand. The Catechetical School, with scholarly heads and writers, such as Clement and Origen, started to develop a theology that set the standard for Christian theology in the Empire.Intradisciplinary�and/or�interdisciplinary implications: The general assumption is that Jerusalem, as the origin of Christianity, was the place where it had its formation. This article proposed that it was actually Alexandria where Christianity was best found and became distinctive from Judaism. However, a lack of original sources on this subject area limited the research.
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Rosenberg, Göran. "Philo of Stockholm. The ecumenical heresies of Rabbi Marcus Ehrenpreis." Nordisk Judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 30, no. 2 (November 24, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.86971.
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This paper was presented at the conference ‘The Marrano Phenomenon: Jewish Hidden Tradition and Modernity’, Warsaw, 16–19 September 2019. It considers the case of Marcus Ehrenpreis, chief rabbi of Stockholm (1914–48). Ehrenpreis followed in the tradition from Antiquity of Philo of Alexandria, who expressed his Jewish philosophy in Greek, and Moses Mendelssohn, who attempted to bring the principles of the Englightenment to German Jews and to promote an understanding of Judaism among nonJews. Ehrenpreis sought to follow a similar path among the Swedes, not least in making Swedish his preferred language of writing. Although the Marrano phenomenon relates primarily to the concept of ‘borderline’ Jewishness, of which Ehrenpreis was not an exponent, it nonetheless proves fruitful to consider him from a Marrano perspective in order to extend our understanding of him as an innovative figure who sought to achieve greater understanding across the religious and cultural boundaries between Judaism and non-Judaism.
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Hidalgo, Jacqueline M. "“So many of our destinies are tied beyond our understanding:” Rethinking religious hybridity in Latinx/o/a contexts." Missiology: An International Review, September 2, 2021, 009182962110410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00918296211041047.
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In December 2018, then congresswoman-elect Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez made headlines for a brief speech she was invited to give at a Hanukkah-lighting event sponsored by Jews for Racial and Economic Justice in Queens, New York. Some people found Ocasio-Cortez’s statements problematic. In partial and prompt response, she further clarified her perspective in a Twitter thread that amply demonstrated some of the tensions that arise in the study of Latinx/a/o religious pluralism. This article examines how Latinx/a/o stories can complicate dominant definitions of religion in part because of the memory of colonialism that frames religion as a category in Latina/o/x contexts. However, Latinx/o/a contexts themselves have been overly dominated by romanticized narratives of mixture that present their own challenges, particularly when encoded with a linear, straight temporality focused on both origins and destinations. Nevertheless, drawing on the work of Yomaira C. Figueroa-Vásquez (2020) and her use of apocalypso, I turn to understandings of hybridity that could disrupt a neat, linear temporality.
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Rukuni, Rugare, and Erna Oliver. "A case for organic indigenous Christianity: African Ethiopia as derivate from Jewish Christianity." HTS Teologiese Studies / Theological Studies 75, no. 1 (May 7, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/hts.v75i1.5270.
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From its inception to the 4th century CE, Christianity experienced a formative process composite of three catalytic phases characterised by distinctive events (i.e. Jewish-Christian Schism, Hellenism and imperial intervention). From the aforementioned era emerged an orthodoxy fostered by an imperial-ecclesiastical link. There appears to have been a parallel story with regard to certain elements of African Christianity, in particular, Ethiopian Christianity. What can be made of the gap regarding Jewish Christianity combined with the absence of African Christianity from Bauer’s modular theory on heresy and orthodoxy in the development of early Christianity? Despite the dominant story of the development of an imperial religious establishment at the turn of the 4th century, could there be an alternative narrative to Christianity in the African region derivate from Ethiopia? Reviewing the emergence of a religious political Christianity in this era as modular against Ethiopian Christianity in tangent with its links with Christianity in Roman Africa, establishment of the nature and development of Ethiopian Christianity was performed. This was performed through documentary analysis. Bauer’s (1971) theory of orthodoxy and heresy in early Christianity did not exhaustively account for Jewish Christianity and North African distinct intransigent tradition characteristic of Carthage. By extension to African Egyptian, Alexandria is Ethiopian Christianity that was characterised by Judaic tradition in contrast to anti-Judaism. This established a parallel history of Christianity in Africa inclusive of Ethiopia. A review of this perspective contains contemporary momentum in view of the focus on Ethiopian Jews, for example, as religious praxis was as important as ethnicity in determining the Jewishness of whole tribes.
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Teslyuk, Halyna. "Концепція Божого синівства (παῖδα κυρίου): лінгвістичний аналіз Муд 2:13б." Лінгвостилістичні студії, December 30, 2020, 176–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/2413-0923-2020-13-176-185.
Full textAbstract:
This article discusses the concept of divine sonship (παῖδα κυρίου) in the Book of Wisdom, chapter 2, verse 13b from the linguistic, literary,and theological perspectives. In this verse, the Bible author uses the phrase “a child/son of God” to express the unique relationship a righteous person has with God and demonstrate the consciousness of belonging to the Lord by the Jewish populace in diaspora. The aim of this paper is to explore how the author, by describing the pivotal feature of the life of the righteous in Wis 2:13b, uses the Greek terminology of his time as a means to teach about the faith. Lexical-syntactical, historical-cultural, and theological analyses are used to interpret the concept of the divine sonship in the Book of Wisdom. The patrimony of the Old Testament is taken into consideration as well. The Book of Wisdom written by a Jewish author in Egyptian Alexandria between 30 BCE – 14 CE reflects biblical theological thought, yet Pseudo-Solomon uses the terminology relevant to a Hellenistic milieu where he lives. The author teaches a younger Jewish generation in diaspora about their own religious tradition. The Jewish youth born in diaspora was more interested in contemporary philosophical/cultural trends than in the tradition of the ancestors. To attract them, the religious mentors present the topic using the conceptual terminology of the time. The concept of the divine sonship articulates the idea of a privileged status of the Jews and at the same time a responsibility that this status requires. This privileged status is traced back to the Exodus story when Israel was chosen as God’s people. As the book was written in diaspora, it also reflects the challenges the Jewish community was facing at that time. It was vital for the older generation to teach the younger generation about their ancestors and their beliefs. At the same time, the Hellenistic settings required Pseudo-Solomon to write in language that the audience spoke and to use the terminology that would yield meaning. The father-son image helps to identify the close relationship between the God and his people, mutual responsibility, and affection.