Academic literature on the topic 'John (Church : Rumford, Me.)'

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Journal articles on the topic "John (Church : Rumford, Me.)"

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JOHNSON, GRAHAM. "British Social Democracy and Religion, 1881–1911." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 51, no. 1 (January 2000): 94–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046999002857.

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The adoption of socialism in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was for many an experience akin to religious conversion. Katherine St John Conway's path to enlightenment provides a stark example. While sitting in her fashionable Bristol church ‘praying for a fuller consciousness of the Presence’, she was confronted by a group of workers adopting the socialist tactic of the ‘church parade’, the invasion of churches during Sunday services to highlight labour disputes and the plight of the unemployed:[I]n they came, lassies out on strike against starvation wages and for the right to combine … there they stood, sister-women, … ill-clad, wet through with the driving rain, hungry … ‘They stand between me and the Christ.’ So the thought smote me; so I see it still … . For the first time in my life I heard and began to understand.
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Milewski, Ireneusz. "Problematyka społeczna w mowach Jana Mandakuniego." Vox Patrum 57 (June 15, 2012): 409–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4140.

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Social problems were important elements in the preaching of the ancient Christian writers. Interesting, yet little-known examples of such activities are the speeches of John Mandakuni, one of the Fathers of the Armenian Church. In 25 homilies analysed by me, John Mandakuni, besides making references to the social matters, also strives to fight the pagan customs that were adopted by Christians into their everyday lives. According to his account, and the correctness of Mandakuni finding is confirmed by other contemporary Christian preachers, these habitual pagan practices were particularly deeply rooted in Christian wed­ding festivities and funerals.
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Mtshiselwa, Ndikho. "‘SURELY, GOODNESS AND MERCY SHALL FOLLOW ME...’: READING PSALM 23:6 IN CONVERSATION WITH JOHN WESLEY." Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 41, no. 2 (December 18, 2015): 116–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-4265/381.

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On the understanding that the addressees of Psalm 23 experienced the challenges of poverty, corruption, injustices and conflict, the interest of this article lies at asking three cardinal questions: First, what Imago Dei does Ps 23 present in the context of poverty, corruption, injustice and conflict, and more importantly with respect to the ‘goodness and mercy’ of YHWH? Second, how does the idea of ‘goodness and mercy’ (cf. Ps 23:6) relate to John Wesley’s theology on the ‘works of mercy’ and ‘doing good’ − particularly in light of the mission imperatives of the Methodist Church of Southern Africa? Third, how could the Methodist people be the interlocutors of ‘goodness and mercy’ in South Africa today?
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Russell, Conrad. "Whose Supremacy? King, Parliament and the Church 1530–1640." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 4, no. 21 (July 1997): 700–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00002982.

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In October 1993, I had to decide whether it was proper for me, as an unbeliever, to go to Parliament to vote in favour of a Church of England measure. Was it proper that laymen, not members of the church, not involved in the decisions taken, should be allowed to sit in Parliament to decide what the law of the church should be? After some discussion, I was persuaded it was proper, and cast my vote accordingly. In that decision, I recognized the triumph of one version of the Royal Supremacy over another. It is the triumph of Christopher St. German over Bishop Stephen Gardiner, of Sir Francis Knollys over Queen Elizabeth I, of Chief Justice Coke over Lord Chancellor Ellesmere, and of John Pym over Archbishop Laud. That triumph took a century to arrive after Henry VIII's Act of Supremacy, and, like many other triumphs, it threw out a promising baby with its mess of popish bath-water.
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Popovic, Danica. "The Siena relic of St John the Baptist’s right arm." Zograf, no. 41 (2017): 77–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zog1741077p.

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The paper takes a systematic approach to the hitherto unpublished relic of St John the Baptist?s right arm which is kept in a cache in Siena cathedral. It includes the available historical information about the relic?s journey from Serbia until its arrival in Siena (1464) and the circumstances in which it came into the possession of pope Pius II. It provides a detailed description both of the relic and of the reliquary, an exquisite piece of medieval goldsmithing and filigree work with few direct analogies. Particular attention is devoted to the inscription on the reliquary lid: ?Right arm of John the Forerunner, cover me, Sava the Serbian archbishop.? Based on the inscription, the reliquary is identified as one of the founding objects of the treasury of the monastery of Zica (the Serbian cathedral and coronation church) which was gradually built up in the first decades of the thirteenth century through the effort of Sava of Serbia. Discussed in the context of this topic are also the ?veil? and the ?cushion?, the luxurious textiles in which the Baptist?s arm was brought to Siena.
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Kuczok, Marcin. "“AMAZING GRACE THAT SAVED A WRETCH LIKE ME”. CONCEPTUAL METAPHORS FOR GRACE IN CHRISTIAN DISCOURSE (ON THE BASIS OF JOHN HENRY NEWMAN’S SERMONS)." Acta Neophilologica 1, no. XIX (June 1, 2017): 257–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/an.686.

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Although Amazing Grace has become a popular song associated with the Englishspeakingculture, the notion of GRACE itself remains mysterious and vague.The problem is that being an abstract notion, grace is difficult to understand and describeeven for theologians. This problem may be overcome by conceptual metaphors whichhelp us conceptualize and understand the abstract reality [Lakoff, Johnson 2003/1980/;Kövecses 2010/2002/]. John Henry Newman’s Parochial and Plain Sermons [1834--1843] constitutes a set of eight volumes of sermons preached in the years 1828-1845in St. Mary’s Church in Oxford by an outstanding Anglican philosopher, theologian,writer, and academic of the Victorian era, who later converted to Roman Catholicism.The article focuses on the cognitive-linguistic aspects of identification and classificationof the various conceptual metaphors for GRACE in Newman’s sermons. The metaphorsare illustrated with examples of the lexical correlates found in the analyzed material.In his sermons, Newman conceptualizes grace metaphorically either as different kindsof INANIMATE THINGS: A CONTAINER, AN INSTRUMENT or MEANS, A GARMENT,A TREASURE and A GIFT, as A TRADED COMMODITY, A LIQUID, FOOD AND DRINK,and A BUILDING, as A PLANT, or as A PERSON: A KING, AN INHABITANT of a humanbeing or the Church, as AN OPPONENT or ENEMY, as A GUIDE IN A JOURNEY,and as A PARENT. Additionally, GRACE is metaphorically viewed in the studied workas POWER, as A WAY IN A JOURNEY, and as LIGHT.
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Scott, Kieran. "Fashion Me a People: Curriculum in the Church. By Maria Harris. Louisville, KY: Westminster/John Knox, 1989. 204 pages. $14.95 (paper)." Horizons 17, no. 1 (1990): 184–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0360966900020119.

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Broadbent, Pete. "Desperate Measures." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 6, no. 31 (July 2002): 389–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00004762.

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I want to suggest that, for possibly the first time since the Second World War, we have a genuine opportunity for the Church of England to reform its mission and pastoral coverage, and its institutions, for good and for the furtherance of the Kingdom of God. Our changing culture is the main context for this reform, but it is being made possible by two external drivers—the financial meltdown which is currently taking place at national and diocesan level, and the decline in clergy numbers which has forced the Church at last to embrace the new patterns of ministerial priesthood and lay leadership proposed by John Tiller in 1983. It is clear to me that the Church of England as an institution only embraces change when it is forced to do so. It would be perfectly possible to ignore our changing cultural situation and to die quietly in a corner, were it not for our lack of money and priests. I am upbeat about this, because I do not believe that the forces of reaction and darkness will prevail this time. But I am worried that the framework of ecclesiastical law will delay and attempt to prevent the changes that are needed—and to this concern I will return.
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Lichtmann, Maria. "“To See Thee I Must [See] Thee, to Love, Love”." Religion and the Arts 22, no. 4 (September 10, 2018): 429–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685292-02204003.

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Abstract In early poems from his years at Oxford, before his conversion to Roman Catholicism and reception into the church by John Henry Newman, Gerard Manley Hopkins wrote several poems, “The Half-way House,” “Nondum,” “Let me to Thee,” and “My prayers must meet a brazen heaven,” where the absence of God—of the direct, immediate experience of God—is the theme. The poet seems to long for an ontological moment of being in his words, “inscaped” by God. In his childhood faith of the established religion of the Church of England, he has known only a God who is “above.” When he prays the paradox, “To see Thee, I must see Thee, to love, love,” Hopkins is setting out a major theme of his poetic and personal endeavors. This note of longing for an immanent God will be both fulfilled and frustrated in his life and in his art. Duns Scotus’s two incarnations of Christ, into the Eucharist and into human nature, will bring much of that fulfillment philosophically, as his acceptance of the Real Presence brought it spiritually.
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Newman, Keith A. "Holiness in Beauty? Roman Catholics, Arminians, and the Aesthetics of Religion in Early Caroline England." Studies in Church History 28 (1992): 303–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400012511.

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This paper is more concerned with posing questions than attempting to provide answers. I am principally interested in trying to establish whether there was a connection between the English Arminians’ emphasis on ritual and the beautification of churches in the 1620S and 1630S and the perception at the time that Roman Catholicism was gaining ground, especially in London and at the court. It has long been known that Charles I’s court was considered by contemporaries to have been rife with Catholic activity. Likewise, the embassy chapels in London provided a focus for Protestant discontent as a result of their attracting considerable congregations of English Catholics. The 1620s also saw the Arminian faction within the Church of England grow in influence, acquiring the patronage of the Duke of Buckingham and of King Charles himself. As has been demonstrated by Nicholas Tyacke, for example, this faction was very much orientated towards the court, and gained power by working within this milieu under the leadership of Laud and Neile. However, I am not concerned here with the politics of the Arminian rise to control of the Church of England hierarchy, but rather with their interest in ceremonial worship, their endeavour to place liturgy rather than the sermon at the centre of services. Was a leading Arminian such as John Cosin, for instance, reacting to what amounted to a Roman initiative? Furthermore, one needs to ask what part aesthetics played in attracting and retaining the allegiance of Catholics to what was, after all, an illegal form of worship. Even if the no longer faced the likelihood of physical martyrdom, financial penalties were severe, and the threat of imprisonment remained for priests and laity alike. Yet some twenty per cent of the titular nobility and many ordinary folk remained loyal to Rome. May not the very nature of Catholic worship provide a clue to explain this phenomenon? Clearly this is an extremely wide subject, which the time and space available does not permit me to explore in depth on this occasion. Therefore, I propose to focus on two specific areas: what attracted crowds of Londoners to the Catholic worship offered by the embassy chapels; and on one aspect of the Arminian response, namely, the field of devotional literature. I shall examine John Cosin’s A Collection of Private Devotions… Called the Hours of Prayer (1627) in the context of its being a reply to popular Catholic devotional books of the period, such as the Officium Beatae Mariae Virginis, commonly known as the Primer. Thus I shall address issues connected with both public and private devotions.
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Books on the topic "John (Church : Rumford, Me.)"

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Labonté, Youville. Marriages of St. John, Rumford, Me., 1866-1939 and of St. Theresa, Mexico, Me., 1927-1939. Auburn, Me. (133 Western Ave., Auburn 04210): Y. Labonté, 1995.

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Scrutator. Letter (no. 2) to the Rev. John Borland: The copy of your "Reviewer reviewed", which you had the goodness to send me, came duly to hand .. [S.l: s.n., 1987.

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Paul, John. No matarás : a mí me lo hiciste: Comentarios y texto de la carta enciclica Evangelium vitae de Juan Pablo II. Valencia: Edicep C.B., 1995.

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Book chapters on the topic "John (Church : Rumford, Me.)"

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Bramadat, Paul A. "Introduction." In The Church on the World's Turf. Oxford University Press, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195134995.003.0004.

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One warm Sunday evening in September 1993, I found myself walking aimlessly around the McMaster University campus. Earlier the same week, I had seen a poster advertising “Church at the John,” an event organized by the McMaster chapter of the Inter-Varsity Christian Fellowship (IVCF). Since I was academically interested in conservative Protestantism, and since at that point I knew no one in the city, I decided, for lack of other options, to attend this meeting. What I found there fell completely outside my expectations, prompted an elaborate series of questions, and ultimately resulted in the present book. Since I assumed that the meeting would be small, I worried that being ten minutes late might draw unwanted attention to my presence. As I descended the stairs of the Downstairs John (or simply “the John”), McMaster’s largest student bar, I could hear the noises of a large group of people. I thought I might have misread the poster a few days earlier; when I entered the bustling room, I was virtually certain I had. Except for the well-lit stage at one end of the room, the John was dark, and almost six hundred people were crowded into a space designed for no more than four hundred and fifty. The room was narrow and long, with a low stage at one end, pool tables at the opposite end, and a bar along the side of the room. People were standing and sitting in the aisles, on the bar, and against the walls beneath the bikini-clad models and slogans that festooned the neon beer signs. I discreetly asked one person who was standing against the wall if this was the right room for the IVCF meeting, and he replied that it was. I looked at him more intently to determine if he was joking, but he just smiled at me politely and bowed his head. After a few confusing moments, I realized he was praying. I turned away from him and noticed that all the other people in the room had bowed their heads in a prayer being led by a demure young woman on the stage.
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Hall, David D. "Reformation in Scotland." In The Puritans, 78–108. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691151397.003.0004.

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This chapter assesses how reformation unfolded in Scotland. From the moment John Knox gave up on Catholicism and joined the beleaguered Protestant community in his native Scotland, he framed his preaching around the difference between the truth as he understood it and the idolatry he imputed to Catholicism. In an early sermon, he drew on the book of Daniel to explain what was wrong with Rome. No Catholic could be trusted, since all were allied with the Antichrist. Nor was Catholicism capable of adhering to the commandment that declared, “Thou shalt have no other gods before me.” Placing himself in the lineage of Old Testament prophets who warned their people to dispense with idols and worship the one true God, Knox evoked this ancestry to justify his outbursts against a Catholicism he deemed “Anti-christian.” Like his Old Testament predecessors, Knox knew that the process of reform was easily disrupted. He wanted Scotland to do better—much better, if it were to enjoy a “perfect reformation” that recovered “the grave and godly face of the primitive Church.” The missing element in England was discipline in the double sense of purging “superstition” from worship and reworking church structures to ensure the presence of an evangelical ministry.
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Fisher, David. "Interlude: Helium, Argon, and Creationism." In Much Ado about (Practically) Nothing. Oxford University Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195393965.003.0011.

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Henry M. Morris, widely regarded as the founder of the modern creationist movement, died February 25, 2006, at the age of eighty-seven. His 1961 book The Genesis Flood, subtitled, The Biblical Record and Its Scientific Implications, was a cornerstone of the movement. Many more books followed, including Scientific Creationism; What Is Creation Science?; Men of Science; Men of God; History of Modern Creationism; The Long War Against God; and Biblical Creationism. In 1970 he founded the Institute for Creation Research, which continues to be a leading creationist force, now headed by his sons, John and Henry III. In 1982 I debated the subject with him at the Coral Ridge Presbyterian Church in Fort Lauderdale in front of a sellout crowd of several thousand. He had emphasized in our initial contacts that the debate would be based on science, not religion, but when he opened his remarks with this same statement and the audience responded with loud cries of “Amen!” and “Praise Jesus!” I knew I was in for a long night. Both of us steered away from the biological arguments, I because I’m not a biologist and he presumably because the Biblical side of that is so evidently silly—if he had tried to describe how Noah brought two mosquitoes or two fleas aboard he might have got away with it, but the whole panoply of billions of species of submicroscopic creatures was obviously a problem. Instead he concentrated on the physical side, in particular on the age of the earth, and that was fine with me. As noted in the previous chapters, the earth’s age is central to Darwin’s argument. A strict interpretation of the Bible gives a limit of thousands of years, which is clearly not enough time for evolution to take place. Radioactive dating, on the other hand, gives Darwin his needed time span of billions of years, and so a cornerstone of the creationist argument is its necessary destruction. Morris was a wonderful motivational speaker, and spent a long introduction wandering through the Bible to show how wonderfully reasonable it is.
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"of reading and writing not only allowed for the rise of autobiographical dis-course, it also encouraged the development of interiority and the practice of communing with one’s own thoughts in private. At precisely this moment in the acculturation of individualism in England, the evangelical narrative of conversion can be discovered flourishing among a numerous laity. Commonplaces, biblical tropes and narrative conventions occur in evangelical autobiography but this is not hagiography, at least not usually. The emphasis again and again in stories such as that of Martha Claggett is that people were surprised to find that the gospel was for them personally. Martha Claggett discovered that the gospel was not merely about playing a role in a pre-determined world – through nominal adherence to the established church and participation in communal ritual – but that it had to do with a deeply personal story that could make sense of her fears in child-birth, her guilt for having contemplated abortion, her grief over her dead brother, her depression, her vanity, as well as her dreams and hopes. After John Wesley’s own conversion, he wrote with wonder that God had taken away, he writes, ‘my sins, even mine, and saved me from the law of sin and death’, and he put all these personal pronouns in italics in his journal." In The Rise of the Laity in Evangelical Protestantism, 90–91. Routledge, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203166505-43.

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