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Journal articles on the topic 'John Tyndall'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 12 February 2022

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1

Jackson, Roland. "John Tyndall and the Royal Medal that was never struck." Notes and Records: the Royal Society Journal of the History of Science 68, no. 2 (December 11, 2013): 151–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2013.0063.

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Just once in its long history has a Royal Medal been awarded but not presented. John Tyndall FRS (1820–93) was the chosen recipient in 1853 for his early work on diamagnetism but declined to accept it. The story of why Tyndall felt compelled to turn down this considerable honour sheds light on the scientific politics and personal relationships of the time, on the importance given to the study of magnetism, and on Tyndall's own character and career.

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2

Cantor, Geoffrey. "John Tyndall's religion: a fragment." Notes and Records: the Royal Society Journal of the History of Science 69, no. 4 (September 2, 2015): 419–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2015.0017.

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Both contemporaries and historians have focused on the high-profile 1874 Belfast Address in which John Tyndall was widely perceived as promulgating atheism. Although some historians have instead interpreted him as a pantheist or an agnostic, it is clear that any such labels do not accurately capture Tyndall's religious position throughout his life. By contrast, this paper seeks to chart Tyndall's religious journey from 1840 (when he was in his late teens) to the autumn of 1848 when he commenced his scientific studies at Marburg. Although he had been imbued with his father's stern conservative Irish Protestantism and opposition to Catholicism, as a youth he seems for a time to have been attracted to Methodism. Later, however, he questioned and rejected his father's religious views and was increasingly drawn to the more spiritual outlook of Ralph Waldo Emerson and Thomas Carlyle, along with a more radical attitude to politics.

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3

Yamalidou, M. "John Tyndall, the rhetorician of molecularity. Part one. Crossing the boundary towards the invisible." Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 53, no. 2 (May 22, 1999): 231–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.1999.0077.

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This paper highlights the way in which Tyndall achieved his broad understanding of the molecular character of physical nature through an examination of the various molecular explanations he put forward in his papers and lectures, and argues that, in Tyndall's writings, one can find a most articulate version of nineteenth-century British molecular discourse. The exploration of those molecular conditions which underlay physical phenomena was central to his research throughout the years, and for this exploration he utilized his imagination, which he believed to be an innate faculty of the human mind. According to Tyndall, the imaginative dimension of science consisted of the creation of mental images of the unseen which enabled scientists to cross the boundary that separated the realm of phenomena from those of causal mechanisms. In his writings he expressed these mental images of the unseen in the distinctive molecular language of his age.

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4

O'GORMAN, FRANCIS. "SOME RUSKIN ANNOTATIONS OF JOHN TYNDALL." Notes and Queries 44, no. 3 (September 1, 1997): 348–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/44-3-348.

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5

O'GORMAN, FRANCIS. "SOME RUSKIN ANNOTATIONS OF JOHN TYNDALL." Notes and Queries 44, no. 3 (1997): 348–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/44.3.348.

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6

O'Gorman, F. "Note. Some Ruskin annotations of John Tyndall." Notes and Queries 44, no. 3 (September 1, 1997): 348–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/44.3.348-a.

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7

Jackson, Roland. "Eunice Foote, John Tyndall and a question of priority." Notes and Records: the Royal Society Journal of the History of Science 74, no. 1 (February 13, 2019): 105–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2018.0066.

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In 1856, an American woman, Eunice Foote, discovered the absorption of thermal radiation by carbon dioxide and water vapour. That was three years before John Tyndall, who is generally credited with this important discovery—a cornerstone of our current understanding of the greenhouse effect, climate change, weather and meteorology. Tyndall did not reference Foote's work. From a contemporary perspective, one might expect that Tyndall would have known of her findings. But it appears that he did not, raising deeper historical questions about the connections and relationships between American and European physicists in the mid nineteenth century. The discovery is seen as a significant moment in physics generally and in climate science in particular, and demands a proper analysis. This paper explores the argument about priority, and the issues that the episode highlights in terms of simultaneous discovery, the development of science in America, gender, amateur status, the reputation of American science in Europe and the networks and means of communication between researchers in America and Europe in the 1850s.

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8

Sackmann, Werner. "John Tyndall (1820—1893) und seine Beziehungen zu den Alpen und zur Schweiz." Gesnerus 50, no. 1-2 (November 25, 1993): 66–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22977953-0500102006.

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John Tyndall, the British physicist and scientist who died a hundred years ago (4 Dec. 1893) was a great admirer of Switzerland and of its high mountains. Throughout his life as a researcher he was fascinated by glaciers, by their shape and movement. This made him an enthusiastic pioneer of alpine mountaineering. Besides his important attempts to conquer the Matterhorn he made the first successful ascent of the Weisshorn. On the Belalp, opposite the Weisshorn, he built a home for his annual vacations. The residents of Naters made him an honorary citizen of their community. On the Belalp, his widow erected a monument to remember Tyndall’s affection for Switzerland and for the Alps.

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9

HAYES, EMILY. "Fashioned in the light of physics: the scope and methods of Halford Mackinder's geography." British Journal for the History of Science 52, no. 4 (August 27, 2019): 569–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087419000475.

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AbstractThroughout his career the geographer, and first reader in the ‘new’ geography at the University of Oxford, Halford Mackinder (1861–1947) described his discipline as a branch of physics. This essay explores this feature of Mackinder's thought and presents the connections between him and the Royal Institution professor of natural philosophy John Tyndall (1820–1893). My reframing of Mackinder's geography demonstrates that the academic professionalization of geography owed as much to the methods and instruments of popular natural philosophy and physics as it did to theories of Darwinian natural selection. In tracing the parallels between Tyndall and Mackinder, and their shared emphasis upon the technology of the magic lantern and the imagination as tools of scientific investigation and education, the article elucidates their common pedagogical practices. Mackinder's disciplinary vision was expressed in practices of visualization, and in metaphors inspired by physics, to audiences of geographers and geography teachers in the early twentieth century. Together, these features of Mackinder's geography demonstrate his role as a popularizer of science and extend the temporal and spatial resonance of Tyndall's natural philosophy.

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10

Gentry, James W. "The legacy of John Tyndall in aerosol science." Journal of Aerosol Science 28, no. 8 (December 1997): 1365–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0021-8502(97)00008-6.

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11

Jackson, Roland. "John Tyndall and the Early History of Diamagnetism." Annals of Science 72, no. 4 (July 21, 2014): 435–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00033790.2014.929743.

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12

Gentry, James W., and Jui-Chen Lin. "The legacy of John Tyndall in aerosol science." Journal of Aerosol Science 27 (September 1996): S503—S504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0021-8502(96)00324-2.

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13

Yamalidou, M. "John Tyndall, the rhetorician of molecularity. Part two. Questions put to nature." Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 53, no. 3 (September 22, 1999): 319–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.1999.0085.

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Following the discussion in Part One of this paper, an attempt is made here to understand the way in which Tyndall justified his bold claim that the introduction of molecular explanans in science necessitated an act of the imagination. Being conscious of the prospective emergence of a new scientific field out of the extensive dialogue of scientists over the conditions of material molecularity, and having the ambition to place his own research on absorption and radiation at the centre of the relevant developments, Tyndall was prepared to couple his imaginative suggestions with meticulous experimentation. With his unparalleled ability to master all the minute details of the experimental procedures he was following, Tyndall not only realized the significance of what he thought to be a basic constituent of scientific ethics, but could also design and perform the crucial experiments that enabled him to take a closer look at the submicroscopic level of physical reality. In so doing, he attempted to go far beyond the minimal expectations of 19th-century molecular discourse, insofar as he claimed to have given not only a proof of the molecular underpinnings of physical phenomena but also a definite picture of the individual molecule itself.

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14

Barton, Ruth. "John Tyndall, Pantheist: A Rereading of the Belfast Address." Osiris 3 (January 1987): 111–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/368663.

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15

Lidwell, O. M. "Joseph Lister and Infection from the Air." Epidemiology and Infection 99, no. 3 (December 1987): 569–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0950268800066425.

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In his book, Floating Matter of the Air, John Tyndall (Tyndall, p. 262) quotes from Robert Boyle's ‘Essay on the Pathological Part of Physik’ ‘that he who thoroughly understands the nature of ferments and fermentations shall probably … give a fair account of divers phenomena of several diseases, which will perhaps be never properly understood without an insight into the doctrine of fermentations'. It was more than a century and a half before the first part of this suggestion was fulfilled, after which the unravelling of the causes of infective diseases proceeded rapidly. In 1836 de la Tour and, almost simultaneously, Schwann (Tyndall, p. 7) discovered, in yeast, the agent of fermentation as a living organism which reproduced itself in endless succession. Schwann also observed that putrefaction in meat broth did not set in if this was kept in contact, not with ordinary air, but with air which had been previously brought to a high temperature.

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16

Hesketh, Ian. "Technologies of the Scientific Self: John Tyndall and His Journal." Isis 110, no. 3 (September 2019): 460–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/704672.

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17

Santi, Raffaella. "Beyond the Bounds of Experience? John Tyndall and Scientific Imagination." Cultura International Journal of Philosophy of Culture and Axiology 5, no. 2 (2008): 106–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/cultura20085211.

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18

O'GORMAN, F. "JOHN TYNDALL AS POET AGNOSTICISM AND 'A MORNING ON ALP LUSGEN'." Review of English Studies XLVIII, no. 191 (August 1, 1997): 353–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/res/xlviii.191.353.

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19

Howe, Joshua. "The ascent of John Tyndall: Victorian scientist, mountaineer, and public intellectual." Annals of Science 76, no. 3-4 (June 24, 2019): 385–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00033790.2019.1634759.

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20

McMillan, Norman, and Martin Nevin. "Early correspondence of John Tyndall: preparation for a stellar career ascent." Metascience 26, no. 1 (September 22, 2016): 21–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11016-016-0099-0.

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21

Reidy, Michael. "The strange death, ongoing resurrection, and renewed life of John Tyndall." Metascience 29, no. 1 (February 17, 2020): 133–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11016-020-00496-1.

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22

Cardoso, Silvana S. S., Julyan H. E. Cartwright, and Herbert E. Huppert. "Stokes, Tyndall, Ruskin and the nineteenth-century beginnings of climate science." Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society A: Mathematical, Physical and Engineering Sciences 378, no. 2174 (June 8, 2020): 20200064. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsta.2020.0064.

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Although we humans have known since the first smokey campfires of prehistory that our activities might alter our local surroundings, the nineteenth century saw the first indications that humankind might alter the global environment; what we currently know as anthropogenic climate change. We are now celebrating the bicentenaries of three figures with a hand in the birth of climate science. George Stokes, John Tyndall and John Ruskin were born in August 1819, August 1820 and February 1819, respectively. We look back from the perspective of two centuries following their births. We outline their contributions to climate science: understanding the equations of fluid motion and the recognition of the need to collect global weather data together with comprehending the role in regulating terrestrial temperature played by gases in the atmosphere. This knowledge was accompanied by fears of the Earth’s regression to another ice age, together with others that industrialization was ruining humankind’s health, morals and creativity. The former fears of global cooling were justified but seem strange now that the balance has tipped so far the other way towards global warming; the latter, on the other hand, today seem very prescient. This article is part of the theme issue ‘Stokes at 200 (Part 1)’.

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23

Howard, Jill. "‘Physics and fashion’: John Tyndall and his audiences in mid-Victorian Britain." Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part A 35, no. 4 (December 2004): 729–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.shpsa.2004.04.002.

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24

Hubisz, John L. "MicroReviews from the Book Review Editor: Faraday as a Discoverer: John Tyndall." Physics Teacher 44, no. 8 (November 2006): 558. http://dx.doi.org/10.1119/1.2362968.

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25

Verkamp, Bernard J. "Karl Rahner and Religious Agnosticism." Philosophy and Theology 32, no. 1 (2020): 193–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philtheol2021316133.

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Back in the early 1960s, Karl Rahner acknowledged that ‘religious agnosticism’ (‘religiöse Agnostizismus’) did have “some truth” in it [meint etwas Richtiges] (Rahner and Vorgrimler, Kleines Theologisches Wörterbuch, 13; Theological Dictionary, 16). On the Hegelian assumption that a thing being defined involves as much what it is not, as what it is, this paper will explore in what sense Rahner thought that religious agnosticism does contain an element of truth, by contrasting his interpretation of its component parts to that of the nineteenth century agnostic trio of Herbert Spencer, Thomas H. Huxley, and John Tyndall.

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26

HOLMES, ANDREW R. "Presbyterians and science in the north of Ireland before 1874." British Journal for the History of Science 41, no. 4 (July 15, 2008): 541–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087408001234.

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AbstractIn his presidential address to the Belfast meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science in 1874, John Tyndall launched what David Livingstone has called a ‘frontal assault on teleology and Christian theism’. Using Tyndall's intervention as a starting point, this paper seeks to understand the attitudes of Presbyterians in the north of Ireland to science in the first three-quarters of the nineteenth century. The first section outlines some background, including the attitude of Presbyterians to science in the eighteenth century, the development of educational facilities in Ireland for the training of Presbyterian ministers, and the specific cultural and political circumstances in Ireland that influenced Presbyterian responses to science more generally. The next two sections examine two specific applications by Irish Presbyterians of the term ‘science’: first, the emergence of a distinctive Presbyterian theology of nature and the application of inductive scientific methodology to the study of theology, and second, the Presbyterian conviction that mind had ascendancy over matter which underpinned their commitment to the development of a science of the mind. The final two sections examine, in turn, the relationship between science and an eschatological reading of the signs of the times, and attitudes to Darwinian evolution in the fifteen years between the publication ofThe Origin of Speciesin 1859 and Tyndall's speech in 1874.

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27

Eaton, R. D. "IN THE “WORLD OF DEATH AND BEAUTY”: RISK, CONTROL, AND JOHN TYNDALL AS ALPINIST." Victorian Literature and Culture 41, no. 1 (January 18, 2013): 55–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150312000228.

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The association between mountaineering and taking risks is conventional and has been so since mountaineering emerged in Western Europe as a distinct preoccupation during the first half of the nineteenth century. Whatever else mountaineering might be about, it has always at least been about risk. Scholarship on English alpinism in its formative period – the first two decades of the second half of the nineteenth century – has long acknowledged this association. Scholarship has, however, only begun to recognize the complex nature of risk in early English alpinism.

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HOWSAM, LESLIE. "An experiment with science for the nineteenth- century book trade: the International Scientific Series." British Journal for the History of Science 33, no. 2 (June 2000): 187–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087499003945.

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The theory, method and disciplinary foundations of ‘book history’ are addressed in the context of a close examination of the International Scientific Series, a set of monographs that appeared from 1871 to 1911 in Britain, France, Germany, Italy, Russia and the United States. Working closely with entrepreneurial publishers, most authors of ISS volumes were scientific professionals (T. H. Huxley, John Tyndall, Herbert Spencer and E. L. Youmans were among the founders) aiming to educate a broad popular audience. Commercial, scholarly and other pressures made the texts less fixed than they appear: revisions, appendices and other evidences of textual instability have been overlooked by previous commentators.

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Trench, Brian. "Book Review: Roland Jackson, The Ascent of John Tyndall: Victorian Scientist, Mountaineer, & Public Intellectual." Public Understanding of Science 28, no. 2 (August 22, 2018): 252–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0963662518795972.

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Rankin, Mark. "The Cancelled Text from John Foxe's 1572–73 edition of The Whole Workes of William Tyndall, John Frith, and Doctor Barnes*." Library 20, no. 1 (February 23, 2019): 47–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/library/20.1.47.

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31

Kaalund, Nanna Katrine Lüders. "A frosty disagreement: John Tyndall, James David Forbes, and the early formation of the X-Club." Annals of Science 74, no. 4 (October 2, 2017): 282–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00033790.2017.1379559.

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Barton, Ruth. "‘An Influential Set of Chaps’: The X-Club and Royal Society Politics 1864–85." British Journal for the History of Science 23, no. 1 (March 1990): 53–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087400044459.

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‘Our’ included not only Hooker and Huxley but their fellow-members of the X-Club. ‘Our time’ had been the 1870s and early 1880s. For a five-year period from November 1873 to November 1878 Hooker had been President of the Society, Huxley one of the Secretaries, and fellow X-Club member, William Spottiswoode, the Treasurer. Hooker was followed in the Presidency by Spottiswoode, and on Spottiswoode's death in 1883 Huxley was elected President. During this period other X-Club members—Edward Frankland, John Tyndall, George Busk, Sir John Lubbock, and Thomas Hirst—were ordinary members of the Council of the Society. As the Table below (p. 60) shows, there were at least three members of the X-Club on the Council of the Royal Society from November 1870 until November 1882. On eight occasions in this period there were four or more X-Club members on the Council. ‘Our time’ came to an end in 1885 when ill-health forced Huxley's retirement after only two years in the Presidency, and G. G. Stokes at last became President.

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33

Waller, Ralph. "James Martineau and the Catholic Spirit Amid the Tensions of Dublin, 1828-1832." Studies in Church History 25 (1989): 223–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400008706.

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James Marrineau is generally known as a Unitarian divine, who in the years which followed the publication of Origin of Species (1859) brought his massive intellect to the defence of Christianity, especially in his debates with Henry Spencer, Professor John Tyndall, and Henry Sidgwick. What is less well-known about Martineau is that in 1828 at the age of twenty-three he began his ministry in Dublin at Eustace Street Presbyterian Meeting House. Through his ‘Biographical Memoranda’, a sermon preached before the Synod of Munster, and his hymn book, A Collection of Hymns for Christian Worship which he compiled for the Dublin congregation, we are given a glimpse of his view of Irish Christianity and see in them a reflection of his strong catholic spirit, which was confirmed and strengthened by his Dublin experience.

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34

Wale, Matthew. "Book Review: Geoffrey Cantor and Gowan Dawson (eds), The Correspondence of John Tyndall, Volume 1: The Correspondence, May 1840–August 1843, Melinda Baldwin and Janet Brown (eds), The Correspondence of John Tyndall, Volume 2: The Correspondence, September 1843–December 1849 and Ruth Barton, Jeremiah Rankin and Michael S Reidy (eds), The Correspondence of John Tyndall, Volume 3: The Correspondence, January 1850–December 1852." Public Understanding of Science 28, no. 2 (August 22, 2018): 253–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0963662518795991.

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35

Fyfe, Aileen, and Noah Moxham. "Making public ahead of print: Meetings and publications at the Royal Society, 1752–1892." Notes and Records: the Royal Society Journal of the History of Science 70, no. 4 (September 7, 2016): 361–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2016.0030.

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This essay examines the interplay between the meetings and publications of learned scientific societies during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, when journals were an established but not yet dominant form of scholarly communication. The ‘making public’ of research at meetings, long before actual ‘publication’ in society periodicals, enabled a complex of more or less formal sites of communication and discussion ahead of print. Using two case studies from the Royal Society of London—Jan Ingen-Housz in 1782 and John Tyndall in 1857 to 1858—we reveal how different individuals navigated and exploited the power structures, social activities and seasonal rhythms of learned societies, all necessary precursors to gaining admission to the editorial processes of society journals, and trace the shifting significance of meetings in the increasingly competitive and diverse realm of Victorian scientific publishing. We conclude by reflecting on the implications of these historical perspectives for current discussions of the ‘ends’ of the scientific journal.

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COURTNEY, STEPHEN. "‘A very diadem of light’: exhibitions in Victorian London, the Parliamentary light and the shaping of the Trinity House lighthouses." British Journal for the History of Science 50, no. 2 (April 24, 2017): 249–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087417000292.

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AbstractIn the midsummer of 1872 a lighthouse apparatus was installed in the Clock Tower of the House of Commons. The installation served the practical function of communicating at a distance when the House was sitting, but also provided a highly visible symbolic indication of the importance of lighthouse technology to national concerns. Further, the installation served as an experimental space in which rival technological designs, with corresponding visions for the lighthouse system, could compete in public. This article considers nineteenth-century lighthouse technology as a case study in the power and political significance of display. Manufacturers of lighthouse lenses, such as the firm of Chance Brothers, sought to manage interpretations of the lights through the framing of exhibitions and demonstrations; so too did scientific authorities, including Michael Faraday and John Tyndall, both of whom served in the role of scientific adviser to Trinity House, the body responsible for lighthouse management. Particularly notable in this process was the significance of urban, metropolitan display environments in shaping the development of the marine lighthouse system around the nation's periphery.

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Hass, J. W. "The Reverend Dr William Henry Dallinger, F.R.S. (1839-1909)." Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 54, no. 1 (January 22, 2000): 53–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2000.0096.

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The parson-naturalist long played a respected role in English scientific culture. By the close of the 19th century this tradition had almost disappeared due, in part, to increasing educational standards and professional responsibilities. William Dallinger illustrates these challenges to the earlier tradition. Dallinger, a Wesleyan minister, came from nowhere to enter the portals of the scientific elite, yet found himself on the fringes of the scientific research community during the later part of his life. Dallinger followed the pattern of the older ideal typified by the wealthy Charles Darwin, who paid for his research out of his own pocket and used his home as his laboratory, while their scientific friends T. H. Huxley and John Tyndall were paid for their labours in the new scientific institutions of London. This paper follows Dallinger's dual career as cleric and scientist and seeks to identify the ‘invisible resources’ and ’motivations‘ that propelled an obscure Methodist cleric to be a pioneer in the emerging field of ‘protozoology’ and play a leading role in the spontaneous generation controversy.

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Morus. "A Vision of Modern Science: John Tyndall and the Role of the Scientist in Victorian Culture, by Ursula DeYoung." Victorian Studies 55, no. 2 (2013): 356. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/victorianstudies.55.2.356.

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Cahan, David. "Helmholtz and the British scientific elite: From force conservation to energy conservation." Notes and Records of the Royal Society 66, no. 1 (November 16, 2011): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2011.0044.

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This article discusses the close relationship that developed during the 1850s and 1860s between Hermann von Helmholtz (1821–94), one of the leading German scientists during the second half of the nineteenth century, and the British scientific elite generally. It focuses especially on the importance of the law of conservation of energy to both sides of that relationship as the law emerged and became popularized. In presenting this Anglo-German relationship, the article relates Helmholtz's friendships or acquaintanceships with numerous members of the British elite, including William Thomson, John Tyndall, Henry Enfield Roscoe, Michael Faraday, Edward Sabine, Henry Bence Jones, George Gabriel Stokes, James Clerk Maxwell, Peter Guthrie Tait, George Biddell Airy and James Thomson. It suggests that the building of these social relationships helped create a sense of trust between Helmholtz and the British elite that, in turn, eased the revision of the understanding of the law of conservation of force into that of energy and consolidated its acceptance, and that laid the personal groundwork for Helmholtz's future promotion of Maxwell's electromagnetic theory in Germany and for Anglo-German agreements in electrical metrology.

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40

DeArce, Miguel. "The natural history review (1854–1865)." Archives of Natural History 39, no. 2 (October 2012): 253–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/anh.2012.0093.

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The natural history review was a quarterly founded in 1854 by Edward Perceval Wright, then an undergraduate student of zoology at Trinity College Dublin. Its first editorial committee (1856–1860) held traditional views of natural history. By 1860 The natural history review had failed, ostensibly for lack of subscribers, and Wright put it in the hands of Thomas Henry Huxley who, together with Joseph Hooker, John Tyndall and others, was then looking for a vehicle to disseminate the agenda of what Huxley later called “scientific naturalism”. Against advice from his friends, Darwin, Lyell and Hooker, Huxley accepted the editorship, preserving the title but giving The natural history review a new direction by replacing the former editorial team with some of his like-minded colleagues. Extant correspondence between several of these comprises dozens of letters in which The natural history review (1861–1865) was discussed. By the end of 1862 Huxley had given up on it, but the periodical survived until July 1865 with Hooker at the head. Throughout this second series, Charles Darwin exercised an unofficial, effective, and to today's eyes, ethically questionable editorial role. The natural history review ceased publication under Hooker in 1865. Competition from other publications, the lack of a clear purpose and the prevalence of ideology over business sense in the editor-in-chief were the likely reasons for its repeated failures.

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Pinti, Daniel. "Tyndale's Gospel of St John: Translation and the Theology of Style." Journal of Anglican Studies 6, no. 1 (June 2008): 89–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1740355308091389.

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ABSTRACTBuilding on Rowan Williams's claims about William Tyndale's importance for English Reformation theology, this paper outlines a theological matrix within which we can situate and interpret Tyndale's translation work. Focusing on Tyndale's translation of the fourth Gospel in his 1534 New Testament, the central claim is that in light of more recent developments in biblical interpretation, the very style of Tyndale's translation has evident theological implications with compelling resonances for contemporary Anglicanism. This analysis of the theology of Tyndale's literary style also attempts to contribute to the ongoing reassessment of Tyndale's reputation. Tyndale's biographer, David Daniell, has lamented that ‘Tyndale as theologian… has been at best neglected and at worst twisted out of shape’, while ‘Tyndale as conscious [literary] craftsman has been… denied’. As a close reading of Tyndale's Gospel of John shows, Tyndale the theologian and Tyndale the craftsman can and should be approached as one and the same.

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Spensley, Barbara E. "Book Review: Tyndale Commentary on John’s Gospel; Tyndale New Testament Commentaries: John." Expository Times 116, no. 2 (November 2004): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452460411600219.

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BRACKENBURY, JULIE. "Managing dermal filler complications part 1: the Tyndall effect phenomenon." Journal of Aesthetic Nursing 3, no. 4 (May 2014): 177–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/joan.2014.3.4.177.

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King, John N. "“The Light of Printing“: William Tyndale, John Foxe, John Day, and Early Modern Print Culture*." Renaissance Quarterly 54, no. 1 (2001): 52–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1262220.

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John Foxe, the martyrologist, and John Day, the Elizabethan master printer, played central roles in the emergence of literate print culture following the death of William Tyndale, translator of the New Testament and parts of the Bible into English. In so doing, Foxe and his publisher contributed to the accepted modern belief that Protestantism and early printing reinforced each other. Foxe's revision of his biography of Tyndale in the second edition of Acts and Monuments of These Latter and Perilous Days (1570) and his collaboration on Day's 1573 publication of Tyndale's collected non-translation prose place intense stress upon the trio's active involvement in the English book trade. The engagement of Foxe and Day with Tyndale's publishing career exemplifies ways in which these bookmen exploited the power of the printing press to effect religious and cultural

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Richey, Patricia M., and Scott A. Norton. "John Tyndall’s Effect on Dermatology." JAMA Dermatology 153, no. 3 (March 1, 2017): 308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/jamadermatol.2016.0505.

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Millus, Donald J. "Wolsey, Henry, Wyclif and More in Tyndale’s." Moreana 45 (Number 175), no. 3 (December 2008): 106–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2008.45.3.7.

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William Tyndale’s Exposition is a mixture of translation, commentary, and criticism of historical figures. The bulk of the work is an ad hoc translation of St. John’s first epistle. Tyndale’s commentary focuses on his familiar theme of faith over works, especially superstitious works, as the key to salvation. But Tyndale is always concerned with current events: the death of Cardinal Wolsey, the life of Henry VIII, and the hypocritical vilification of the proto-reformer John Wyclif are his main targets. Surprisingly, he quotes his foe Thomas More favorably. But is Tyndale in defending Wyclif also drawing a subtle comparison with Wolsey’s successor as chancellor, Thomas More?

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Sera-Shriar, Efram. "Ursula DeYoung. A Vision of Modern Science: John Tyndall and the Role of the Scientist in Victorian Culture. (Palgrave Studies in the History of Science and Technology.) 280 pp., illus., bibl., index. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011. $85 (cloth)." Isis 103, no. 2 (June 2012): 412–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/667500.

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Baker, David Weil. "The Historical Faith of William Tyndale: Non-Salvific Reading of Scripture at the Outset of the English Reformation*." Renaissance Quarterly 62, no. 3 (2009): 661–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/647334.

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AbstractThis essay argues that for William Tyndale, not only was scripture not sola, but it did not have to be read solely as scripture, that is, the salvific word of God. It could also be read with historical faith, a term that Tyndale borrowed from the German Reformer Philip Melanchthon and used to signify “believing in scripture as one would a non-scriptural history.” Tyndale did not exactly advocate this approach to scripture, but he recognized it as having at least some validity, given the role of human agency and authority in the transmission of God's word. More broadly, the notion of historical faith in scripture reflects the Reformation elevation of what John Foxe called the “truth of history” along with that of scripture. In the polemical writings of Tyndale and later English Protestant Reformers, scripture served both as a means of personal salvation and as a source of historical evidence against the Catholic Church. As a source for this kind of evidence, scripture was cited in conjunction with non-scriptural histories and in ways not discernibly different from those in which such histories were cited. Tyndale's historical faith is not, then, as his opponent Thomas More dubbed it, an “evasion” borrowed from Melanchthon, but rather a part of the complex and developing relationship between scripture and history during the English Reformation.

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Hesketh, Ian. "The making of John Tyndall's Darwinian Revolution." Annals of Science 77, no. 4 (August 26, 2020): 524–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00033790.2020.1808243.

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Brock, William H. "Michael D. Barton, Janet Browne, Ken Corbett and Norman McMillan (eds.), The Correspondence of John Tyndall, vol. 6: The Correspondence, November 1856–February 1859. Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2018. Pp. lviii + 537. ISBN 978-0-8229-4533-8. $125.00. (hardback)." British Journal for the History of Science 53, no. 4 (December 2020): 598–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087420000540.

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