Journal articles on the topic 'Jordan Storytelling'

Purpose This study aims to assess the impact of organizational storytelling on organizational performance by undertaking telecommunication companies located in the Middle Eastern nation of Jordan. Design/methodology/approach A quantitative design has been adopted to identify the impact of organizational storytelling on organizational performance, recruiting 460 employees at managerial levels from three telecom companies (Umniah, Zain and Orange). A step-wise regression analysis has been applied to analyze the data collected using a close-ended structured questionnaire. Findings A total of 284 male and 176 female employees took part in the study. The study has found a positive and significant impact of organizational learning, change management, corporate culture, training and development and leadership and indicated that these determinants positively related to organizational performance. Findings showed a positive and significant impact of organizational storytelling on organizational performance based on its components. Practical implications This study has contributed to identifying the impact of organizational storytelling on organizational performance in the telecommunication sector in Jordan. Originality/value This study is among the few to analyses the impact of organizational storytelling based on training and development, change management, corporate culture, organizational learning and development and leadership on the organizational performance of telecom companies in Jordan.

The current study aimed to identify the impact of storytelling on teaching language skills (speaking, listening and fluency) among second-grade students in Jordan, and to reveal the significance of the differences in the role of storytelling in teaching language skills (speaking, listening and fluency) among second-grade students in Jordan for the gender variable. In order to achieve, a questionnaire was developed consisting of (21) items divided into three areas (speaking, listening, language fluency), and the study sample consisted of (88) male and female students from the second grade of primary school in Zarqa Governorate schools, they were chosen by the intentional method, from Two divisions, one experimental and the other control. The study concluded that there is an effect of storytelling on teaching language skills (speaking, listening and fluency) among second-grade students, and it was found that there were no differences in the effect of storytelling on teaching language skills (speaking, listening and fluency) due to the gender variable, and the study recommended the need to direct those in charge of language education. Arabic by including the storytelling method in teaching methods and curricula, and the necessity of training first-grade teachers to use storytelling in teaching Arabic language skills.

Using the lens of critical race theory, this study examines the schooling experiences of racialized and indigenous girls in autobiographical and biographical picturebooks. The concept of “counter-storytelling” guides the analysis of three examples of graphic life writing, including Duncan Tonatiuh’s biography of Sylvia Mendez and her family in Separate Is Never Equal: Sylvia Mendez & Her Family’s Fight for Desegregation, Ruby Bridges’s memoir Through My Eyes, and Christy Jordan-Fenton and Margaret Pokiak-Fenton’s coauthored auto/biography When I Was Eight. This article proposes graphic life writing as one way to incorporate diverse books into the curriculum and highlights how authors and illustrators counter histories of racialized misrepresentation in text and image through the creation of culturally specific stories of resistance.

Abstract It is known that the short story emerged very recently in World Literature. This literary genre, which was put forward by American authors in the second half of the 19. Century, began to spread worldwide by Russian writers. The first example of the short story genre in Arab countries is the work named On the Train (fi al-Qitar) published by Muhammad Taymūr in 1917. As in many Arab countries, short story authors have started to be seen in Jordan since the 1940’s. Short stories pub-lished in publications such as newspapers and magazines constitute the first cores of the short story in Jordanian literature. It is seen that story authors such as Abd al-Rahman Yagī, Nabil Had-dad, Husnu Fariz, Isa an-Nauri, Mahmud Sayf al-Din al-Iranī, Mahmud Taymūr, Jamal Abu Hamdan, Munis Arrazzaz, Subhi Shahrur, Ghalib Halasa, Fakhri Kivar, Abraham Nasrallah, Maryam Jabir Fa-riha ve Abraham al-Absi have published their stories in various magazines and newspapers. One of the Jordanian short story outhors is Elias Farkouh. Farkouh, who was born in Amman in 1948 and died on July 15, 2020 in the same place, is a world-renowned writer with his successful short stories. The stories and novels he wrote were deemed worthy of many awards by the leading institutions of the period. Farkouh is one of the most famous writers to express the psychological destruction of the Jewish invasion on the Palestinian people in the axis of social realism. In his works, he presents with a striking depiction of the effect of the Jewish occupation on Arab intel-lectuals who are tired of defeat. Many of the protagonists in the author’s stories are depicted as helpless people who avoid fighting or confronting the reality of society. There are nearly a hun-dred short stories in the story collections in which Farkouh published many of his stories together. One of these stories is ‘Who Ploughs the Sea?’, which ranks first place in the story collection pub-lished under the same name. In this story of the author tells the extraordinary story of a woman whose psychology deteriorated in the period of chaos, martial law, and Jewish invasion, and committed suicide by jumping into the sea. The names of the heroes in the plot of unknown whereabouts and time are also unknown. The narrative language and style of the story is quite simple. A clear and fluent poetic language is used in the story. The plot is given as complex as the psychological state of the woman who was the protagonist of the event. The author is the narrator in the story. The narrator avoids direct-ness. The story is highly engaging and enthralling to the end. The second protagonist of the story is a male person who is the protagonist, whom the main protagonist woman sees and speaks in a schizophrenic dimension, does not actually exist and is also unnamed. Apart from these two main protagonists, the waiter, the people on the beach are given as vaguely characters. The plot, which seems to have taken place in a house and a cafe by the beach, ends at the bottom of the sea. Con-sidering that the story was written in 1985 and that there were problems in terms of freedoms in Jordan, the prevalence of martial law, the Palestinian resistance and the Jewish invasion, it is pos-sible to say that the incident took place at this time and in this chaotic environment. In the story, storytelling, storytelling techniques such as description, dialogue and monologue have been used appropriately. The psychological problems of the woman in the story, like the helpless heroes in other novels and stories, are thought to be the psychological devastation of the Jewish invasion on the Palestinian people, the psychological negative impact on the Arab intellectual who is tired of being defeated, the psychological problems of those who escape from struggling or facing the re-ality of society. Considering all the situations such as the narrative language, poetic style, success in depictions, and the giving of the plot, it is clearly seen that the story comes from the pen of a master storyteller. This story called ‘Who Ploughs the Sea?’, the storytelling of Jordan and the life, literary personality and works of Elias Farkouh are the subject of this study.

This paper aims at investigating the role of storytelling in helping the Jordanian university students develop their reading skills. It also aims at contrasting the effects of reading based on contextualized storytelling with reading based on dual-code model, text-only and multi-sensory approach reading to investigate the performance differences in reading comprehension and word recall. The participants were 30 first year undergraduate university students, who study English language and Translation at Isra University located in Amman, Jordan. They included 15 males and 15 females. The data were collected from a word recall test, an activity of story retelling in addition to a short questionnaire. The data were analyzed quantitively in the light of the research questions. The findings revealed that there is no significant difference between the mean scores of the three groups: two experimental groups and one control group) in term of the word recall test and the proposition. The multi-sensory approach is considered more effective intervention than Dual-Code Model and text-only reading in EFL learners’ overall reading comprehension was not proved in this study.

This research presents a comprehensive study focused on precipitation prediction for the Dead Sea region utilizing the Seasonal Autoregressive Integrated Moving Average (SARIMA) model. The investigation seeks to interpret the accuracy and reliability of the SARIMA model's predictions by comparing them with predictions derived from climate modeling techniques. The evaluation is based on key performance metrics, including Mean Squared Error (MSE), Mean Absolute Error (MAE), and Root Mean Squared Error (RMSE). Additionally, the paper examines the SARIMA model's predictive capabilities through a comparison with actual observations spanning the period from 2010 to 2022. The obtained results reveal an MSE of 12.84593, an MAE of 2.34407, and an RMSE of 3.584123 for this period. Significantly, the SARIMA model surpasses the predictions of prominent climate models (CMIP6), namely ACCESS_CM2, Earth3_Veg, GISS_E2, and HadGEM3, based on comparative performance assessments. The findings emphasize the robustness of the SARIMA model in capturing the essence of the observations and predicting precipitation patterns, not only through its superior performance against climate models but also through its alignment with actual observations. This study contributes to a deeper understanding of precipitation prediction in the Dead Sea region and underscores the potential of the SARIMA model in enhancing forecasting accuracy for hydrological and climatic investigations

AbstractArchaeologists have a responsibility to use their research to engage people and provide opportunities for the public to interact with cultural heritage and interpret it on their own terms. This can be done through hypermedia and deep mapping as approaches to public archaeology. In twenty-first-century archaeology, scholars can rely on vastly improved technologies to aid them in these efforts toward public engagement, including digital photography, geographic information systems, and three-dimensional models. These technologies, even when collected for analysis or documentation, can be valuable tools for educating and involving the public with archaeological methods and how these methods help archaeologists learn about the past. Ultimately, academic storytelling can benefit from making archaeological results and methods accessible and engaging for stakeholders and the general public. ArcGIS StoryMaps is an effective tool for integrating digital datasets into an accessible framework that is suitable for interactive public engagement. This article describes the benefits of using ArcGIS StoryMaps for hypermedia and deep mapping–based public engagement using the story of copper production in Iron Age Faynan, Jordan, as a case study.

This paper examines the presentation of the “New Woman,” the western woman after World War I, in Fitzgerald's The Great Gatsby. New roles for women were not quickly accepted by the male-dominated society of the 1920s. The Great Gatsby, as a literary work originating from this time, reflects the ideological conflicts of Fitzgerald's culture, and it shows examples of the “New Woman” in multiple situations, presenting a largely negative viewpoint of social changes associated with gender. Regardless of Fitzgerald’s personal point of view, this novel clearly shows his culture’s discomfort with the image of the “New Woman” as it emerged after World War I and her new roles in society. The papers finds that Fitzgerald’s narrative choice to focus his storytelling through a male perspective sets the tone for the cultural bias he illustrates, as he filters the female characters through a male point of view, normalizing this perspective as the default, valuable one. Examples of the “New Woman” in the three major female characters Daisy, Jordan, and Myrtle are all demonstrated as troubled beings who, despite the relative freedom that they enjoy, remain dependent on men.

This essay reviews challenges posed to community-engaged scholars regarding tenure/promotion processes in Canadian universities, with a note to characteristics of community-engaged scholarship that were developed by Catherine Jordan (2007) to address gaps in academic assessment of engaged scholarship. These characteristics are: clear goals, adequate preparation, appropriate methods: scientific rigor and community engagement, significant results/impact, effective presentation/dissemination, reflective critique, leadership and personal contribution, and consistently ethical behavior. These are then applied to a non-peer reviewed work that describes the cumulative effects of environmental change for people in the Slave River Delta Region of the North West Territories, Canada. The reader is asked to view Delta Ways Remembered, a 13-minute video employing an enhanced e-storytelling technique to share and disseminate traditional knowledge about the delta from a compendium of people as a single-voiced narrative. The purpose is to highlight the scholarship underlying non-traditional academic expositions not readily assessed under current paradigms of academic evaluation. This essay strives to illustrate how Jordan’s characteristics can be applied to evaluate non-peer reviewed scholarly work, and also to share rewards and challenges associated with the harmonious blending of Indigenous and western knowledge addressing societal/environmental issues identified by the Indigenous community.

"Abstract: Being in the natural world is widely understood as having a beneficial effect, and experience of place resonates deeply (Jordan and Hinds, 2016). This effect and the potential of nature as an integral element of therapists’ self-care warrant attention and exploration through a Gestalt lens. The authors’ curiosity about this relationship and its application to trauma work led them to experiment with direct and creative contact with the natural world. Here, we set out to do three things: to provide a theoretical context and rationale; to articulate the ways in which Gestalt thinking informs our approach; and to illustrate the transformative potential of this area of work. We make links between the literature and practices of ecopsychology/psychotherapy and Gestalt theory, principles and practice. We incorporate storytelling and conversation to illuminate embodied enquiry, intentionally situating the presence of our ‘selves’ as participant observers and co-authors. We draw reflexively on aspects of practice to illustrate the core thesis and the concept of ‘the well- grounded therapist’ noting that there are implications for therapists’ practices of self-care. Whilst placing a clear emphasis on trauma work in this article, the central argument is about the ethics and value of self-care as a dialogic relationship inclusive of nature, therapist and client, and is applicable to a wide range of therapeutic work and settings. Keywords: contact, dialogue, embodiment, ethic, field, natural world, self-care, regeneration, senses, trauma."

The digitalization of cultural routes and virtual storytelling has emerged as a way of showcasing to individuals the heritage of different cultural universes. Regarding this fractional environment, and as a by-product of the international EU funded iHERITAGE project, (B_A.2.1_0056), the goal is to create, through an innovation-driven growth process and technological transfer, brand strategies for the affirmation and better knowledge of intangible realities in the Mediterranean region. The Sicilian Tourism Department in Italy is the project’s lead beneficiary, with representative partners throughout six Mediterranean countries (Italy, Egypt, Spain, Jordan, Lebanon, Portugal). The case study in Portugal is being developed in Tavira, through the intangible cultural heritage of the Mediterranean diet. The research based on the cultural experience, the history of the landscape and the sense of identity and continuity of knowledge is reassigned into a digital platform—the creation of apps and, within this, the design of a virtual route that navigates key geographical places. These apps will later revolve around one of the cultural elements of the Mediterranean, namely, the olive oil activity, with a detailed presentation of the manufacturing process, as well as its didactic interpretation and dissemination about the protection and conservation of Mediterranean research. The methodological approach is developed through the analysis and interpretation of a detailed list of references, fieldwork in a plurality of sites, contextual inquiries and interviews. As a powerful tool for internet marketing and research, these apps will reinforce identity, hospitality and tourism enterprises connected through the virtual itinerary, allowing a closer interaction between tourists and locals, endorsing the rise of technological development, as well as to drastically reduce environmental and ecological risks.

Purpose This study aims to assess the relationships among tacit knowledge sharing, mentoring and employees’ abilities in the areas of solving the work problems, adaptation to environments and creation of new innovative ideas. Design/methodology/approach This study applied quantitative research methods to examine the causal relationships among the key study variables. A questionnaire-based survey developed to evaluate the research model by drawing a convenience sample includes 123 employees working in the selected company headquarters in Jordan. Surveyed data were examined following the structural equation modeling procedures. Findings Results revealed that tacit knowledge sharing had a positive effect on employees’ abilities in the areas of adaptation to the work environments and creation of innovative ideas, while there was no an affirmative effect on employees’ abilities in the area of solving the work problems. In addition, the study showed that mentoring had a positive effect on employees’ abilities in terms of solving work problems, adaptation to work environments and creation of new innovative ideas. Furthermore, mentoring had mediated the relationship between tacit knowledge sharing and employees’ abilities. Research limitations/implications The findings of this study lay a basis for future studies pertain to the effect of tacit knowledge sharing and mentoring on the employees’ abilities as preconditions for improving organizational performance. These findings would be supported by future research studies, the examining of larger samples of pharmaceutical companies to give deeper meanings and more understandings of the relationship, among key study variables. The authors argue that it is useful to expand the current research by conducting future studies, examining the mediating role of other social learning methods such as storytelling and community of practices on relationship between tacit knowledge sharing and employees abilities. Practical implications The current research model will assist knowledge managers and practitioners to take serious decisions pertaining employees’ involvement in the process of tacit knowledge sharing and mentoring as preconditions for superior organizational. As well as, it can be a step forward for conducting further research studies on relationships among tacit knowledge sharing, mentoring and employees abilities. Social implications This suggested model may act as a catalyst for continuous improvements to the Jordan pharmaceutical industry in terms of producing high-quality medicines that improve health of humans and the society at large. Originality/value Although academic studies on knowledge management showed a positive relationship between tacit knowledge sharing and organizational performance, few studies examined the relationships between tacit knowledge sharing and employees’ abilities as preconditions for superior organizational performance. Furthermore, they ignored to examine the effect of the crucial mediating role of mentoring on the relationship between the two constructs. Therefore, this research tries to fill these gaps appropriately.

Abstract Introduction Prostate cancer (CaP) significantly impacts Black men, who face higher morbidity despite lower overall mortality. The disease and its treatments profoundly affect sexuality, relationships, and quality of life (QoL), necessitating robust support systems. Healthcare, spousal support, community involvement, and interactions with other survivors are crucial for enhancing survivors' self-esteem and daily functioning. Virtual town halls offer a platform to share trusted information and foster community support, overcoming geographic and structural barriers. This town hall event will explore Black CaP survivors' experiences, focusing on sexuality post-diagnosis and related medical and psychological needs. MethodsOn June 13, 2024, The University of Oklahoma and Stephenson Cancer Center will host the 5th town hall event (via Microsoft Teams) to address Black CaP survivors' sexual health concerns. Previous town halls averaged 70 attendees and covered various aspects of the CaP journey. This event will include storytelling and panel discussions, with presentations from two CaP survivors and their spouses on personal experiences and coping strategies. A urologic oncologist will discuss treatment advancements and early detection, while a clinical health psychologist will address psychological and emotional aspects of survivorship. Simultaneous watch parties will be held in Milledgeville, Georgia, and Dallas, Texas. Interactive Q&A sessions will allow participant engagement. Attendees will complete a post-event survey to assess the session's impact and collect clinical and sociodemographic data. Quantitative data will be analyzed using SPSS v28, and audio-recorded sessions will be transcribed and thematically analyzed using Nvivo. Results will be available by the end of June and presented at the conference. Expected Results Participants will gain a deeper understanding of the intersection between CaP and sexuality in Black men's health. Discussions will highlight the psychological impact of a cancer diagnosis, challenges in maintaining sexual health during and after treatment, and the role of mental health support. The town hall aims to emphasize the importance of a strong support system, providing valuable coping skills through shared experiences and expert insights. Topics will include the emotional and psychological impact of sexual health challenges, partner support, and the necessity of open communication with healthcare providers. The event seeks to improve CaP survivors' QoL by emphasizing continuous education and integrating sexual health into overall survivorship care. Conclusion This town hall event aims to bridge gaps in understanding and addressing Black CaP survivors' sexual health concerns. By fostering open dialogue and providing expert insights, we hope to improve these men's QoL and survivorship care, emphasizing mental health support, spousal support, and continuous education. Citation Format: Motolani Ogunsanya, Ernie Kaninjing, Parisa Ghasemi, Skyler Danker, Daniel Morton, Kathleen Dwyer, Mary Ellen Young, Folakemi T. Odedina, Yaw Nyame, Amy Siston, Jordan Neil, Adam C Alexander, Perry Cole, Patrick Beckford, Donald Reese, Thomas Mitchell, Everett Montgomery, Roland Odeleye, Darla E. Kendzor. Beyond the diagnosis: A town hall event to explore black men’s journey with prostate cancer and sexuality [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the 17th AACR Conference on the Science of Cancer Health Disparities in Racial/Ethnic Minorities and the Medically Underserved; 2024 Sep 21-24; Los Angeles, CA. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Epidemiol Biomarkers Prev 2024;33(9 Suppl):Abstract nr B028.

The topic of digital storytelling in the field of EFL instruction has attracted increasing attention. However, its significance, effectiveness, and incorporation within educational settings in Jordan have not been thoroughly studied. In order to address this research gap, the present paper explores the teaching effectiveness, challenges, and practical applications of digital storytelling in Jordanian EFL classrooms, specifically through a qualitative analysis of teacher perspectives, incorporating semi-structured interviews with 26 EFL teachers recruited by purposive sampling. The thematic analysis revealed that EFL teachers in Jordan predominantly view digital storytelling as a valuable enhancement to English language teaching, notably for its ability to engage students and facilitate language learning. This positive perspective, however, is tempered by concerns over resource availability and curriculum integration challenges. The study also observed that digital storytelling positively impacts student engagement and language skills, with teachers reporting notable improvements in student involvement and language competencies. However, this impact varied among students, influenced by individual learning styles and access to technological resources. Lastly, regarding integrating digital storytelling into the curriculum, teachers identified several benefits, including the versatility of digital storytelling in achieving educational objectives and its effectiveness in facilitating interactive learning. Yet, they also faced challenges, particularly regarding inadequate technological infrastructure and difficulties aligning digital storytelling with rigid curricular structures. These findings provide crucial insights into the application of digital storytelling in EFL education in Jordan, reflecting its potential to transform teaching practices amidst practical implementation challenges. The paper concludes with limitations and future research suggestions, intending to encourage deeper scholarly and practical involvement with this novel teaching style.

This study aims at investigating the effectiveness of therapeutic storytelling in reducing body dysmorphic disorder symptoms among a sample of female adolescents in Irbid, Jordan. The study sample comprises 28 female adolescents who are randomly distributed into two equal groups, namely the experimental group and the control group. The experimental group ( N = 14) participated in the therapeutic storytelling program while the control group ( N = 14) did not participate in any intervention program. However, to achieve the objectives of the study, a scale of body dysmorphic disorder is used to collect the study data in the pre- and post-tests of the two groups while the follow-up test is applied to the experimental group only. After analyzing the collected data, the results of one-way analysis of variance and t-test showed statistically significant differences between the experimental and control groups. The scores average of the post-test on the body dysmorphic disorder scale was in favor of the experimental group, which indicates the value of the therapeutic storytelling program used. The results of post- and follow-up comparisons among the experimental group members indicate the absence of statistically significant differences between the post- and follow-up averages on the body dysmorphic disorder scale, which reflects the reliability of the program’s impact.

Jordan-Fenton, Christy and Margaret Pokiak-Fenton. Illus. Liz Amini-Holmes. A Stranger at Home: A True Story. Toronto: Annick Press, 2011. Print. This straightforward and powerful sequel to Fatty Legs begins with Margaret’s return after her two year travail in residential school. Her eager anticipation quickly turns to bewilderment when she no longer feels part of her family or culture due to the changes she has been forced to undergo: English is now her first language of communication, her stomach cannot accept the once familiar foods, she is anxious about the possible damnation of her family members because of the lack of prayers in the family home. Margaret’s memories, thoughts and experiences, captured by her daughter-in-law, are presented in an accessible and believable manner. Margaret’s father is the one stable anchor on her return to a home that has become almost as foreign to her as was the school she just left. Besides the changes in family dynamics, Margaret is also presented with concrete examples of fears of the unknown and unfamiliar in the wider community with the presence of the trapper the people call the Du-bil-ak (the devil). Margaret points out that his skin colour is similar to that of Lena Horne, her father’s favourite singer, but this does not lessen her fear of the man either. Margaret’s major solace during this difficult year of transformation and searching for her identity is reading and rereading. As she regains her sense of herself through her reading concrete experiences with the dog team and her family, she develops the strength she needs to fulfil her father’s wishes to return to the detested school with her younger sisters. Accompanied by colourful and expressive illustrations as well as relevant photographs, the setting and people of home are vivid and present for the reader. The footnotes supply readers with explanations of Inuit terms and cultural practices. A brief account of the practice of residential schools follows the narrative. Highly recommended: 4 out of 4 stars Reviewer: Gail de Vos Gail de Vos, an adjunct instructor, teaches courses on Canadian children's literature, Young Adult Literature and Comic Books and Graphic Novels at the School of Library and Information Studies for the University of Alberta and is the author of nine books on storytelling and folklore. She is a professional storyteller and has taught the storytelling course at SLIS for over two decades.

Purpose This study aims to delve into the lived experiences, challenges and visions of women entrepreneurs in Jordan, placing a magnifying glass on those spearheading or co-pioneering start-ups. It aims to understand the myriad factors that influence their entrepreneurial journey, from motivation to the future of their niche. Design/methodology/approach Adopting a qualitative lens, this study is anchored in semi-structured interviews encompassing 20 Jordanian women entrepreneurs. Following this, thematic analysis was deployed to dissect and categorize the garnered insights into ten salient themes. Findings The study reveals that personal experiences and challenges are pivotal in directing these women towards niche markets, aligning with the theory of planned behaviour (TPB). Tools such as digital instruments, customer feedback and innovative strategies like storytelling and augmented reality are integral to their entrepreneurial success, resonating with the resource-based view (RBV). Additionally, challenges like cultural barriers and infrastructural limitations are navigated through adaptive strategies, reflecting the resilience inherent in these entrepreneurs. Networking, mentorship, embracing technological advancements and implementing sustainable practices are highlighted as crucial elements underpinned by the social identity theory (SIT). Originality/value Contrary to the extant body of research, this study provides new insights into the challenges faced by women entrepreneurs in Jordan, highlighting the practical relevance of theories like TPB, RBV and SIT for both policymakers and the start-up community in niche markets.

When the big leap forward of computer technology took place for the general public in the 80s and 90s, virtual reality technology (VR) was touted as the “next big thing” that digital media would bring into our lives. Janet Murray’s influential book Hamlet on the Holodeck (1997) explored the possibility of turning narrative into the “immersive, interactive experience generated by a computer” that defines VR. But VR did not live up to its expectations, and after the year 2000, it faded from the radar of popular interest. It regained attention around 2011 when Mark Zuckerberg, the founder/CEO of Facebook, bought Oculus Rift, the maker of a relatively cheap and lightweight head-mounted display. Currently available VR narratives are distinguished from other digital narratives through three-dimensional images,  interactive panoramic representations, and the ability to manipulate our experience of our own body. In this article I discuss three projects that use some of these resources in order to assess the storytelling potential of the medium: Clouds Over Sidra, a documentary about a camp for Syrian refugees in Jordan; Hard World for Small Things, a fictionalized version of the shooting of an unarmed black man by white policemen; and VRwandlung, a project that puts the user in the situation of the hero of Franz Kafka’s The Metamorphosis, who wakes up one day to discover that he has been transformed into a giant insect. Basing my judgment of this limited corpus, I assess the potential of VR narrative with respect to four kinds of immersion: ludic, spatial, temporal and emotional.

Purpose This study aims to assess the relationships among tacit knowledge sharing, communities of practice (CoPs) and employees’ abilities to solve problems, customer’s satisfaction and innovation. Design/methodology/approach This quantitative research aims to examine the causal relationships among the key study variables. A questionnaire-based survey was developed to evaluate the research model by drawing a convenience sample that includes 219 employees working in the King Abdullah Design and Development Bureau which is located in Amman, Jordan. Surveyed information was examined following the structural equation modelling procedures. Findings Results revealed that sharing tacit knowledge in defence organizations had no direct effect on employees’ abilities to solve problems, customer’s satisfaction and innovation, while there was an affirmative effect to CoPs on employees’ abilities in those areas. Also, this study showed that CoPs had a significant mediating role to play in the relationship between sharing knowledge and employees’ abilities in terms of solving work problems, customer’s satisfaction and innovation. Research limitations/implications Findings of this study have laid the basis for future studies related to examining the effect of tacit knowledge sharing and the CoPs on improving employees’ abilities as preconditions for organization performance. These findings can be supported by conducting further research studies to examine the large samples of defence companies to give deeper meanings and insights to the relationship among the key study variables. The authors recommend expanding future studies and examine the mediating role of other social learning methods such as mentoring and storytelling on the relationship between sharing tacit knowledge and employees’ abilities. Practical implications The research model may enable managers and practitioners to make decisions related to the improvement of collective learning by encouraging employees’ engagement in the process of tacit knowledge sharing. The model also helps managers to understand the role of CoPs as a knowledge sharing tool that contributes to increasing employees’ abilities and organizational competitiveness. Furthermore, the research model can be a step forward for further research studies on the relationships among tacit knowledge sharing, CoPs and employees’ abilities. Social implications The suggested model can act as the promising step for continuous improvement to the defence industry in terms of producing high-quality products and services that protect national security, humans’ lives and society at large from enemies and terrorist groups. Originality/value In spite of the fact that most academic studies on knowledge management show a positive relationship between tacit knowledge sharing and organizational performance, a few studies have examined the effect of mediating the CoPs on relationships between sharing tacit knowledge and employees’ abilities as preconditions for raising the performance of the organizations working in security and defence industry. Hence, this research attempts to fill these gaps and gives a new direction for future research.

News and Announcements1) Canadian Children's Book News, Spring 2015 IssueIn recognition of the TD Canadian Children's Book Week and its theme "Hear Our Stories: Celebrating First Nations, Métis and Inuit Literature," this issue explores several facets of this vibrant part of children's literature. It includes a profile of author David Alexander Robertson and a look at the publishers and market for First Nations, Métis, and Inuit stories.2) TD Canadian Children's Book Week (May 2- May 9, 2015) is the single most important national event celebrating Canadian children’s books and the importance of reading. More than 28,000 children, teens, and adults participate in activities held in every province and territory across the country. Hundreds of schools, public libraries, bookstores, and community centres host events as part of this major literary festival. It is organized by the Canadian Children’s Book Centre, in partnership with the Storytellers of Canada/Conteurs du Canada.3) Free Comic Book Day (May 2, 2015) takes place annually on the first Saturday in May. It is a single day when participating comic book specialty shops and public libraries across North America and around the world give away comic books absolutely free to anyone who comes into their shops! For more information: http://www.freecomicbookday.com/Home/1/1/27/9924) Canadian Authors for Indies Day (May 2, 2015)Authors across Canada support independent bookstores by volunteering as guest book sellers. To see who may be in your local indie book store, go to http://www.authorsforindies.com/5) Storytellers of Canada/Conteurs du Canada conference: Where Languages Meet (July 2-5, 2015). This year’s conference is in Lévis, Quebec where a rich storytelling tradition awaits. La Maison Natale Louis Fréchette – birthplace of one of Quebec’s most celebrated poets – hosts the SC-CC conference which proudly brings a range of vibrant programming in both official languages storytellers and listeners. http://www.storytellers-conteurs.ca/en/conference/storytellers-conference-2015.html6) Words in 3 Dimensions Conference 2015: Intersections (May 22 to 24, 2015)Held at the Chateau Lacombe Hotel in Edmonton for this second edition, the conference connects writers, editors, publishers, and agents from across Canada. This weekend focuses on how and where a writer’s work with words intersects with other disciplines. http://www.wordsin3d.com/7) The 2015 Storytelling World Resource Awards (storytellingworld.com/2015/) includes the following Canadian titles :Stories for Pre-Adolescent Listeners: Not My Girl: the True Sotry of a Daughter's Cultural Adjustmentsby Christy Jordan-Fenton and Margaret Pokiak-Fenton (Annick Press)Stories for Adolescent Listeners: Hope Springs: a Story of Complassion and understanding by Eric Walters (Tundra Books)8) IBBY Canada (International Board on Books for Young People, Canadian section). Stop, Thief!, illustrated by Pierre Pratt and written by Heather Tekavec (Kids Can Press, 2014), is the winner of the Elizabeth Mrazik-Cleaver Canadian Picture Book Award. Pierre was also nominated [again] by IBBY Canada for the prestigious Hans Christian Andersen Award.” www.ibby-canada.org/elizabeth-mrazik-cleaver-pratt/And now, a plethora of shortlist announcements:1) The 2015 Alberta Literary Awards ShortlistWinners will be announced and awards presented at the Alberta Literary Awards Gala on Saturday, May 23, 2015. The celebration will take place at the Chateau Lacombe Hotel (10111 Bellamy Hill Road) in Edmonton alongside the 2015 Words in 3 Dimensions Conference: Intersections (see above).A full list of award categories and nominees can be found at http://writersguild.ca/2015-alberta-literary-awards-shortlist/2) R. Ross Annett Award for Children's Literature (www.bookcentre.ca/awards/r_ross_annett_award_childrens_literature) Victor Lethbridge– You're Just Right (Tatanka Books)Leanne Shirtliffe– The Change Your Name Store (Sky Pony Press)Richard Van Camp– Little You (Orca Book Publishers) 3) 2014 Science in Society Book Awards Shortlists. Two annual book awards honour outstanding contributions to science writing. One is for books intended for children ages 8-12; the other for book aimed at the general public. Winners will be announced on Canada Book Day, April 23, 2015. http://sciencewriters.ca/awards/book-awards/Zoobots by Helaine Becker, Kids Can Press.Starting from Scratch by Sarah Elton, Owl Kids Books.It’s Catching by Jennifer Gardy, Owl Kids Books.The Fly by Elise Gravel, Penguin Random House.If by David J. Smith, Kids Can Press.4) 2015 Atlantic Book Awards ShortlistThe full shortlist for the eight different book prizes comprising the 2015 Atlantic Book Awards can be found www.atlanticbookawards.ca. Below are the nominees for the Ann Connor Brimer Award for Children’s Literature and the Lillian Shepherd Award for Excellence in Illustration. Winners will be announced Thursday, May 14, 2015.Ann Connor Brimer Award for Children’s LiteratureJack, the King of Ashes by Andy Jones (Running Goat Books & Broadsides)Flame and Ashes: The Great Fire Diary of Triffie Winsor (Dear Canada series) by Janet McNaughton (Scholastic Canada Ltd.)The End of the Line by Sharon E. McKay (Annick Press Ltd.)Lillian Sheperd Award for Excellence in IllustrationSydney Smith (nominee) Music is for Everyone by Jill Barber (Nimbus Publishing)Michael Pittman (nominee) Wow Wow and Haw Haw by George Murray(Breakwater Books)Nancy Rose (nominee) The Secret Life of Squirrels by Nancy Rose (Penguin Canada)5) Newfoundland and Labrador Book Award shortlist.During even-numbered years, these awards honour fiction and children’s/young adult fiction books; odd-numbered years recognise poetry and non-fiction. The winners will be announced May 27, 2015. This year’s list of finalists for the Newfoundland and Labrador Non-fiction Award are all first-time authors (http://wanl.ca/literary_awards)Alan Doyle for Where I Belong: From Small Town to Great Big Sea (Doubleday Canada)Janet Merlo for No One to Tell: Breaking My Silence on Life in the RCMP (Breakwater Books)Andrew Peacock for Creatures of the Rock (Doubleday Canada)Three acclaimed Newfoundland poets are shortlisted for the E.J. Pratt Poetry Award:Michael Crummey for Under the Keel(House of Anansi Press)Mary Dalton for Hooking (Véhicule Press)Carmelita McGrath for Escape Velocity (Goose Lane Editions)6) 2015 Information Book Award Shortlist announced by the Children’s Literature Roundtables of Canada. Voting Deadline: Saturday October 31, 2015.Any Questions? by Marie-Louise Gay.(Groundwood Books). A Brush Full of Colour: The World of Ted Harrison. by Margriet Ruurs & Katherine Gibson (Pajama Press).Do You Know Komodo Dragons? by Alain M. Bergeron, Michel Quintin, and Sampar. Illustrations by Sampar. Translated by Solange Messier (Fitzhenry & Whiteside).Dreaming in Indian: Contemporary Native American Voices. edited by Lisa Charleyboy and Mary Beth Leatherdale (Annick Press). Not My Girl. by Christy Jordan-Fenton and Margaret Pokiak-Fenton. Illustrated by Gabrielle Grimard (Annick Press). The Rat. by Elise Gravel (Tundra Books). Shapes in Math, Science and Nature: Squares, Triangles and Circles. by Catherine Sheldrick Ross. Illustrated by Bill Slavin (Kids Can Press). Take Shelter: At Home Around the World. by Nikki Tate and Dani Tate-Stratton (Orca Books). Tastes Like Music: 17 Quirks of the Brain and Body. by Maria Birmingham. Illustrated by Monika Melnychuk (Owl Kids). We All Count: A Book of Cree Numbers. by Julie Flett (Native Northwest).For more information about voting and submissions please contact the Information Book Award Chair, Kay Weisman at weismankay@gmail.com7) IBBY Canada (International Board on Books for Young People, Canadian section).Stop, Thief! illustrated by Pierre Pratt and written by Heather Tedavec (Kids Can Press, 2014) is the winner of the Elizabeth Mrazik-Cleaver Canadian Picture Book Award. Pierre was also nominated [again] by IBBY Canada for the prestigious ans Chrisitan Andersen Award. (www.ibby-canada.org/elizabeth-mrazik-cleaver-pratt/)-----Presented by Gail de Vos. Gail is an adjunct professor who teaches courses on Canadian children's literature, young adult literature, and commic books and graphic novels at the School of Library and Information Studies (SLIS) at the University of Alberta and is the author of nine books on storytelling and folklore. She is a professional storyteller and has taught the storytelling course at SLIS for over two decades.

Background: Digital health interventions are suggested to improve vaccine coverage and awareness in the general population. However, given the scarcity of information within migrant populations, this scoping review aims to identify existing evidence on digital health interventions designed to improve vaccination and health outcomes among this social group. Methods: In this scoping review, we searched CENTRAL, PubMed, and Scopus for observational studies and randomized controlled trials (RCT). Two independent reviewers screened articles, performed data extraction and synthesis, and assessed bias risk using CovidenceⓇ. Bias was evaluated with the Cochrane RoB 2, Newcastle-Ottawa Scale (NOS), or JBI tool. We analyzed digital health interventions aiming to boost vaccination rates and awareness among immigrant populations, evaluating barriers and facilitators. The focus was on vaccines such as COVID 19, HPV, Hepatitis B, Influenza, childhood vaccines. Targeting immigrants, primarily from South and East Asia, the Middle East, and Hispanic/Latinx populations. The interventions of interest included digital appointment reminders, mobile applications, messaging platforms, and digital storytelling. Findings: Out of the 673 studies initially identified, 19 met the criteria for data extraction and synthesis. Published between 2012 and 2024, these included six quasi experimental studies, five cross-sectional studies, four randomized control trials, three qualitative studies and one survey. Research spanned several continents and countries such as North America, Germany, China, Jordan,Turkey and Uganda. The role of digital tools in increasing the vaccination rate must be reinforced, with particular emphasis on the personalized content of the message for recipients. The measurement tools influencing vaccination rates are not only diverse but also complex. They encompass a wide range of factors, from knowledge about immunization to emotions and vaccine intention, highlighting the multifaceted nature of the issue. Several factors interfere with vaccination rates (e.g., language barriers, costs, long wait times, scheduling difficulties, lack of transportation, and child support). Some confounders may impact the effectiveness and uptake of vaccination programs in undocumented immigrants from seeking vaccination services, such as socioeconomic status, education level, language barriers, cultural beliefs and practices, distrust in the healthcare system, legal status and fear of deportation. Interpretation: Digital health interventions show promise in enhancing vaccination awareness among migrant populations. Findings from this scoping review suggest that these interventions should be customized for specific populations, taking into account barriers, facilitators, and cultural beliefs.

Dear Colleagues;
 It is a great honour for us to welcome you as Editor of Cypriot Journal of Educational Sciences, which has accepted publications indexed in qualified databases since 2006. Our main aim is to increase the quality of the journal day by day. We are ready to publish the new issue of Cypriot Journal of Educational Sciences, which has eight articles with authors from various countries. The aim of this issue is to give the researchers an opportunity to share their academic studies.
 A total number of forty-five (45) manuscripts were submitted for this issue and each paper has been subjected to double-blind peer review process by the reviewers specialized in the related field. At the end of the review process, a total number of twenty one (21) high quality research papers were selected and accepted for publication.
 
 First of all, I would like to thank all authors who have contributed to this issue . The focuses of the articles are varied. Investigating the Relationship Between Task Complexity, Cognitive Ability and Disorientation in Hypertext Navigation, Alper Bayazıt, Servet Bayram, Gonca Kızılkaya Cumaoğlu. Problem-based learning in secondary school: Status and prospects, Haris KH. Abushkin, Anna A. Kharitonova, Nikolay N. Khvastunov, Maksim V. Gorshunov. , Shadreck Mandina, Eshiwet Dube. Project technology in the development of communicative competence in schoolchildren: Extracurricular classes of Russian language, Guzel M. Nurullina, Alexandr F. Muraviyov, Anastasiya A. Martyanova, Iskander E. Yarmakeev. Can the storytelling strategy improve students story writing skills? An empirical study, Fatma Mohammed Alkaaf. Using wiki in the design of bilingual online course, Andrew V. Danilov, Rinata R. Zaripova, Nnamdi Anyameluhor. The Effect of Using Performance-based assessment Strategies to Tenth-Grade Students’ Achievement and Self-Efficacy in Jordan, Mohammad Ahmad Alkhateeb. Improving educational process quality in the lessons of natural and mathematical cycle by means of stem-training, Svetlana D. Chernyavskikh, Maxim A. Velichko, Irina B. Kostina, Yulia P. Gladkikh, Lyudmila V. Krasovskaya, Olga N. Satler. Classroom Management Problems Pre-Service Teachers Encounter In Elt, Kübra Keser. The Effect of Learning Styles on Prospective Chemistry and Science Teachers’ Self-Regulated Learning Skills, Sinem Dincol Ozgur. Subjectivity functions in reflexive and intercultural process of linguistic development, Irina Kondrateva, Diana Sabirova, Nailya Plotnikova. Primary School Students’ Mathematics Motivation and Anxieties, Yasemin Deringöl. Relationship between nomophobia and fear of missing out among Turkish university students, Nazire Burcin Hamutoglu, Deniz Mertkan Gezgin, Gozde Sezen-Gultekin, Orhan Gemikonakli. Discovering Learning Style with Active Music Education Practices, Kıvanç Aycan. Augmented reality in education researches (2012–2017): A content analysis, Mustafa Fidan, Meriç Tuncel. Meta-analysis of school leadership effects on student achievement in USA and Turkey, Sengul Uysal, Yılmaz Sarıer. Killing more than two birds with one stone: Teaching topical vocabulary through idioms, Anastasia S. Syunina, Iskander E. Yarmakeev, Tatiana S. Pimenova, Albina R. Abdrafikova. Examining self-regulation skills of elementary school students, Oktay Kızkapan, Oktay Bektaş, Aslı Saylan. Comparative analysis of musical-enlightenment concepts of L. Bernstein and D. Kabalevsky in Russian music education, Anastasia V. Mishina, Zilia M. Yavgildina, Rufina Ildarovna Samigullina, Tamara Yu. Melnik. Comparison of private-institute and public-school English teachers’ motivation towards teaching English in Iran, Shahram Alipour. Humour as a pedagogical tool in the teaching of English and German equivocal words, Alfonso Corbacho Sánchez, Luis Javier Conejero Magro.
 The topics of the next issue will be different. You can make sure that we will be trying to serve you with our journal with a rich knowledge in which different kinds of topics are discussed in 2018 Volume 13 Issue 4.
 I would like to present many thanks to all the contributors who helped to publish this issue.
 Best Regards, 
 
 Prof. Dr. Huseyin Uzunboylu 
 Editor in Chief

Introduction Jane Schoenbrun’s I Saw the TV Glow (ISTTVG) is a psychological science fiction/horror film which draws upon audiences’ associations between serialised television and queer identity development to ask a terrifying question: would you bury yourself alive to solve the mystery of a parallel life not yet lived? The film is an allegory for queer experiences of internalised heteronormativity and concealment in which the villain is not the typical monster of the week, but our own selves, suffocating under the mundanity of surroundings we have yet to break free from. Neon noir elements are used throughout, including dark and mysterious subject matter explored through expressionist cinematography and neon lighting, grim settings utilised to foster anxiety and paranoia, and morally ambiguous characters who embody archetypes such as the femme fatale and anti-hero. Neon noir as a framing device is simultaneously immersive and subversive, engrossing the audience in something familiar, while warping it until it feels unequivocally queer and immeasurably horrific. It trades the neon lights of the city for those of television sets and makes its setting the suburbs, acknowledging that it is the typicality of high school gymnasiums that feels dangerous to queer people, not back alleys. The overall dreamlike quality of queer temporality tells us “there is still time”, while constantly reminding us that time is running out. The femme fatale does not tempt the protagonist with her feminine wiles but with the allure of the protagonist’s own, suppressed femininity. The protagonist then is not an anti-hero due to physical violence enacted towards others, but for emotional violence enacted towards the self. This article explores neon noir as a major device in ISTTVG through cinematography, setting, and character, and explains the connection between noir’s broader roots in the Hays Code and the evolution of the trope ‘bury your gays’. Noir and Queer Storytelling To understand noir’s usage in ISTTVG, it is necessary to first understand the shared histories of noir and queer storytelling, with “queer” used for the purposes of this article as a broad umbrella under which all non-heteronormative sexualities and genders are encapsulated. Noir as a genre originated in the United States shortly following the establishment of the Hollywood Production Code, colloquially known as the Hays Code (Smith). The Hays Code placed several prohibitions on depictions of queerness, and sexuality in general, forcing queer storytelling in Hollywood-produced media to become subtextual (Russo 31) or coded (Hulan 17). This was something noir storytelling embraced. Noir, after all, has been described as paranoia put to screen (Gürkan 17), and sometimes it is what audiences do not see which stokes their deepest, underlying fears, thus achieving consternation through imagination (Smith). Paranoia during the time of the Hays Code was also something audiences already had in spades. While classic noir, like all media of the time, was inarguably influenced by the Hays Code (Pavés 360), it is also inseparable from post-World War II anxieties about morality and social change (Gürkan 17). Noir has many definitions; however, the original noir films of the 1940s and 1950s are typically recognised by their expressionistic depictions of that which was considered at the time to be socially deviant but potentially alluring (Gürkan 20). Noir films served as cautionary tales, especially about the dangerous temptation of urban life (Gürkan 20). Noir thus adhered to the Hays Code by depicting ‘deviant’ characters facing major consequences for their actions, including death (Smith). For queer characters, this often meant punishment for simply being queer (Hulan 21). While more complex and nuanced depictions of queer characters were certainly attempted in classic noir films, these attempts were routinely rejected by censors, either heavily edited or outright repudiated by the Production Code Administration responsible for upholding the Hays Code (Pavés 370). This trend of punishing queer characters, especially by death, simply for being queer has continued well beyond the Hays Code (Hulan 21), which ended in 1968 (Rosenfeld). In fact, while a fair amount of scholarship about this trope, sometimes referred to as ‘bury your gays’, does focus on the code’s influence, the trope is older by a considerable number of years, originating in at least the late nineteenth century and still present in media to this day (Hulan 17-9). The trope more recently became part of non-academic, popular discourse, in the early twentyfirst century, following an increase in dedicated spaces for fans to discuss trends in queer media representation online, with a focus on lesbian deaths in serialised television in shows like Buffy the Vampire Slayer (1997-2003) and The 100 (2014-2020; Hulan 23-4). Noir’s successors, neo-noir and neon noir, however, have largely subverted this trope by letting the gays be the ones who hold the metaphorical shovel, enacting violence rather than only being victims of it. Examples include Bound (1996), in which women lovers stage a heist towards their shared freedom, dropping bodies in their wake, and Love Lies Bleeding (2024), in which women lovers enact similar, violent revenge before driving off to their new lives together (Smith). Another recent film, Femme (2021), pits queer characters against one another, illustrating the ways in which internalised shame sometimes causes queer people to attempt to bury one another, socially or through acts of violence (Tadeo). ISTTVG is unique in that it is not rooted in violent revenge or repentance, but in violent liberation, requiring its protagonists to bury themselves, literally, in order to become who they truly are. ISTTVG follows teenage characters Owen (Justice Smith) and Maddy (Jack Haven) through their shared fixation on a science-fiction/horror genre television show, The Pink Opaque, which itself depicts teenage characters Isabel (Helena Howard) and Tara (Lindsey Jordan) in supernatural conflict with a seemingly ever-present villain named Mr. Melancholy (Emma Portner). The film’s first act ends with Maddy’s strange and somewhat unexplained disappearance. When she resurfaces in the second act, Maddy declares that she and Owen are, in fact, Tara and Isabela respectively. She further states that the pair were buried in separate graves by Mr. Melancholy, causing them to slowly suffocate, making the world they have been living in as Maddy and Owen a shared delusion they must escape in order to survive. Maddy/Tara tells Owen/Isabela that the only solution to their survival is self-burial, something Maddy/Tara has already undergone once. Given the seeming absurdity of self-interment, the audience and Owen are left sceptical of Maddy/Tara’s proposal, despite some evidence that she may be telling the truth. Owen ultimately decides the risk is too high, and abandons Maddy/Tara’s insistence to return to the dirt, and their other lives, leaving Maddy/Tara to complete the act alone. With an entire act still left in the film, however, the audience is reminded by a chalk scrawl across the sidewalk that “there is still time”, and the remainder of the film focusses on Owen, haunted by the possibility of Isabela, appearing to slowly suffocate into old age. The audience and Owen/Isabela never definitively learn whether Maddy/Tara’s version of reality is the correct one, but it is the uncertainty about this which is used effectively as queer allegory – that it may be scary by necessity for queer people to bury an inauthentic version of themselves and the lives they have led in the hope that something better lies beyond that ego death. ISTTVG Cinematography ISTTVG, like original noir, uses paranoia, especially about that which remains unseen or only partially seen, to drive its central allegory. ISTTVG, however, is better classified as a neon-noir due to its place in time (produced following the 1950s) and its specific use of neon lighting to achieve the light/dark, or dramatic chiaroscuro lighting effect that is characteristic of noir, neo-noir, and neon-noir cinematography alike (Miller). When applied specifically to science fiction and gothic fantasy, from which ISTTVG clearly draws influence, this has also been characterised as “neon-gothic” (Pop 190). Neon-noir is typically neon-lit to accentuate a foreboding or futuristic urban landscape as both setting and character, but in the technicolour of modern film as opposed to the black and white of classic noir (Miller). Other techniques such as stylised framing and camera angles are additionally used to create an immersive, “dreamlike state” which adds to audience anxieties, especially in science fiction/horror neon-noir films that tackle fears about modern or futuristic technologies (Miller). It is unsurprising that ISTTVG’s writer/director, Jane Schoenbrun, would use such techniques, as Schoenbrun has themself identified noir (Night of the Hunter 1955), neo-noir (Southland Tales 2006), and neon-noir (Blade Runner 1982) as influences on their own directorial and storytelling style. What is somewhat unique, however, about ISTTVG is its use of the television, and other technologies such as projectors and arcade games to achieve chiaroscuro and dreamlike effect that is not necessarily critical of these technologies. Typically, in neon-noir/neon-gothic films, neon lighting is used to highlight that which is fake, inauthentic, or non-human (Pop 207-8). Take, for example, the film Videodrome (1983), which also explores television as an alternate reality, but as a cautionary reality that is intended to cause unease (Thierbach-McLean 1-5), or Blade Runner (1982), with its exploration of the seemingly thin line between humanity and artificial intelligence (Pop 203). Unlike these examples, ISTTVG “validates” (Daschke 2) its audience’s draw towards TVland, recognising the comfort that queer people especially may find amidst the television’s glow and representations of queerness, especially in serialised television where parasocial relationships may be formed with characters depicted on screen. In other words, the simulacra, or imitation, of queerness as seen on television constitute a hyperreality that is the amalgamation of the real and the virtual (Baudrillard 67), which Schoenbrun paints as somewhat of an ideal. It is a contentious but sometimes safer space between and of two worlds, inextricably combined in queer collective consciousness. ISTTVG further achieves this tension of tranquility vs. terror by playing upon millennial nostalgia, such as by paying homage to Buffy the Vampire Slayer (1997-2003; Thierbach-McLean 1) or inserting time-specific imagery like the glow of a Fruitopia vending machine in a school cafeteria to create a sense of being outside of time. That feeling of living outside of linear time further encapsulates the queer experience by creating a sense of queer temporality (Seller 195), or the lived experience of queer people as being outside of heteronormative definitions of time due to the stigma placed on queer identities and relationships, which often necessitated navigating time differently. When queer temporality is applied to the transgender gaze, as it is in ISTTVG, there is additionally a sense of “appearing and disappearing, knowing and not knowing” (Judith Halberstam 77), which Schoenbrun conveys through flashes between reality and unreality without distinguishing clearly between the two. The dysphoria of this untethered state of time and space mirrors the navigation of real-world boundaries people like Owen/Isabela would likely traverse in negotiations of visibility vs. safety in a hostile society. ISTTVG Setting ISTTVG’s setting is also important. Unlike other neon-noirs, ISTTVG is not based in an urban setting. This makes sense considering that urban settings tend to be more heavily associated with queer safety as opposed to queer anxieties. Instead, it is the mundanity of the suburb that feels appropriately suffocating as the audience watches Owen progressively struggle to breathe following the revelation that Owen may actually be Isabela. This makes it such that the other-worldly elements are not what elicits fear, traded instead for those which are painfully ordinary, such as sucking on an inhaler or watching an unremarkable birthday celebration in the private room of an arcade. The suburban setting, being non-descript in exact geographic location, also lends itself to increased immersive possibilities as the audience can project onto it their own experiences with any suburban setting with which they are familiar. One key example of setting and cinematography blended to curate a noir-specific audience experience is during Maddy/Tara’s speech to Owen/Isabela about what it feels like to be buried alive, and to be resurrected in The Pink Opaque. The speech is set in a relatively non-descript planetarium room across which constellations are being projected. The room, like the suburban landscape the film is otherwise primarily set in, appears non-descript, the kind of room any audience member could readily recall having once been in. The lights of the projector are what then create the chiaroscuro effect, but themselves remain rather non-descript until the crescendo of the speech, at which time the full details of the constellations are filled in, creating a sense that Maddy/Tara in the climax of the speech is more fully realised. This also creates a further distance between the journeys of Maddy/Tara and Owen/Isabela, who were already depicted as being dissimilar in age and experience from the film’s start. As a result, there is a sense of fear about Owen/Isabela possibly being led astray by Maddy/Tara, while also horror at the idea that Owen/Isabela may not enact the burial, or put more simply, may not survive or thrive in metaphorical outness. ISTTVG Character Maddy/Tara creates a sense of danger as a character because she retains qualities of a femme fatale, such as being alluring in her perceived deviance while also using feminine wiles (Horbury 113-5) to tempt Owen/Isabela. She, however, is not a typical femme fatale in that she is 1) actually attempting to save Owen/Isabela and 2) is not using her own femininity as a tool. Rather, Maddy/Tara appears to tempt Owen with the suppressed femininity that is Isabela. In so doing, Maddy/Tara calls upon Owen/Isabela to remember what it felt like in The Pink Opaque, a reality in which Owen/Isabela was powerful, beautiful, and happy. Thus, it is Isabela and not Maddy/Tara who ultimately haunts Owen throughout the third act of the film, as the audience is left to desperately hope that the two will become one again. Isabela is the embodiment of Owen’s failure to thrive, but said failure is not depicted as morally punishable so much as morally grey, consistent with queer theorists’ views of failure as a sometimes necessary, liberative counterculture, despite being painful (Jack Halberstam 146; Muñoz 27). This makes Owen/Isabela an anti-hero. Moral ambiguity, and thus anti-heroism, are key traits of most noir and neon-noir protagonists (Gürkan 20), who, like Owen/Isabela, are neither wholly right nor wrong in the context of the story. As is the lived experience of real-world queer people, Owen/Isabela’s reluctance towards burial (i.e., identity acceptance and outness) in this context can be seen as rational, albeit simultaneously tragic. While Mr. Melancholy and the unremarkableness of suburban life, as proxies for depression and complacency enabled by heteronormativity, are always looming, it is Owen/Isabela’s own private struggle with internalised stigma/fear of the unknown which serves as the film’s main antagonist and Owen/Isabela’s ultimate undoing. Put another way, “queerness is that thing that lets us feel that this world is not enough, that indeed something is missing” (Muñoz 1), and Owen is missing something without Isabela that becomes the central conflict of the film. The audience is left without a clear answer as to whether Owen eventually embraces Isabela, though it is heavily implied that the character at least realises in the final moments of the film that not doing so is, in fact, slowly killing them both. Conclusion ISTTVG works as a powerful allegory for the queer experience because the application of neon-noir techniques causes it to feel simultaneously familiar and outside of time, much like the feeling of compulsory heteronormativity and binary gender roles would feel familiar, emotionally and temporally, to queer audiences. The cinematography, setting, and character arcs of the film further immerse queer audiences in the familiar feeling of paranoia that comes with questioning one’s identity in the shadows of society and in plain sight of that which is otherwise mundane but not without consequence or danger. In focussing the neon of the TV’s glow, the film brings to mind queer experiences of watching other gays be buried alive for all the wrong reasons. This both harkens back to noir’s roots in Hays Code era Hollywood, while also subverting the all-too-familiar ‘bury your gays’ trope to create an experience akin to queer community, as though the audience might be able to reach through the screen and help Owen/Isabela along through shared experience, much as Maddy/Tara attempts to do. The allegory is especially timely as queer audiences and filmmakers grapple with new wartime anxieties (e.g. Ukraine/Russia and Palestine/Israel conflicts), nuclear threat, global climate change, and the re-emergence of nationalism and fascism in influential parts of the world. Like Owen/Isabela, queer audiences are living outside of time, with the freedom to be depicted in media well beyond the restrictions of Hays Code era Hollywood, and yet still facing the same threats to our shared existence which have always driven noir at its core. By subverting audience expectations of the neon-noir genre, ISTTVG acts as a celebration of what is possible and a warning about what may come if we as a society do not bury realities which no longer serve us in fostering connection and safety. Like Owen/Isabela, ISTTVG’s audience is left wondering – is there still time? References Baudrillard, Jean. The Gulf War Did Not Take Place. Trans. and with an introduction by Paul Patton. Indiana UP, 1995. Daschke, Dereck. "I Saw the TV Glow." Journal of Religion & Film 28.1 (2024): 55. DOI: 10.32873/uno.dc.jrf.28.01.55. Gürkan, Hasan. "Is Film Noir a Genre, or a Style?" Online Journal of Art and Design 3.4 (2015): 17-25. Horbury, Alison. "Postfeminism and the Fatale Figure in Neo Noir Cinema." Australian Feminist Studies 31 (2016): 113-15. DOI: 10.1080/08164649.2016.1175053. Halberstam, Jack. The Queer Art of Failure. Duke UP, 2011. Halberstam, Judith. In a Queer Time and Place: Transgender Bodies, Subcultural Lives. New York UP, 2005. Hulan, Haley. "Bury Your Gays: History, Usage, and Context." McNair Scholars Journal 21.1 (2017): 6. I Saw the TV Glow. Dir. Jane Schoenbrun. A24, 2024. Pavés, Gonzalo M. "Unacceptable Matters: The Hays Code, Family, Film Noir and RKO Radio Pictures." Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television 43.2 (2023): 359-379. DOI: 10.1080/01439685.2022.2116858. Pop, Doru. "A Replicant Walks into the Desert of the Real and Tells Unfunny Jokes in the Flickering Lights of Neon-Gothic Fantasy." Caietele Echinox 35 (2018): 190-211. <https://doi.org/10.24193/cechinox.2018.35.12> Miller, Alyssa. “What Is the Neon Noir Genre?” No Film School, 3 Jan. 2024. 21 Nov. 2024 <https://nofilmschool.com/neon-noir>. Muñoz, José Esteban. "Cruising Utopia: The Then and There of Queer Futurity." Cruising Utopia. 10th anniversary ed. New York UP, 2019. Rosenfeld, Jordan. “Hays Code.” Encyclopedia Britannica, 2024. <https://www.britannica.com/art/Hays-Code>. Russo, Vito. The Celluloid Closet: Homosexuality in the Movies. Revised ed. New York: Harper and Row, 1995. Rooney, David. “‘Love Lies Bleeding’ Review: Kristen Stewart Is Pure Magnetism in Ultra-Violent Neo-Noir Romance.” Hollywood Reporter, 21 Jan. 2024. 21 Nov. 2024 <https://www.hollywoodreporter.com/movies/movie-reviews/love-lies-bleeding-review-kristen-stewart-1235794464/>. Seller, Merlyn. "Genesis Noir and Cosmological Time: How I Learned to Stop Worrying and Love the Big Bang." Unbound Queer Time in Literature, Cinema, and Video Games. Routledge, 2024. 193-209. Smith, Brian. “Film Noir and the Production Code Were Unlikely Allies.” Stage 32 Scripts, 23 July 2020. 21 Nov. 2024 <https://www.stage32.com/lounge/screenwriting/Film-Noir-and-the-Production-Code-Were-Unlikely-Allies>. Schoenbrun, Jane. “‘I Saw the TV Glow’ Director Jane Schoenbrun’s Top 5.” The Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences. 21 Nov. 2024 <https://newsletter-stg.oscars.org/what-to-watch/post/jane-schoenbrun-top-5-exclusive>. Tadeo, Jericho. “Femme Review: An Edge-of-Your-Seat Queering of the Neo-Noir Crime Thriller.” Movieweb, 27 Mar. 2024. 21 Nov. 2024 <https://movieweb.com/femme-review/>. Thierbach-McLean, Olga. "Living in ‘Overstimulated Times’: Revisiting the Social Criticism of Videodrome in the Internet Era." Film Journal 9 (2024). <https://doi.org/10.4000/11yjj>.

Monsters are everywhere in our popular media narratives. They lurk in the shadows of video games and computer animations, ready to pounce. They haunt the frames of horror films and fantasy televisions shows. They burst out of panels in many comics and graphic novels, bringing with them grotesque forms and nightmarish transformations. They feature recurrently in scary stories for children, echoing the fears of old myths, legends, and fairy tales, and forever drawing attention to our complex views of heroes. They inhabit our nightmares, and challenge our certainties. Monsters are, above all, metaphors. They function both as warnings and as reminders of that which we fear, and which we do not want to admit we desire. Monsters are creatures of difference, but they are never far removed from our human worlds. They aptly reflect not only our fears, but also our deepest and most illicit desires, and like to draw attention to the darkest aspects of our human experience, from the extraordinary to the everyday, from our fictional contexts to the horrors of social media. The monster metaphor is not just part of the imagination, but particularly functions as a representation of “features of a world” that “we are not altogether comfortable living in” (Scott 5). Because of their versatility, monsters refuse to be related to one single aspect of media and culture, and like to resurface in the most unexpected situations. Monsters are entangled with our histories and ways of life, and their representations speak loudly of the complex ways in which we negotiate our relationships and ways of communicating. Monsters present themselves differently from context to context: whether they are covered in scales or equipped with mighty fangs, whether they are undead or all too alive as Internet trolls, monsters always make us wonder about notions of safety and of reliability. While monsters have always been a central part of our modes of storytelling, they can tell us much about our contemporary moment, as we negotiate our concerns over technology, the body, globalisation, and social interaction in our Twenty-first century. Indeed, “while monsters always tapped into anxieties over a changing world”, they have never been “as popular, or as needed, as in the past decade” (Levina and Bui 2). Monsters, for sure, need to be slayed, but that process inevitably entails reflection and understanding of what the monster ‘is’, and what (or who) created it in the first place. In this issue, we approach monsters with fresh curiosity, and enquire into the meaning of their multifaceted incarnations, as both metaphors and as constant—and frightening—reflections of our ways of life. We explore what makes something ‘monstrous’, and how this term is applied figuratively across a variety of media and cultural contexts. We survey how monsters are represented, both physically and metaphorically, and acknowledge them as creatures of both identification and disparity. As Jeffrey Cohen suggests, the monster is always born “as an embodiment of a certain cultural moment, of a time, a feeling, and a place” (Cohen 4). If it is true that monsters reflect our cultural and social anxieties at given moments in time, then we must also wonder what it means to ‘embrace’ the monster, and see its very existence as a definitive part of who we are, how we see ourselves, and how we want to be seen by others. The articles in this issue all pivot on the idea of exploring the monster in media and culture as inevitably connected to our identities. We begin with our feature article, “‘Waiting with Bated Breath’: Navigating the Monstrous World of Online Racism” by Bronwyn Fredericks and Abraham Bradfield, which connects art, social media, and experiences of racism with the concept of the Internet as a ‘monstrous’ space in which new rules apply. We then move to Lawrence May’s “Confronting Ecological Monstrosity: Contemporary Video Game Monsters and the Climate Crisis”, which explores how games can facilitate new forms of ecocriticism through encounters with monsters that both embody and critique ecological collapse. In “Subverting the Monster: Reading Shrek as a Disability Fairy Tale”, Jordan Fyfe and Katie Ellis consider the transgressive potential of the monster in the context of subverting ableist norms and narratives. In the following article, “Kamen Rider: A Monstrous Hero”, Sophia Staite examines how heroism and monstrosity intersect in the Japanese live-action superhero franchise Kamen Rider, noting that “the line between hero and monster has become blurred beyond comprehension”. Angelique Nairn and Deepti Bhargava illustrate how specific professional identities can be framed as monstrous by popular media in “Demon in a Dress? An Exploration of How Television Programming Conceptualises Female Public Relations Practitioners as Monsters”. In “The Megalodon: A Monster of the New Mythology”, Edward Guimont highlights the intersecting forces of science and popular culture in building ‘new’ myths and monsters from nature and the not-so-fossilised past. Drawing on interviews with innovative sonic artist raxil4 (also known as Andrew Page), Will Connor explores the contours of a uniquely ‘monstrous’ musical instrument with the potential to both repel and attract, in “Positively Monstrous! Layers of Meaning within raxil4’s Bone Guitar Thing”. In “Frankenstein Redux: Posthuman Monsters in Jeanette Winterson’s Frankissstein”, Emily McAvan engages with Jeanette Winterson’s Frankissstein (2019), a contemporary re-reading of Mary Shelley’s classic that challenges ideas of what it means to be human in the present day. Morgan Pinder’s “Mouldy Matriarchs and Dangerous Daughters: An Ecofeminist Look at Resident Evil Antagonists” brings us back to digital media by focusing on the gendered representation of fungal monstrosities in the video game franchise. In “The Serpent (2021): Monstrous Tourism, a Serial Killer and the Hippie Trail”, Gemma Blackwood explores a Netflix true crime series in which monstrosity intersects with imperialist and globalised ideologies of mass tourism. Finally, Donna Lee Brien explores how conflicting public discourses continue to shape our understanding of the living world in her article “Demon Monsters or Misunderstood Casualties? Writing about Sharks in Australia”. These articles address a wide range of themes and media forms, from climate change to gender and sexuality, from video games to musical instruments. Such diversity illustrates the breadth of research currently being undertaken in the arena of monster studies, but also the extent to which the monster as a symbolic figure continues to have resonance across a variety of academic fields. References Cohen, Jeffrey Jerome. Monster Theory. U of Minnesota P, 1996. Levina, Marina, and Diem-My Bui. Introduction. In Monster Culture in the 21st Century. Eds. Marina Levina and Diem-My Bui. Bloomsbury, 2013. 1-13. Scott, Niall. Introduction. In Monsters and the Monstrous: Myths and Metaphors of Enduring Evil. Ed. Niall Scott. Rodopi, 2007. 1-5.

Dear Readers,We are delighted that this special issue includes book reviews from preschool to junior high readers!We would like to acknowledge Michelle St. Jean, Steven Campbell, Natalie Burns—the grade six and eight teachers from Ben Calf Robe - St. Clare Elementary/Junior High School—whose students completed the reviews as part of their class work. Assistant Principal Sonia Mangieri was our contact at the school who coordinated with the teachers to help make the vision of an issue entirely devoted to student reviews a reality. We would also like to thank Principal Rena Methuen for her school’s participation in this project. We are also grateful to teachers Ann Sheehan and Jenn Sych from the Child Study Centre’s Junior Kindergarten in the Faculty of Education at the University of Alberta for helping their students to provide class reviews of The Pirate’s Bed. Finally we would like to acknowledge our reviewers for contributing their thoughts on a wide range of reading materials and for sharing their favorite books and reading spots. Wishing you all a wonderful READ IN Week with enjoyable books and good friends.Warm wishes,Deakin Editors_________________________________________________________________Dear Readers,Welcome to this special edition of the Deakin Review. My name is Dr. Trudy Cardinal and I am very excited to be part of this edition highlighting the reviews of students from Ben Calf Robe St. Clare School and from the Child Study Centre’s Junior Kindergarten program in the University of Alberta’s Faculty of Education as part of the 2016 READ IN Week celebrations. This year’s theme is: One World, Many Voices, which was inspired in part by the words of Indigenous author Richard Wagamese in his introduction to One Story, One Song: “What binds us together as a human family is our collective yearning to belong, and we need to share our stories to achieve that” (2011, p. 5). As a Cree/Métis scholar I have always yearned to find children’s books that were more representative of the Cree/Métis life I lived as a little girl in northern Alberta but I never did find one. Rather I fell in love with Laura Ingalls Wilder from Little House on the Prairie and Lucy Maud Montgomery’s Anne of Green Gables feeling a kindred spirit in both of those characters – and yet, despite this love, I still yearned for more – someone more like me! Now, as a teacher educator and a Kokom (a Cree grandmother) I am so excited to find more and more beautiful children’s books, and more and more brilliant Indigenous authors who are creating stories that resonate with my soul. I can now go on grand adventures with Chuck in Jordon Wheeler’s Just a Walk. I see images of my niece Emma in Elizabeth Denny’s Jenneli’s Dance as she wins her first jigging prize and my heart-strings are tugged as I see the spitting image of my younger brother in the little boy in Peter Eyvindson’s Red Parka Mary. Finally, the yearning I have held for so long is beginning to abate as I come across such rich Indigenous literature depicting stories that are more representative of the life I lived as a Cree/Métis little girl. And in this issue, where the youngest readers are given opportunity to share stories of the books they are reading, Deakin Review helps to create spaces of belonging and nurtures the dreams of our youngest - now published - authors. Literacy, when we honor stories of lives, and create spaces for diverse voices in the ways that this issues does, contributes to that greater sense of belonging to which Richard Wagamese speaks. Happy reading!Trudy CardinalDr. Trudy Cardinal is an assistant professor in the department of Elementary Education at the University of Alberta. As a Cree/Métis scholar and Kokom (Cree grandmother), she has a particular passion for stories and storytelling including a love of children’s literature, especially literature written by and portraying the multiplicities in the lives of Indigenous youth and families. Her current favorite book is Just a Walk by Jordon Wheeler because it makes her laugh and think of the many adventures she went on when walking in the woods behind her house! __________________________________________________________Dear Readers,My name is Jill McClay, and I am a reader. Throughout my life, I have held a number of jobs and lived in three countries, but one constant in my life is that I have been a reader for as far back as my memory goes. I am delighted to co-introduce this special issue of the Deakin Review because this issue reminds me of the great variety of readers of all ages. In reading these young readers’ reviews of their favourite stories, I make many connections –they love some of my favourite books, and they like or dislike stories for the same reasons as I do.These young people love some of the stories that I love—the Harry Potter series, anything that John Green writes, Lumberjanes -- and some others I don’t know but now want to read. They read a wide range of literature, from fantasy, science fiction, nonfiction, romance, realistic fiction, manga other graphic stories, mysteries, stories with movie tie-ins, and more. When they explain why they like reading, I nod in agreement at many of their comments: Jerlaine sums up my thoughts best when she writes that she likes to read “because it makes you feel like you’re with different people and different times.” I too like the feeling Aiden expresses, “The author makes you kind of feel like you’re tagging along with the characters in this story.”The readers featured in this issue also dislike stories for some of the same reasons that I do – Nathaniel notes that he “didn't like the part when Obi Wan got captured because he got distracted by cookies. Jedi don't get distracted by cookies.” Fair point! I note that nonfiction draws both great approval and definite disapproval by various readers, reminding us that we all have different tastes.This issue of the Deakin Review, featuring the responses of young readers to their reading, reminds me of the importance of allowing young people to follow their interests in reading. There are stories and books for us all. As friends, teachers, parents, and librarians, we can help each other and young readers find the books that will be important to us by talking about the stories we like.Best wishes,Jill McClayDr. Jill McClay is the Associate Dean of Graduate Studies in the Faculty of Education at the University of Alberta. She likes to read most kinds of fiction, especially young adult novels, picture books, and stories of families through the generations. Her favourite place to read is in her comfy red chair. She doesn’t have a favourite book but likes to re-read some of her favourites occasionally.

This article is about refugees’ and migrants’ dreams of home and family and stems from an Australian Research Council Linkage Grant, “A Hand Up: Disrupting the Communication of Intergenerational Welfare Dependency” (LP140100935), with Partner Organisation St Vincent de Paul Society (WA) Inc. (Vinnies). A Vinnies-supported refugee and migrant support centre was chosen as one of the hubs for interviewee recruitment, given that many refugee families experience persistent and chronic economic disadvantage. The de-identified name for the drop-in language-teaching and learning social facility is the Migrant and Refugee Homebase (MARH). At the time of the research, in 2018, refugee and forced migrant families from Syria, Iraq, and Afghanistan constituted MARH’s primary membership base. MARH provided English language classes alongside other educational and financial support. It could also organise provision of emergency food and was a conduit for furniture donated by Australian families. Crucially, MARH operated as a space in which members could come together to build shared community.As part of her role, the researcher was introduced to Sara (de-identified), a mother-tongue Arabic speaker and the centre’s coordinator. Sara had personal experience of being a refugee, as well as being MARH’s manager, and she became both a point of contact for the researcher team, an interpreter/translator, and an empathetic listener as refugees shared their stories. Dreams of home and family emerged throughout the interviews as a vital part of participants’ everyday lives. These dreams and hopes were developed in the face of what was, for some, a nightmare of adversity. Underpinning participants’ sense of agency, subjectivity and resilience, Badiou argues (93, as noted in Jackson, 241) that hope can appear as a basic form of patience or perseverance rather than a dream for justice. Instead of imagining an improvement in personal circumstances, the dream is one of simply moving forward rather than backward. While dreams of being reunited with family are rooted in the past and project a vision of a family which no longer exists, these dreams help fashion a future which once again contains a range of possibilities.Although Sara volunteered her time on the research project as part of her commitment to Vinnies, she was well-known to interviewees as a MARH staff member and, in many cases, a friend and confidante. While Sara’s manager role implies an imbalance of power, with Sara powerful and participants comparatively less so, the majority of the information explored in the interviews pertained to refugees’ experiences of life outside the sphere in which MARH is engaged, so there was limited risk of the data being sanitised to reflect positively upon MARH. The specialist information and understandings that the interviewees shared positions them as experts, and as co-creators of knowledge.Recruitment and Methodological ApproachThe project researcher (Jaunzems) met potential contributors at MARH when its members gathered for a coffee morning. With Sara’s assistance, the researcher invited MARH members to take part in the research project, giving those present the opportunity to ask and have answered any questions they deemed important. Coffee morning attendees were under no obligation to take part, and about half chose not to do so, while the remainder volunteered to participate. Sara scheduled the interviews at times to suit the families participating. A parent and child from each volunteer family was interviewed, separately. In all cases it was the mother who volunteered to take part, and all interviewees chose to be interviewed in their homes. Each set of interviews was digitally recorded and lasted no longer than 90 minutes. This article includes extracts from interviews with three mothers from refugee families who escaped war-torn homelands for a new life in Australia, sometimes via interim refugee camps.The project researcher conducted the in-depth interviews with Sara’s crucial interpreting/translating assistance. The interviews followed a traditional approach, except that the researcher deferred to Sara as being more important in the interview exchange than she was. This reflects the premise that meaning is socially constructed, and that what people do and say makes visible the meanings that underpin their actions and statements within a wider social context (Burr). Conceptualising knowledge as socially constructed privileges the role of the decoder in receiving, understanding and communicating such knowledge (Crotty). Respecting the role of the interpreter/translator signified to the participants that their views, opinions and their overall cultural context were valued.Once complete, the interviews were sent for translation and transcription by a trusted bi-lingual transcriber, where both the English and Arabic exchanges were transcribed. This was deemed essential by the researchers, to ensure both the authenticity of the data collected and to demonstrate “trust, understanding, respect, and a caring connection” (Valibhoy, Kaplan, and Szwarc, 23) with the participants. Upon completion of the interviews with volunteer members of the MARH community, and at the beginning of the analysis phase, researchers recognised the need for the adoption of an interpretive framework. The interpretive approach seeks to understand an individual’s view of the world through the contexts of time, place and culture. The knowledge produced is contextualised and differs from one person to another as a result of individual subjectivities such as age, race and ethnicity, even within a shared social context (Guba and Lincoln). Accordingly, a mother-tongue Arabic speaker, who identifies as a refugee (Al-Hameed), was added to the project. All authors were involved in writing up the article while authors two, three and four took responsibility for transcript coding and analysis. In the transcripts that follow, words originally spoken in Arabic are in intalics, with non-italcised words originally spoken in English.Discrimination and BelongingAya initially fled from her home in Syria into neighbouring Jordan. She didn’t feel welcomed or supported there.[00:55:06] Aya: …in Jordan, refugees didn’t have rights, and the Jordanian schools refused to teach them [the children…] We were put aside.[00:55:49] Interpreter, Sara (to Researcher): And then she said they push us aside like you’re a zero on the left, yeah this is unfortunately the reality of our countries, I want to cry now.[00:56:10] Aya: You’re not allowed to cry because we’ll all cry.Some refugees and migrant communities suffer discrimination based on their ethnicity and perceived legitimacy as members of the host society. Although Australian refugees may have had searing experiences prior to their acceptance by Australia, migrant community members in Australia can also feel themselves “constructed in the public and political spheres as less legitimately Australian than others” (Green and Aly). Jackson argues that both refugees and migrants experiencethe impossibility of ever bridging the gap between one’s natal ties to the place one left because life was insupportable there, and the demands of the nation to which one has travelled, legally or illegally, in search of a better life. And this tension between belonging and not belonging, between a place where one has rights and a place where one does not, implies an unresolved relationship between one’s natural identity as a human being and one’s social identity as ‘undocumented migrant,’ a ‘resident alien,’ an ‘ethnic minority,’ or ‘the wretched of the earth,’ whose plight remains a stigma of radical alterity even though it inspires our compassion and moves us to political action. (223)The tension Jackson refers to, where the migrant is haunted by belonging and not belonging, is an area of much research focus. Moreover, the label of “asylum seeker” can contribute to systemic “exclusion of a marginalised and abject group of people, precisely by employing a term that emphasises the suspended recognition of a community” (Nyers). Unsurprisingly, many refugees in Australia long for the connectedness of the lives they left behind relocated in the safe spaces where they live now.Eades focuses on an emic approach to understanding refugee/migrant distress, or trauma, which seeks to incorporate the worldview of the people in distress: essentially replicating the interpretive perspective taken in the research. This emic framing is adopted in place of the etic approach that seeks to understand the distress through a Western biomedical lens that is positioned outside the social/cultural system in which the distress is taking place. Eades argues: “developing an emic approach is to engage in intercultural dialogue, raise dilemmas, test assumptions, document hopes and beliefs and explore their implications”. Furthermore, Eades sees the challenge for service providers working with refugee/migrants in distress as being able to move beyond “harm minimisation” models of care “to recognition of a facilitative, productive community of people who are in a transitional phase between homelands”. This opens the door for studies concerning the notions of attachment to place and its links to resilience and a refugee’s ability to “settle in” (for example, Myers’s ground-breaking place-making work in Plymouth).Resilient PrecariousnessChaima: We feel […] good here, we’re safe, but when we sit together, we remember what we went through how my kids screamed when the bombs came, and we went out in the car. My son was 12 and I was pregnant, every time I remember it, I go back.Alongside the dreams that migrants have possible futures are the nightmares that threaten to destabilise their daily lives. As per the work of Xavier and Rosaldo, post-migration social life is recreated in two ways: the first through participation and presence in localised events; the second by developing relationships with absent others (family and friends) across the globe through media. These relationships, both distanced and at a distance, are dispersed through time and space. In light of this, Campays and Said suggest that places of past experiences and rituals for meaning are commonly recreated or reproduced as new places of attachment abroad; similarly, other recollections and experience can trigger a sense of fragility when “we remember what we went through”. Gupta and Ferguson suggest that resilience is defined by the migrant/refugee capacity to “reimagine and re-materialise” their lost heritage in their new home. This involves a sense of connection to the good things in the past, while leaving the bad things behind.Resilience has also been linked to the migrant’s/refugee’s capacity “to manage their responses to adverse circumstances in an interpersonal community through the networks of relationships” (Eades). Resilience in this case is seen through an intersubjective lens. Joseph reminds us that there is danger in romanticising community. Local communities may not only be hostile toward different national and ethnic groups, they may actively display a level of hostility toward them (Boswell). However, Gill maintains that “the reciprocal relations found in communities are crucially important to their [migrant/refugee] well-being”. This is because inclusion in a given community allows migrants/refugees to shrug off the outsider label, and the feeling of being at risk, and provides the opportunity for them to become known as families and friends. One of MAHR’s central aims was to help bridge the cultural divide between MARH users and the broader Australian community.Hope[01:06: 10] Sara (to interviewee, Aya): What’s the key to your success here in Australia?[01:06:12] Aya: The people, and how they treat us.[01:06:15] Sara (to Researcher): People and how they deal with us.[01:06:21] Aya: It’s the best thing when you look around, and see people who don’t understand your language but they help you.[01:06:28] Sara (to Researcher): She said – this is nice. I want to cry also. She said the best thing when I see people, they don’t understand your language, and I don’t understand theirs but they still smile in your face.[01:06:43] Aya: It’s the best.[01:06:45] Sara (to Aya): yes, yes, people here are angels. This is the best thing about Australia.Here, Sara is possibly shown to be taking liberties with the translation offered to the researcher, talking about how Australians “smile in your face”, when (according to the translator) Aya talked about how Australians “help”. Even so, the capacity for social connection and other aspects of sociality have been linked to a person’s ability to turn a negative experience into a positive cultural resource (Wilson). Resilience is understood in these cases as a strength-based practice where families, communities and individuals are viewed in terms of their capabilities and possibilities, instead of their deficiencies or disorders (Graybeal and Saleeby in Eades). According to Fozdar and Torezani, there is an “apparent paradox between high-levels of discrimination experienced by humanitarian migrants to Australia in the labour market and everyday life” (30) on the one hand, and their reporting of positive well-being on the other. That disparity includes accounts such as the one offered by Aya.As Wilson and Arvanitakis suggest,the interaction between negative experiences of discrimination and reports of wellbeing suggested a counter-intuitive propensity among refugees to adapt to and make sense of their migration experiences in unique, resourceful and life-affirming ways. Such response patterns among refugees and trauma survivors indicate a similar resilience-related capacity to positively interpret and derive meaning from negative migration experiences and associated emotions. … However, resilience is not expressed or employed uniformly among individuals or communities. Some respond in a resilient manner, while others collapse. On this point, an argument could be made that collapse and breakdown is a built-in aspect of resilience, and necessary for renewal and ongoing growth.Using this approach, Wilson and Arvanitakis have linked resilience to hope, as a “present- and future-oriented mode of situated defence against adversity”. They argue that the term “hope” is often utilised in a tokenistic way “as a strategic instrument in increasingly empty domestic and international political vocabularies”. Nonetheless, Wilson and Arvanitakis believe hope to be of vital academic interest due to the prevalence of war and suffering throughout the world. In the research reported here, the authors found that participants’ hopes were interwoven with dreams of being reunited with their families in a place of safety. This is a common longing. As Jackson states,so it is that migrants travel abroad in pursuit of utopia, but having found that place, which is also no-place (ou-topos), they are haunted by the thought that utopia actually lies in the past. It is the family they left behind. That is where they properly belong. Though the family broke up long ago and is now scattered to the four winds, they imagine a reunion in which they are together again. (223)There is a sense here that with their hopes and dreams lying in the past, refugees/migrants are living forward while looking backwards (a Kierkegaardian concept). If hope is thought to be key to resilience (Wilson and Arvanitakis), and key to an individual’s ability to live with a sense of well-being, then perhaps a refugee’s past relations (familial) impact both their present relations (social/community), and their ability to transform negative experiences into positive experiences. And yet, there is no readily accessible way in which migrants and refugees can recreate the connections that sustained them in the past. As Jackson suggests,the irreversibility of time is intimately connected with the irreversibility of one’s place of origin, and this entwined movement through time and across space proves perplexing to many migrants, who, in imagining themselves one day returning to the place from where they started out, forget that there is no transport which will convey them back into the past. … Often it is only by going home that is becomes starkly and disconcertingly clear that one’s natal village is no longer the same and that one has also changed. (221)The dream of home and family, therefore and the hope that this might somehow be recreated in the safety of the here and now, becomes a paradoxical loss and longing even as it is a constant companion for many on their refugee journey.Esma’s DreamAccording to author three, personal dreams are not generally discussed in Arab culture, even though dreams themselves may form part of the rich tradition of Arabic folklore and storytelling. Alongside issues of mental wellbeing, dreams are constructed as something private, and it generally breaks social taboos to describe them publicly. However, in personal discussions with other refugee women and men, and echoing Jackson’s finding, a recurring dream is “to meet my family in a safe place and not be worried about my safety or theirs”. As a refugee, the third author shares this dream. This is also the perspective articulated by Esma, who had recently had a fifth child and was very much missing her extended family who had died, been scattered as refugees, or were still living in a conflict zone. The researcher asked Sara to ask Esma about the best aspect of her current life:[01:17:03] Esma: The thing that comforts me here is nature, it’s beautiful.[01:17:15] Sara (to the Researcher): The nature.[01:17:16] Esma: And feeling safe.[01:17:19] Sara (to the Researcher): The safety. ...[01:17:45] Esma: Life’s beautiful here.[01:17:47] Sara (to the Researcher): Life is beautiful here.[01:17:49] Esma: But I want to know people, speak the language, have friends, life is beautiful here even if I don’t have my family here.[01:17:56] Sara (to the Researcher): Life is so pretty you only need to improve the language and have friends, she said I love my life here even though I don’t have any family or community here. (To Esma:) I am your family.[01:18:12] Esma: Bring me my siblings here.[01:18:14] Sara (to Esma): I just want my brothers here and my sisters.[01:18:17] Esma: It’s a dream.[01:18:18] Sara (to Esma): it’s a dream, one day it will become true.Here Esma uses the term dream metaphorically, to describe an imagined utopia: a dream world. In supporting Esma, who is mourning the absence of her family, Sara finds herself reacting and emoting around their shared experience of leaving siblings behind. In doing so, she affirms the younger woman, but also offers a hope for the future. Esma had previously made a suggestion, absorbed into her larger dream, but more achievable in the short term, “to know people, speak the language, have friends”. The implication here is that Esma is keen to find a way to connect with Australians. She sees this as a means of compensating for the loss of family, a realistic hope rather than an impossible dream.ConclusionInterviews with refugee families in a Perth-based migrant support centre reveals both the nightmare pasts and the dreamed-of futures of people whose lives have experienced a radical disruption due to war, conflict and other life-threatening events. Jackson’s work with migrants provides a context for understanding the power of the dream in helping to resolve issues around the irreversibility of time and circumstance, while Wilson and Arvanitakis point to the importance of hope and resilience in supporting the building of a positive future. Within this mix of the longed for and the impossible, both the refugee informants and the academic literature suggest that participation in local events, and authentic engagement with the broader community, help make a difference in supporting a migrant’s transition from dreaming to reality.AcknowledgmentsThis article arises from an ARC Linkage Project, ‘A Hand Up: Disrupting the Communication of Intergenerational Welfare Dependency’ (LP140100935), supported by the Australian Research Council, Partner Organisation St Vincent de Paul Society (WA) Inc., and Edith Cowan University. The authors are grateful to the anonymous staff and member of Vinnies’ Migrant and Refugee Homebase for their trust in and support of this project, and for their contributions to it.ReferencesBadiou, Alan. Saint Paul: The Foundation of Universalism. Trans. Ray Brassier. Stanford, CA: Stanford UP, 2003.Boswell, Christina. “Burden-Sharing in the European Union: Lessons from the German and UK Experience.” Journal of Refugee Studies 16.3 (2003): 316–35.Burr, Vivien. Social Constructionism. 2nd ed. Hove, UK & New York, NY: Routledge, 2003.Campays, Philippe, and Vioula Said. “Re-Imagine.” M/C Journal 20.4 (2017). Aug. 2017 <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/index.php/mcjournal/article/view/1250>.Crotty, Michael. The Foundations of Social Research: Meaning and Perspective in the Research Process. St Leonards: Allen & Unwin, 1998.Eades, David. “Resilience and Refugees: From Individualised Trauma to Post Traumatic Growth.” M/C Journal 16.5 (2013). Aug. 2013 <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/index.php/mcjournal/article/view/700>.Fozdar, Farida, and Silvia Torezani. “Discrimination and Well-Being: Perceptions of Refugees in Western Australia.” The International Migration Review 42.1 (2008): 1–34.Gill, Nicholas. “Longing for Stillness: The Forced Movement of Asylum Seekers.” M/C Journal 12.1 (2009). Mar. 2009 <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/index.php/mcjournal/article/view/123>.Graybeal, Clay. “Strengths-Based Social Work Assessment: Transforming the Dominant Paradigm.” Families in Society 82.3 (2001): 233–42.Green, Lelia, and Anne Aly. “Bastard Immigrants: Asylum Seekers Who Arrive by Boat and the Illegitimate Fear of the Other.” M/C Journal 17.5 (2014). Oct. 2014 <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/index.php/mcjournal/article/view/896>.Guba, Egon G., and Yvonna S. Lincoln. "Competing Paradigms in Qualitative Research." Handbook of Qualitative Research 2 (1994): 163-194.Gupta, Akhil, and James Ferguson. “Beyond ‘Culture’: Space, Identity, and the Politics of Difference.” Religion and Social Justice for Immigrants. Ed. Pierrette Hondagneu-Sotelo. New Jersey: Rutgers UP, 2006. 72-79.Jackson, Michael. The Wherewithal of Life: Ethics, Migration, and the Question of Well-Being. California: U of California P, 2013.Joseph, Miranda. Against the Romance of Community. Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press, 2002.Myers, Misha. “Situations for Living: Performing Emplacement." Research in Drama Education 13.2 (2008): 171-180. DOI: 10.1080/13569780802054828.Nyers, Peter. “Abject Cosmopolitanism: The Politics of Protection in the Anti-Deportation Movement.” Third World Quarterly 24.6 (2003): 1069–93.Saleeby, Dennis. “The Strengths Perspective in Social Work Practice: Extensions and Cautions.” Social Work 41.3 (1996): 296–305.Valibhoy, Madeleine C., Ida Kaplan, and Josef Szwarc. “‘It Comes Down to Just How Human Someone Can Be’: A Qualitative Study with Young People from Refugee Backgrounds about Their Experiences of Australian Mental Health Services.” Transcultural Psychiatry 54.1 (2017): 23-45.Wilson, Michael. Accumulating Resilience: An Investigation of the Migration and Resettlement Experiences of Young Sudanese People in the Western Sydney Area. Sydney: University of Western Sydney, 2012.Wilson, Michael John, and James Arvanitakis. “The Resilience Complex.” M/C Journal 16.5 (2013). <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/index.php/mcjournal/article/view/741>.Xavier, Johnathon, and Renato Rosaldo. “Thinking the Global.” The Anthropology of Globalisation. Eds. Johnathon Xavier and Renato Rosaldo. New Jersey: Wiley-Blackwell Publishers, 2002.

This article investigates the ways that Ti West’s X horror film series uses the premise of pre-Internet American porno filmmaking as a grimy yet cool marker of American independent cinematic authenticity. The trilogy – composed of X (2022), Pearl (2022), and MaXXXine (2024) – uses the slasher horror genre to examine the porn industry and the history of twentieth-century cinema, with a particular focus on the so-called “golden age” (1969–1984) of 35mm feature film American pornography (Paasonen and Saarenmaa). Arguably, in these films the slasher horror genre reflects conventions previously associated with pornography. West’s retrospective gaze on the American porn industry’s past – mostly centring on the trials and tribulations of adult film actress Maxine Minx (Mia Goth) – serves to invite nostalgic comparisons with more progressive times for American filmmaking, with the porn industry serving as a proxy for distinctive and fully independent film production. For example, the famed New Hollywood era in the 1960s/1970s becomes analogous to the era when pornography went mainstream in the 1970s, a time when notorious porno films such as Deep Throat (1972) and Debbie Does Dallas (1978) were able to obtain audience acclaim and even receive limited mainstream exhibition and distribution (Paasonen and Saarenmaa; Kleinhans 156). The mainstream and commercial legitimacy of porno films was seemingly sanctified through the acceptance of the “adult” section in the video store culture of the 1980s, which is dramatised effectively in third film MaXXXine. Yet at the same moment, the dramatic feature-length film of the 1970s disappeared as cheaply made and short form video pornography became the dominant new form (Kleinhans). Ti West has noted the diversity of cinema that was available in the 1970s as a reason for setting X in this milieu: a big part of this to me is that in the ’70s, there’s whatever Hollywood system there was, you also started to have a larger rise of exploitation and porn movies. You could make them without any relationship to the movie business whatsoever and there was an outlet to do that. In addition to that, it was the cusp of VHS showing up. (Kohn) In many respects, these liberal shifts in the 1960s and 1970s for both industries can be considered offshoots of counter-cultural dreams about societal progressiveness, and in the X series pornography is used cleverly as a storytelling device that precipitates much of the violence and horror, through arguably through a derisive lens (and in the first two films, the primary pornographer creators, producers, and exhibitors all have their comeuppance). West’s focus on earlier forms of film pornography as being worthy of visual and narrative attention in his more “legitimate” form of auteur horror cinema doubly serves as a kind of taste-making exercise, serving to elevate the position of older porn films and historically locate them by revealing the cultural and stylistic innovations they enacted for American culture, especially as his films are themselves earning the “prestige horror” status given to other auteurs such as Jordan Poole and Ari Aster (Thompson). Indeed, I would even argue that the X series’ role of extolling earlier eras of cinema is key to the broader brand-building objectives of its producing film company A24 itself, which is centred around a David and Goliath myth of being the “cool’ underdog” within the movie business, doing things differently and having very good taste (Kampers 17). As Nate Jones suggested in his Vulture article about the rise of A24, the fandom that has been built for the company has taken on a cult-like fervour in contemporary culture. Returning to film in 2020 after a seven-year hiatus directing for television, the announcement of Ti West’s new directing deal with A24 received critical attention from horror fans (Kroll). West had established a reputation as a horror director with the release of The Roost (2005), Trigger Man (2007), The House of the Devil (2009), Cabin Fever 2: Spring Fever (2009), The Innkeepers (2011), and The Sacrament (2013). The new films X and Pearl were filmed back to back and released six months apart: this was due to X’s New Zealand shoot and West’s decision to make the most of its farm set before its destruction. The willingness for A24 to support a sequel to the first film at the point of production demonstrates the studio’s trust in the filmmaker, as well as their ability to innovate. At this point it was highly unusual for A24 to greenlight a sequel film, as they wanted to differentiate from the economic logic of mainstream cinema with standalone films (Kampers). The first film in the series X is set in 1979, following the story of a pornographic film production that travels from Houston to rural Texas for an on-location farm shoot. The country, American gothic setting of the deep south evokes rural horror films such as The Texas Chainsaw Massacre (1974), and certainly Alfred Hitchcock’s breakthrough thriller Psycho (1960), which is literally referenced by one of the characters, and poised its horror setting in a rural hamlet far from metropolitan surveillance mechanisms. When the porn actress Bobby-Lynne notes that her next stop will be Hollywood, the producer Wayne notes that “we don’t need Hollywood. These type of pictures turn regular folks into stars. We’re going to do it all ourselves”. In the era before reality television and the Internet, here the promise of fame and notoriety for “regular folks” that is these days linked with online and social media fame is enacted by the porno film – and perhaps even better than today’s online Web celebrity, the porno film of the 1970s offered the possibility of creating legitimate stardom, rather than short-term celebrity of temporary prominence. The farm is owned by an old woman called Pearl with her husband Howard, and it soon becomes clear that porno shoot is not received well by the aged couple, who go on a sex-fuelled rampage. Eerily, Pearl resembles the older version of Maxine (both characters played by Mia Goth), and therefore plays a doppelgänger to the younger girl, which also explains why the young porn actress is ultimately able to defeat the older woman, as their kinship is recognised. At the end of the film, after the murders of the entire cast and crew, Maxine emerges as sole survivor of the massacre. As Kohn has suggested, the film is a “doused in ample nostalgia for a grimier era of American cinema”. As a film à clef, the movie provides a commentary about the process of filmmaking, especially through the character of the porno director RJ. He notes about the film he plans to make, “I intend on experimenting a lot with the film’s editing. Giving it a certain sense of the avant-garde, like they’re doing in France”. In response, Bobby-Lynne suggests “you know, if you tilt the camera up … it’ll look like he’s using his cock”. The differing perspectives of RJ and Bobby-Lynne demonstrate the ways by which a film production can be imagined. While this example is about the pornographic gaze – and more specifically, the “money shot” – it can also be read as the difficult interplay between choosing aesthetics versus the film’s true commercial imperative. When RJ’s girlfriend chastises him for making a “smut” film, RJ responds that “it is possible to make a good dirty movie”. When Wayne praises him on the visual content that he’s seen, RJ suggests “that’s ‘cause I’m not treatin’ it like pornography, but as cinema”. The small, travelling film crew represent the optimism and inventiveness of mid-century American independent cinema. The second film Pearl is an origin story and a prequel for the elderly “psychobiddy” character that we meet in X: this time it is 1918, an era of Spanish flu and the end of World War I. While the farm location is the same as in X, the earlier era and internalised perspective of the central character as a young woman shows the Texan landscape represented in a very different way, taking on the vivid colours and fantasy-like version of the country, akin to the reimagining of Kansas in Victor Fleming’s The Wizard of Oz (1939). In this era, Pearl is newly married, but her husband Howard is away at war, so she lives with her austere German parents: her father incapacitated with Spanish flu and her mother a domineering figure (reminiscent of the mother in Carrie, 1976). Meanwhile, she dreams of escape, with a career as a dancer and movie actress her main fantasy. Interestingly, Hollywood movies and pornographic cinema are both a feature of the prequel. The film theatre in the small town near her farm, originally a place of solace for Pearl as it let her escape from the difficulties of life, becomes a location for twinning desires – sexual appetite and fame – with the projectionist fulfilling a dual role as facilitator for both. She visits the movie theatre and watches a film called Palace Follies. Outside the theatre, a poster for Cleopatra (1917) is clearly displayed, showing its vampish star Theda Bara clearly (whom Pearl names her alligator after, potentially a reference to Bara’s Egyptian femme fatale status, a female who can cause much damage to the symbolic phallus). In the third film MaXXXine, we will find that Theda Bara’s star on the Hollywood Walk of Fame is featured poignantly as well, mirroring Maxine’s dream of finding stardom herself. Pearl lets the projectionist know that she dreams of stardom and escape, with Hollywood the brand-new venue for such dreams. In Pearl, pornographic cinema becomes a tipping point for the young woman’s loss of sanity. The projectionist plays her the stag film A Free Ride (1915) – acquired from France but made in the United States. Linda Williams writes that stag films are “anonymously made, short, undated silent films displaying one or more hard-core sex acts” (108), which flourished in underground circuits from the emergence of cinema until the late 1960s and the “golden age”, when the porn industry became more accessible and quasi-legitimate. According to the intertitle, the film is directed by “A. Wise Guy”, photographed by “Will B. Hard”, with titles by “Will She”. Sometimes known by the alternative name A Grass Sandwich, A Free Ride has an important status in the history of American cinema, as it is considered to be the oldest extant pornographic film made in the US (Slade). When Pearl asks the projectionist if the film is legal, he responds: Filming it, no. Not here, anyway. It will be eventually. People would pay an arm and a leg to see this. Pictures like this are going to revolutionise the industry, and I for one, plan on capitalising early. It’s reality. There’s no denying we all share a fascination in seeing people as they truly are. The stag film cements her relationship with the projectionist, whom she sleeps with after killing her mother. After their liaison, she will kill him when he approaches her house and the reality of her psychotic life at the farm. Evocative of Norman Bates in Psycho – a recurring aspect of all three films – part of Pearl’s psychosis comes from her internalised re-enactment of her own mother’s disgust and subsequent repudiation of sexual fulfillment. While she represses this drive, it becomes clear that her perverted sexual energy will continue to resurface, enabled by her husband. Finally, the third film MaXXXine returns to the continuing story of Maxine Minx. Here, the porn starlet is living in Los Angeles and trying to switch from her widespread porn celebrity to “legitimate” stardom in mid-1980s Hollywood, as well as trying to forget about her bloody past. Her big break to transition into greater Hollywood stardom comes when she lands a role in a sequel horror film called “The Puritan II”. Interestingly, the female director of the film series, Elizabeth Bender (Elizabeth Debicki), is also keen for more legitimate mainstream success for this film, especially trying to avoid the “video nasty” appellation that was being given to the first film. Maxine’s film “The Puritan II” will end up premiering in Hollywood’s Grauman’s Chinese Theatre, the epitome of legitimate Hollywood fame. She visits the Universal Studios lot – a salient site for the development of the horror genre in the 1930s – and she is stalked at the Norman Bates house from Psycho. The intertextual allusions to Psycho (1960) are also notable given the movie arguably set the scene for the slasher film in positioning the killer as the film’s protagonist, which would later become a core trait of the slasher film multi-sequel series. This time, the Hitchcockian film set – as the director notes, a set made for a recent sequel of the original film – becomes a reminder of Maxine’s past at the homestead in Texas, while the Hollywood film industry itself comes across as sordid through its uncaring treatment of young female starlets: arguably, another critique of the contemporary film industry as being formulaic and the “killer” of originality and innovation. Utilising a neo noir thriller aesthetic in downtown Los Angeles – linking to films of the era such as Body Heat (1981), Body Double (1984), and To Live and Die in L.A. (1985) – the cinematography of MaXXXine literally shows the struggle playing out between the two types of film industries, with “XXX” theatres and peep shows jostled against larger film theatres (with brat-pack coming-of-age film St Elmo’s Fire (1985) on the mainstream cinema marquee). The video store – perhaps one of the most democratic film places to access both explicit and mainstream film – is another key cinematic space in the film, and it demonstrates the unlikely association that exists between these cinematic genres. Video is symbolic of how changing cinematic technologies would alter cinematic reception irrevocably. While home video expanded the market for pornographic film – as it opened the possibility for viewers to consume adult content in full privacy for the first time – it also spelt the end of the dominance of the feature film, and hence its link to the grandiose dream of stardom. This is why in MaXXXine the protagonist hustles to find an alternative route to stardom, which here eventually takes place through her sudden notoriety and celebrity caused by surviving the real-life attack of her father and his religious comrades. Together, the three fun films of the X trilogy comprise a loose cultural history of twentieth-century cinematic pornography, stretching from the stag films of the early twentieth century to its new life in the home via video. This in turn creates a shadow history of the ways by which media technology helps to shape the tastes and desires of different periods. West uses the horror franchise to take a nostalgic lens onto porno, but it is predominantly used as a commentary for celebrating fluid, dynamic, and independent cinema, and genre movies that defy conventions and create alternative stars. Ultimately, this nostalgic and film-literate trilogy turns to the past to offer an alternative vision of contemporary cinema that may be characterised by bravery, innovation, and authenticity, which just happens to also link back to the broader brand objectives of A24 and their championing of new indie cinema. References Jones, Nate. “The Cult of A24.” Vulture 24 Aug. 2022. <https://www.vulture.com/article/a24-movies-cult.html>. Kampers, Loren. “‘Cool’ Cinema Sells: Examining the Role of Indie Film Company A24 in the Contemporary Neoliberal US Film Industry.” Master’s Thesis. Stockholm: Stockholm University, 2023. Kohn, Eric. “Ti West on the Relationship between Porn and Horror That Inspired ‘X,’ His First Movie in 6 Years.” IndieWire 18 Mar. 2022. <https://www.indiewire.com/features/general/ti-west-x-interview-porn-horror-1234709183/>. Kroll, Justin. “Ti West’s New Horror Pic X Taps Mia Goth, Scott Mescudi and Jenna Ortega to Star.” Deadline Hollywood 2 Nov. 2022. <https://deadline.com/2020/11/ti-wests-horror-x-mia-goth-scott-mescudi-and-jenna-ortega-1234605695/>. McMahon, James. “Primal Screams: Did A24 Save Horror?” The Face 24 June 2021. <https://theface.com/culture/a24-horror-films-midsommar-hereditary-false-positive>. Newman, Michael Z. Indie: An American Film Culture. New York: Columbia UP, 2011. Paasonen, Susanna, and Laura Saarenmaa. “The Golden Age of Porn: Nostalgia and History in Cinema.” Eds. Susanna Paasonen et al. Pornification: Sex and Sexuality in Media Culture. Oxford: Bloomsbury, 2007. 23–32. Slade, Joseph. “Eroticism and Technological Regression: The Stag Film.” History and Technology 22.11 (2006): 27–52. Thompson, Kristin. “A24: The Studio as Auteur.” David Bordwell’s Website on Cinema 10 Oct. 2022. <https://www.davidbordwell.net/blog/2022/10/10/a24-the-studio-as-auteur/>. West, Ti, dir. Pearl. A24, 2022. West, Ti, dir. X. A24, 2022. West, Ti, dir. MaXXXine. A24, 2024. Williams, Linda. “‘White Slavery’ versus the Ethnography of ‘Sexworkers’: Women in Stag Films at the Kinsey Archive.” The Moving Image 5.22 (2005): 107–134.

The contemporary video game market is as recognisable for its brands as it is for the characters that populate their game worlds, from franchise-leading characters like Garrus Vakarian (Mass Effect original trilogy), Princess Zelda (The Legend of Zelda franchise) and Cortana (HALO franchise) to more recent game icons like Miles Morales (Marvel's Spiderman game franchise) and Judy Alvarez (Cyberpunk 2077). Interactions with these casts of characters enhance the richness of games and their playable worlds, giving a sense of weight and meaning to player actions, emphasising thematic interests, and in some cases acting as buffers to (or indeed hindering) different aspects of gameplay itself. As Jordan Erica Webber writes in her essay The Road to Journey, “videogames are often examined through the lens of what you do and what you feel” (14). For many games, the design of interactions between the player and other beings in the world—whether they be intrinsic to the world (non-playable characters or NPCs) or other live players—is a bridging aspect between what you do and how you feel and is thus central to the communication of more cohesive and focussed work. This essay will discuss two examples of game design techniques present in Transistor by Supergiant Games and Journey by thatgamecompany. It will consider how the design of “playful” interactions between the player and other characters in the game world (both non-player characters and other player characters) can be used as a tool to align a player’s experience of “intent” with the thematic objectives of the designer. These games have been selected as both utilise design techniques that allow for this “playful” interaction (observed in this essay as interactions that do not contribute to “progression” in the traditional sense). By looking closely at specific aspects of game design, it aims to develop an accessible examination by “focusing on the dimensions of involvement the specific game or genre of games affords” (Calleja, 222). The discussion defines “intent”, in the context of game design, through a synthesis of definitions from two works by game designers. The first being Greg Costikyan’s definition of game structure from his 2002 presentation I Have No Words and I Must Design, a paper subsequently referenced by numerous prominent game scholars including Ian Bogost and Jesper Juul. The second is Steven Swink’s definition of intent in relation to video games, from his 2009 book Game Feel: A Game Designer’s Guide to Virtual Sensation—an extensive reference text of game design concepts, with a particular focus on the concept of “game feel” (the meta-sensation of involvement with a game). This exploratory essay suggests that examining these small but impactful design techniques, through the lens of their contribution to overall intent, is a useful tool for undertaking more holistic studies of how games are affective. I align with the argument that understanding “playfulness” in game design is useful in understanding user engagement with other digital communication platforms. In particular, platforms where the presentation of user identity is relational or performative to others—a case explored in Playful Identities: The Ludification of Digital Media Cultures (Frissen et al.). Intent in Game Design Intent, in game design, is generated by a complex, interacting economy, ecosystem, or “game structure” (Costikyan 21) of thematic ideas and gameplay functions that do not dictate outcomes, but rather guide behaviour and progression forward through the need to achieve a goal (Costikyan 21). Intent brings player goals in line with the intrinsic goals of the player character, and the thematic or experiential goals the game designer wants to convey through the act of play. Intent makes it easier to invest in the game’s narrative and spatial context—its role is to “motivate action in game worlds” (Swink 67). Steven Swink writes that it is the role of game design to create compelling intent from “a seemingly arbitrary collection of abstracted variables” (Swink 67). He continues that whether it is good or bad is a broader question, but that “most games do have in-born intentionality, and it is the game designer who creates it” (67). This echoes Costikyan’s point: game designers “must consciously set out to decide what kind of experiences [they] want to impart to players and create systems that enable those experiences” (20). Swink uses Mario 64 as one simple example of intent creation through design—if collecting 100 coins did not restore Mario’s health, players would simply not collect them. Not having health restricts the ability for players to fulfil the overarching intent of progression by defeating the game’s main villain (what he calls the “explicit” intent), and collecting coins also provides a degree of interactivity that makes the exploration itself feel more fulfilling (the “implicit” intent). This motivation for action may be functional, or it may be more experiential—how a designer shapes variables into particular forms to encourage the particular kinds of experience that they want a player to have during the act of play (such as in Journey, explored in the latter part of this essay). This essay is interested in the design of this compelling thematic intent—and the role “playful” interactions have as a variable that contributes to aligning player behaviours and experience to the thematic or experiential goals of game design. “Playful” Communication and Storytelling in Transistor Transistor is the second release from independent studio Supergiant Games and has received over 100 industry accolades (Kasavin) since its publication in 2014. Transistor incorporates the suspense of turn-based gameplay into an action role-playing game—neatly mirroring a style of gameplay to the suspense of its cyber noir narrative. The game is also distinctly “artful”. The city of Cloudbank, where the game takes place, is a cyberpunk landscape richly inspired by art nouveau and art deco style. There is some indication that Cloudbank may not be a real city at all—but rather a virtual city, with an abundance of computer-related motifs and player combat abilities named as if they were programming functions. At release, Transistor was broadly recognised in the industry press for its strength in “combining its visuals and music to powerfully convey narrative information and tone” (Petit). If intent in games in part stems from a unification of goals between the player and design, the interactivity between player input and the actions of the player character furthers this sense of “togetherness”. This articulation and unity of hand movement and visual response in games are what Kirkpatrick identified in his 2011 work Aesthetic Theory and the Video Game as the point in which videogames “broke from the visual entertainment culture of the last two centuries” (Kirkpatrick 88). The player character mediates access to the space by which all other game information is given context and allows the player a degree of self-expression that is unique to games. Swink describes it as an amplified impression of virtual proprioception, that is “an impression of space created by illusory means but is experienced as real by the senses … the effects of motion, sound, visuals, and responsive effects combine” (Swink 28). If we extend Swink’s point about creating an “impression of space” to also include an “impression of purpose”, we can utilise this observation to further understand how the design of the playful interactions in Transistor work to develop and align the player’s experience of intent with the overarching narrative goal (or, “explicit” intent) of the game—to tell a compelling “science-fiction love story in a cyberpunk setting, without the gritty backdrop” (Wallace) through the medium of gameplay. At the centre of any “love story” is the dynamic of a relationship, and in Transistor playful interaction is a means for conveying the significance and complexity of those dynamics in relation to the central characters. Transistor’s exposition asks players to figure out what happened to Red and her partner, The Boxer (a name he is identified by in the game files), while progressing through various battles with an entity called The Process to uncover more information. Transistor commences with player-character, Red, standing next to the body of The Boxer, whose consciousness and voice have been uploaded into the same device that impaled him: the story’s eponymous Transistor. The event that resulted in this strange circumstance has also caused Red to lose her ability to speak, though she is still able to hum. The first action that the player must complete to progress the game is to pull the Transistor from The Boxer’s body. From this point The Boxer, speaking through the Transistor, becomes the sole narrator of the game. The Boxer’s first lines of dialogue are responsive to player action, and position Red’s character in the world: ‘Together again. Heh, sort of …’ [Upon walking towards an exit a unit of The Process will appear] ‘Yikes … found us already. They want you back I bet. Well so do I.’ [Upon defeating The Process] ‘Unmarked alley, east of the bay. I think I know where we are.’ (Supergiant Games) This brief exchange and feedback to player movement, in medias res, limits the player’s possible points of attention and establishes The Boxer’s voice and “character” as the reference point for interacting with the game world. Actions, the surrounding world, and gameplay objectives are given meaning and context by being part of a system of intent derived from the significance of his character to the player character (Red) as both a companion and information-giver. The player may not necessarily feel what an individual in Red’s position would feel, but their expository position is aligned with Red’s narrative, and their scope of interaction with the world is intrinsically tied to the “explicit” intent of finding out what happened to The Boxer. Transistor continues to establish a loop between Red’s exploration of the world and the dialogue and narration of The Boxer. In the context of gameplay, player movement functions as the other half of a conversation and brings the player’s control of Red closer to how Red herself (who cannot communicate vocally) might converse with The Boxer gesturally. The Boxer’s conversational narration is scripted to occur as Red moves through specific parts of the world and achieves certain objectives. Significantly, The Boxer will also speak to Red in response to specific behaviours that only occur should the player choose to do them and that don’t necessarily contribute to “progressing” the game in the mechanical sense. There are multiple points where this is possible, but I will draw on two examples to demonstrate. Firstly, The Boxer will have specific reactions to a player who stands idle for too long, or who performs a repetitive action. Jumping repeatedly from platform to platform will trigger several variations of playful and exasperated dialogue from The Boxer (who has, at this point, no choice but to be carried around by Red): [Upon repeatedly jumping between the same platform] ‘Round and round.’ ‘Okay that’s enough.’ ‘I hate you.’ (Supergiant Games) The second is when Red “hums” (an activity initiated by the player by holding down R1 on a PlayStation console). At certain points of play, when making Red hum, The Boxer will chime in and sing the lyrics to the song she is humming. This musical harmonisation helps to articulate a particular kind of intimacy and flow between Red and The Boxer —accentuated by Red’s animation when humming: she is bathed in golden light and holds the Transistor close, swaying side to side, as if embracing or dancing with a lover. This is a playful, exploratory interaction. It technically doesn’t serve any “purpose” in terms of finishing the game—but is an action a player might perform while exploring controls and possibilities of interactivity, in turn exploring what it is to “be” Red in relation to the game world, the story being conveyed, and The Boxer. It delivers a more emotional and affective thematic idea about a relationship that nonetheless relies just as much on mechanical input and output as engaging in movement, exploration, and combat in the game world. It’s a mechanic that provides texture to the experience of inhabiting Red’s identity during play, showcasing a more individual complexity to her story, driven by interactivity. In techniques like this, Transistor directly unifies its method for information-giving, interactivity, progression, and theme into a single design language. To once again nod to Swink and Costikyan, it is a complex, interacting economy or ecosystem of thematic ideas and gameplay structures that guide behaviour and progression forward through the need to achieve a single goal (Costikyan 21), guiding the player towards the game’s “explicit” intent of investment in its “science fiction love story”. Companionship and Collaboration in Journey Journey is regularly praised in many circles of game review and discussion for its powerful, pared-back story conveyed through its exceptional game design. It has won a wide array of awards, including multiple British Academy Games Awards and Game Developer’s Choice Awards, and has been featured in highly regarded international galleries such as the Victoria and Albert Museum in London. Its director, Jenova Chen, articulated that the goal of the game (and thus, in the context of this essay, the intent) was “to create a game where people who interact with each other in an online community can connect at an emotional level, regardless of their gender, age, ethnicity, and social status” (Webber 14). In Journey, the player controls a small robed figure moving through a vast desert—the only choices for movement are to slide gracefully through the sand or to jump into the air by pressing the X button (on a PlayStation console), and gracefully float down to the ground. You cannot attack anything or defend yourself from the elements or hostile beings. Each player will “periodically find another individual in the landscape” (Isbister 121) of similar design to the player and can only communicate with them by experimenting with simple movements, and via short chirping noises. As the landscape itself is vast and unknown, it is what one player referred to as a sense of “reliance on one another” that makes the game so captivating (Isbister 12). Much like The Boxer in Transistor, the other figure in Journey stands out as a reference point and imbues a sense of collaboration and connection that makes the goal to reach the pinprick of light in the distance more meaningful. It is only after the player has finished the game that the screen reveals the other individual is a real person, another player, by displaying their gamer tag. One player, playing the game in 2017 (several years after its original release in 2012), wrote: I went through most of the game by myself, and when I first met my companion, it was right as I walked into the gate transitioning to the snow area. And I was SO happy that there was someone else in this desolate place. I felt like it added so much warmth to the game, so much added value. The companion and I stuck together 100% of the way. When one of us would fall the slightest bit behind, the other would wait for them. I remember saying out loud how I thought that my companion was the best programmed AI that I had ever seen. In the way that he waited for me to catch up, it almost seemed like he thanked me for waiting for him … We were always side-by-side which I was doing to the "AI" for "cinematic-effect". From when I first met him up to the very very end, we were side-by-side. (Peace_maybenot) Other players indicate a similar bond even when their companion is perhaps less competent: I thought my traveller was a crap AI. He kept getting launched by the flying things and was crap at staying behind cover … But I stuck with him because I was like, this is my buddy in the game. Same thing, we were communicating the whole time and I stuck with him. I finish and I see a gamer tag and my mind was blown. That was awesome. (kerode4791) Although there is a definite object of difference in that Transistor is narrated and single-player while Journey is not, there are some defined correlations between the way Supergiant Games and thatgamecompany encourage players to feel a sense of investment and intent aligned with another individual within the game to further thematic intent. Interactive mechanics are designed to allow players a means of playful and gestural communication as an extension of their kinetic interaction with the game; travellers in Journey can chirp and call out to other players—not always for an intrinsic goal but often to express joy, or just to experience and sense of connectivity or emotional warmth. In Transistor, the ability to hum and hear The Boxer’s harmony, and the animation of Red holding the Transistor close as she does so, implying a sense of protectiveness and affection, says more in the context of “play” than a literal declaration of love between the two characters. Graeme Kirkpatrick uses dance as a suitable metaphor for this kind of experience in games, in that both are characterised by a certainty that communication has occurred despite the “eschewal of overt linguistic elements and discursive meanings” (120). There is also a sense of finite temporality in these moments. Unlike scripted actions, or words on a page, they occur within a moment of being that largely belongs to the player and their actions alone. Kirkpatrick describes it as “an inherent ephemerality about this vanishing and that this very transience is somehow essential” (120). This imbuing of a sense of time is important because it implies that even if one were to play the game again, repeating the interaction is impossible. The communication of narrative within these games is not a static form, but an experience that hangs unique at that moment and space of play. Thatgamecompany discussed in their 2017 interviews with Webber, published as part of her essay for the Victoria & Albert’s Video Games: Design/Play/Disrupt exhibition, how by creating and restricting the kind of playful interaction available to players within the world, they could encourage the kind of emotional, collaborative, and thoughtful intent they desired to portray (Webber 14). They articulate how in the development process they prioritised giving the player a variety of responses for even the smallest of actions and how that positive feedback, in turn, encourages play and prevented players from being “bored” (Webber 22). Meanwhile, the team reduced responsiveness for interactions they didn’t want to encourage. Chen describes the approach as “maximising feedback for things you want and minimising it for things you don’t want” (Webber 27). In her essay, Webber writes that Chen describes “a person who enters a virtual world, leaving behind the value system they’ve learned from real life, as like a baby banging their spoon to get attention” (27): initially players could push each other, and when one baby [player] pushed the other baby [player] off the cliff that person died. So, when we tested the gameplay, even our own developers preferred killing each other because of the amount of feedback they would get, whether it’s visual feedback, audio feedback, or social feedback from the players in the room. For quite a while I was disappointed at our own developers’ ethics, but I was able to talk to a child psychologist and she was able to clarify why these people are doing what they are doing. She said, ‘If you want to train a baby not to knock the spoon, you should minimise the feedback. Either just leave them alone, and after a while they’re bored and stop knocking, or give them a spoon that does not make a sound. (27) The developers then made it impossible for players to kill, steal resources from, or even speak to each other. Players were encouraged to stay close to each other using high-feedback action and responsiveness for doing so (Webber 27). By using feedback design techniques to encourage players to behave a certain way to other beings in the world—both by providing and restricting playful interactivity—thatgamecompany encourage a resonance between players and the overarching design intent of the project. Chen’s observations about the behaviour of his team while playing different iterations of the game also support the argument (acknowledged in different perspectives by various scholarship, including Costikyan and Bogost) that in the act of gameplay, real-life personal ethics are to a degree re-prioritised by the interactivity and context of that interactivity in the game world. Intent and the “Actualities of (Game) Existence” Continuing and evolving explorations of “intent” (and other parallel terms) in games through interaction design is of interest for scholars of game studies; it also is an important endeavour when considering influential relationships between games and other digital mediums where user identity is performative or relational to others. This influence was examined from several perspectives in the aforementioned collection Playful Identities: The Ludification of Digital Media Cultures, which also examined “the process of ludification that seems to penetrate every cultural domain” of modern life, including leisure time, work, education, politics, and even warfare (Frissen et al. 9). Such studies affirm the “complex relationship between play, media, and identity in contemporary culture” and are motivated “not only by the dominant role that digital media plays in our present culture but also by the intuition that ‘“play is central … to media experience” (Frissen et al. 10). Undertaking close examinations of specific “playful” design techniques in video games, and how they may factor into the development of intent, can help to develop nuanced lines of questioning about how we engage with “playfulness” in other digital communication platforms in an accessible, comparative way. We continue to exist in a world where “ludification is penetrating the cultural domain”. In the first few months of the global COVID-19 pandemic, Nintendo released Animal Crossing: New Horizons. With an almost global population in lockdown, Animal Crossing became host to professional meetings (Espiritu), weddings (Garst), and significantly, a media channel for brands to promote content and products (Deighton). TikTok, panoramically, is a platform where “playful” user trends— dances, responding to videos, the “Tell Me … Without Telling Me” challenge—occur in the context of an extremely complex algorithm, that while automated, is created by people—and is thus unavoidably embedded with bias (Dias et al.; Noble). This is not to say that game design techniques and broader “playful” design techniques in other digital communication platforms are interchangeable by any measure, or that intent in a game design sense and intent or bias in a commercial sense should be examined through the same lens. Rather that there is a useful, interdisciplinary resource of knowledge that can further illuminate questions we might ask about this state of “ludification” in both the academic and public spheres. We might ask, for example, what would the implications be of introducing an intent design methodology similar to Journey, but using it for commercial gain? Or social activism? Has it already happened? There is a quotation from Nathan Jurgensen’s 2016 essay Fear of Screens (published in The New Inquiry) that often comes to my mind when thinking about interaction design in video games in this way. In his response to Sherry Turkle’s book, Reclaiming Conversation, Jurgensen writes: each time we say “IRL,” “face-to-face,” or “in person” to mean connection without screens, we frame what is “real” or who is a person in terms of their geographic proximity rather than other aspects of closeness — variables like attention, empathy, affect, erotics, all of which can be experienced at a distance. We should not conceptually preclude or discount all the ways intimacy, passion, love, joy, pleasure, closeness, pain, suffering, evil and all the visceral actualities of existence pass through the screen. “Face to face” should mean more than breathing the same air. (Jurgensen) While Jurgensen is not talking about communication in games specifically, there are comparisons to be drawn between his “variables” and “visceral actualities of existence” as the drivers of social meaning-making, and the methodology of games communicating intent and purpose through Swink’s “seemingly arbitrary collection of abstracted variables” (67). When players interact with other characters in a game world (whether they be NPCs or other players), they are inhabiting a shared virtual space, and how designers articulate and present the variables of “closeness”, as Jurgensen defines it, can shape player alignment with the overarching design intent. These design techniques take the place of Jurgensen’s “visceral actualities of existence”. While they may not intrinsically share an overarching purpose, their experiential qualities have the ability to align ethics, priorities, and values between individuals. Interactivity means game design has the potential to facilitate a particular kind of engagement for the player (as demonstrated in Journey) or give opportunities for players to explore a sense of what an emotion might feel like by aligning it with progression or playful activity (as discussed in relation to Transistor). Players may not “feel” exactly what their player-characters do, or care for other characters in the world in the same way a game might encourage them to, but through thoughtful intent design, something of recognition or unity of belief might pass through the screen. References Bogost, Ian. Persuasive Games: The Expressive Power of Video Games. MIT P, 2007. Calleja, Gordon. “Ludic Identities and the Magic Circle.” Playful Identities: The Ludification of Digital Media Cultures. Eds. Valerie Frissen et al. Amsterdam UP, 2015. 211–224. Costikyan, Greg. “I Have No Words & I Must Design: Toward a Critical Vocabulary for Games.” Computer Games and Digital Cultures Conference Proceedings 2002. Ed. Frans Mäyrä. Tampere UP. 9-33. Dias, Avani, et al. “The TikTok Spiral.” ABC News, 26 July 2021. <https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-07-26/tiktok-algorithm-dangerous-eating-disorder-content-censorship/100277134>. Deighton, Katie. “Animal Crossing Is Emerging as a Media Channel for Brands in Lockdown.” The Drum, 21 Apr. 2020. <https://www.thedrum.com/news/2020/04/21/animal-crossing-emerging-media-channel-brands-lockdown>. Espiritu, Abby. “Japanese Company Attempts to Work Remotely in Animal Crossing: New Horizons.” The Gamer, 29 Mar. 2020. <https://www.thegamer.com/animal-crossing-new-horizons-work-remotely/>. Frissen, Valerie, et al., eds. Playful Identities: The Ludification of Digital Media Cultures. Amsterdam UP, 2015. Garst, Aron. “The Pandemic Canceled Their Wedding. So They Held It in Animal Crossing.” The Washington Post, 2 Apr. 2020. <https://www.washingtonpost.com/video-games/2020/04/02/animal-crossing-wedding-coronavirus/>. Isbister, Katherine. How Games Move Us: Emotion by Design. MIT P, 2016. Journey. thatgamecompany. 2012. Jurgensen, Nathan. “Fear of Screens.” The New Inquiry, 25 Jan. 2016. <https://thenewinquiry.com/fear-of-screens/>. Kasavin, Greg. “Transistor Earns More than 100+ Industry Accolades, Sells More than 600k Copies.” Supergiant Games, 8 Jan. 2015. <https://www.supergiantgames.com/blog/transistor-earns60-industry-accolades-sells-more-than-600k-copies/>. kerode4791. "Wanted to Share My First Experience with the Game, It Was That Awesome.”Reddit, 22 Mar. 2017. <https://www.reddit.com/r/JourneyPS3/comments/60u0am/wanted_to_share_my_f rst_experience_with_the_game/>. Kirkpatrick, Graeme. Aesthetic Theory and the Video Game. Manchester UP, 2011. Noble, Safiya Umoja. Algorithms of Oppression: How Search Engines Reinforce Racism. New York UP, 2018. peace_maybenot. "Wanted to Share My First Experience with the Game, It Was that Awesome” Reddit, 22 Mar. 2017. <https://www.reddit.com/r/JourneyPS3/comments/60u0am/wanted_to_share_my_f rst_experience_with_the_game/>. Petit, Carolyn. “Ghosts in the Machine." Gamespot, 20 May 2014. <https://www.gamespot.com/reviews/transistor-review/1900-6415763/>. Swink, Steve. Game Feel: A Game Designer’s Guide to Virtual Sensation. Amsterdam: Morgan Kaufmann Publishers/Elsevier, 2009. Transistor. Supergiant Games. 2014. Wallace, Kimberley. “The Story behind Supergiant Games’ Transistor.” Gameinformer, 20 May 2021. <https://www.gameinformer.com/2021/05/20/the-story-behind-supergiant-games-transistor>. Webber, Jordan Erica. “The Road to Journey.” Videogames: Design/Play/Disrupt. Eds. Marie Foulston and Kristian Volsing. V&A Publishing, 2018. 14–31.

Introduction Medical misinformation and conspiracies have thrived during the current infodemic as a result of the volume of information people have been exposed to during the disease outbreak. Given that SARS-CoV-2 (COVID-19) is a novel coronavirus discovered in 2019, much remains unknown about the disease. Moreover, a considerable amount of what was originally thought to be known has turned out to be inaccurate, incomplete, or based on an obsolete knowledge of the virus. It is in this context of uncertainty and confusion that conspiracies flourish. Michael Golebiewski and danah boyd’s work on ‘data voids’ highlights the ways that actors can work quickly to produce conspiratorial content to fill a void. The data void absent of high-quality data surrounding COVID-19 provides a fertile information environment for conspiracies to prosper (Chou et al.). Conspiracism is the belief that society and social institutions are secretly controlled by a powerful group of corrupt elites (Douglas et al.). Michael Barkun’s typology of conspiracy reveals three components: 1) the belief that nothing happens by accident or coincidence; 2) nothing is as it seems: the "appearance of innocence" is to be suspected; 3) the belief that everything is connected through a hidden pattern. At the heart of conspiracy theories is narrative storytelling, in particular plots involving influential elites secretly colluding to control society (Fenster). Conspiracies following this narrative playbook have flourished during the pandemic. Pharmaceutical corporations profiting from national vaccine rollouts, and the emergency powers given to governments around the world to curb the spread of coronavirus, have led some to cast these powerful commercial and State organisations as nefarious actors – 'big evil' drug companies and the ‘Deep State’ – in conspiratorial narratives. Several drugs believed to be potential treatments for COVID-19 have become entangled with conspiracy. At the start of the pandemic scientists experimented with repurposing existing drugs as potential treatments for COVID-19 because safe and effective vaccines were not yet available. A series of antimicrobials with potential activity against SARS-CoV-2 were tested in clinical trials, including lopinavir/ritonavir, favipiravir and remdesivir (Smith et al.). Only hydroxychloroquine and ivermectin transformed from potential COVID treatments into conspiracy objects. This article traces how the hydroxychloroquine and ivermectin conspiracy theories were amplified in the news media and online. It highlights how debunking processes contribute to amplification effects due to audience segmentation in the current media ecology. We conceive of these amplification and debunking processes as key components of a ‘Conspiracy Course’ (Baker and Maddox), identifying the interrelations and tensions between amplification and debunking practices as a conspiracy develops, particularly through mainstream news, social media and alternative media spaces. We do this in order to understand how medical claims about potential treatments for COVID-19 succumb to conspiracism and how we can intervene in their development and dissemination. In this article we present a commentary on how public discourse and actors surrounding two potential treatments for COVID-19: the anti-malarial drug hydroxychloroquine and the anti-parasitic drug ivermectin became embroiled in conspiracy. We examine public discourse and events surrounding these treatments over a 24-month period from January 2020, when the virus gained global attention, to January 2022, the time this article was submitted. Our analysis is contextually informed by an extended digital ethnography into medical misinformation, which has included social media monitoring and observational digital field work of social media sites, news media, and digital media such as blogs, podcasts, and newsletters. Our analysis focusses on the role that public figures and influencers play in amplifying these conspiracies, as well as their amplification by some wellness influencers, referred to as “alt.health influencers” (Baker), and those affiliated with the Intellectual Dark Web, many of whom occupy status in alternative media spaces. The Intellectual Dark Web (IDW) is a term used to describe an alternative influence network comprised of public intellectuals including the Canadian psychologist Jordan Peterson and the British political commentator Douglas Murray. The term was coined by the American mathematician and podcast host Eric Weinstein, who described the IDW as a group opposed to “the gated institutional narrative” of the mainstream media and the political establishment (Kelsey). As a consequence, many associated with the IDW use alternative media, including podcasts and newsletters, as an "eclectic conversational space" where those intellectual thinkers excluded from mainstream conversational spaces in media, politics, and academia can “have a much easier time talking amongst ourselves” (Kelsey). In his analysis of the IDW, Parks describes these figures as "organic" intellectuals who build identification with their audiences by branding themselves as "reasonable thinkers" and reinforcing dominant narratives of polarisation. Hence, while these influential figures are influencers in so far as they cultivate an online audience as a vocation in exchange for social, economic and political gain, they are distinct from earlier forms of micro-celebrity (Senft; Marwick) in that they do not merely achieve fame on social media among a niche community of followers, but appeal to those disillusioned with the mainstream media and politics. The IDW are contrasted not with mainstream celebrities, as is the case with earlier forms of micro-celebrity (Abidin Internet Celebrity), but with the mainstream media and politics. A public figure, on the other hand, is a “famous person” broadcast in the media. While celebrities are public figures, public figures are not necessarily celebrities; a public figure is ‘a person of great public interest or familiarity’, such as a government official, politician, entrepreneur, celebrity, or athlete. Analysis In what follows we explore the role of influencers and public figures in amplifying the hydroxychloroquine and ivermectin conspiracy theories during the pandemic. As part of this analysis, we consider how debunking processes can further amplify these conspiracies, raising important questions about how to most effectively respond to conspiracies in the current media ecology. Discussions around hydroxychloroquine and ivermectin as potential treatments for COVID-19 emerged in early 2020 at the start of the pandemic when people were desperate for a cure, and safe and effective vaccines for the virus were not yet publicly available. While claims concerning the promising effects of both treatments emerged in the mainstream, the drugs remained experimental COVID treatments and had not yet received widespread acceptance among scientific and medical professionals. Much of the hype around these drugs as COVID “cures” emerged from preprints not yet subject to peer review and scientific studies based on unreliable data, which were retracted due to quality issues (Mehra et al.). Public figures, influencers, and news media organisations played a key role in amplifying these narratives in the mainstream, thereby extending the audience reach of these claims. However, their transformation into conspiracy objects followed different amplification processes for each drug. Hydroxychloroquine, the “Game Changer” Hydroxychloroquine gained public attention on 17 March 2020 when the US tech entrepreneur Elon Musk shared a Google Doc with his 40 million followers on Twitter, proposing “maybe worth considering chloroquine for C19”. Musk’s tweet was liked over 50,200 times and received more than 13,500 retweets. The tweet was followed by several other tweets that day in which Musk shared a series of graphs and a paper alluding to the “potential benefit” of hydroxychloroquine in in vitro and early clinical data. Although Musk is not a medical expert, he is a public figure with status and large online following, which contributed to the hype around hydroxychloroquine as a potential treatment for COVID-19. Following Musk’s comments, search interest in chloroquine soared and mainstream media outlets covered his apparent endorsement of the drug. On 19 March 2020, the Fox News programme Tucker Carlson Tonight cited a study declaring hydroxychloroquine to have a “100% cure rate against coronavirus” (Gautret et al.). Within hours another public figure, the then-US President Donald Trump, announced at a White House Coronavirus Task Force briefing that the FDA would fast-track approval of hydroxychloroquine, a drug used to treat malaria and arthritis, which he said had, “tremendous promise based on the results and other tests”. Despite the Chief Medical Advisor to the President, Dr Anthony Fauci, disputing claims concerning the efficacy of hydroxychloroquine as a potential therapy for coronavirus as “anecdotal evidence”, Trump continued to endorse hydroxychloroquine describing the drug as a “game changer”: HYDROXYCHLOROQUINE & AZITHROMYCIN, taken together, have a real chance to be one of the biggest game changers in the history of medicine. He said that the drugs should be put in use IMMEDIATELY. PEOPLE ARE DYING, MOVE FAST, and GOD BLESS EVERYONE! Trump’s tweet was shared over 102,800 times and liked over 384,800 times. His statements correlated with a 2000% increase in prescriptions for the anti-malarial drugs hydroxychloroquine and chloroquine in the US between 15 and 21 March 2020, resulting in many lupus patients unable to source the drug. There were also reports of overdoses as individuals sought to self-medicate with the drug to treat the virus. Once Trump declared himself a proponent of hydroxychloroquine, scientific inquiry into the drug was eclipsed by an overtly partisan debate. An analysis by Media Matters found that Fox News had promoted the drug 109 times between 23 and 25 March 2020, with other right wing media outlets following suit. The drug was further amplified and politicised by conservative public figures including Trump’s attorney Rudy Giuliani, who claimed on 27 March 2020 that “hydroxychloroquine has been shown to have a 100% effective rate in treating COVID-19”, and Brazil’s President, Jair Bolsonaro, who shared a Facebook post on 8 July 2020 admitting to taking the drug to treat the virus: “I’m one more person for whom this is working. So I trust hydroxychloroquine”. In addition to these conservative political figures endorsing hydroxychloroquine, on 27 July 2020 the right-wing syndicated news outlet Breitbart livestreamed a video depicting America’s Frontline Doctors – a group of physicians backed by the Tea Party Patriots, a conservative political organisation supportive of Trump – at a press conference outside the US Supreme Court in Washington. In the video, Stella Immanuel, a primary care physician in Texas, said “You don’t need masks…There is prevention and there is a cure!”, explaining that Americans could resume their normal lives by preemptively taking hydroxychloroquine. The video was retweeted by public figures including President Trump and Trump’s son Donald Trump Jr., before going viral reaching over 20 million users on Facebook. The video explicitly framed hydroxychloroquine as an effective “cure” for COVID-19 suppressed by “fake doctors”, thereby transferring it from potential treatment to a conspiracy object. These examples not only demonstrate the role of prominent public figures in amplifying conspiratorial claims about hydroxychloroquine as an effective cure for COVID-19, they reveal how these figures converted the drug into an “article of faith” divorced from scientific evidence. Consequently, to believe in its efficacy as a cure for COVID-19 demonstrated support for Trump and ideological skepticism of the scientific and medical establishment. Ivermectin, the “Miracle Cure” Ivermectin followed a different amplification trajectory. The amplifying process was primarily led by influencers in alternative media spaces and those associated with the IDW, many of whom position themselves in contrast to the mainstream media and politics. Despite scientists conducting clinical trials for ivermectin in early 2020, the ivermectin conspiracy peaked much later that year. On 8 December 2020, the pulmonary and ICU specialist Dr. Pierre Kory testified to the US Senate Committee about I-MASK: a prevention and early outpatient treatment protocol for COVID-19. During the hearing, Kory claimed that “ivermectin is effectively a ‘miracle drug’ against COVID-19”, which could end the pandemic. Kory’s depiction of ivermectin as a panacea, and the subsequent media hype, elevated him as a public figure and led to an increase in public demand for ivermectin in early 2021. This resulted in supply issues and led some people to seek formulations of the drug designed for animals, which were in greater supply and easier to access. Several months later in June 2021, Kory’s description of ivermectin as a “miracle cure” was amplified by a series of influencers, including Bret Weinstein and Joe Rogan, both of whom featured Kory on their podcasts as a key public figure in the fight against COVID Conspiratorial associations with ivermectin were further amplified on 9 July 2021 when Bret Weinstein appeared on Fox Nation's Tucker Carlson Today claiming he had “been censored for raising concerns about the shots and the medical establishment's opposition to alternative treatments”. The drug was embroiled in further controversy on 1 September 2021 when Joe Rogan shared an Instagram post explaining that he had taken ivermectin as one of many drugs to treat the virus. In the months that followed, Rogan featured several controversial scientists on his podcast who implied that ivermectin was an effective COVID “cure” suppressed as part of a global agenda to promote vaccine uptake. These public figures included Dr Robert Malone, an American physician who contributed to the development of mRNA technology, and Dr Peter McCullough, an American cardiologist with expertise in vaccines. As McCullough explained to Rogan in December 2021: it seemed to me early on that there was an intentional very comprehensive suppression of early treatment in order to promote fear, suffering, isolation, hospitalisation and death and it seemed to be completely organised and intentional in order to create acceptance for and then promote mass vaccination. McCullough went on to imply that the pandemic was planned and that vaccine manufacturers were engaged in a coordinated response to profit from mass vaccination. Consequently, whereas conservative public figures, such as Trump and Bolsonaro, played a primary role in amplifying the hype around hydroxychloroquine as a COVID cure and embroiling it in a political and conspiratorial narrative of collusion, influencers, especially those associated with alternative media and the IDW, were crucial in amplifying the ivermectin conspiracy online by platforming controversial scientists who espoused the drug as a “miracle cure”, which could allegedly end the pandemic but was being suppressed by the government and medical establishment. Debunking Debunking processes refuting the efficacy of these drugs as COVID “cures” contributed to the amplification of these conspiracies. In April 2020 the paper endorsing hydroxychloroquine that Trump tweeted about a week earlier was debunked. The debunking process for hydroxychloroquine involved a series of statements, papers, randomised clinical trials and retractions not only rejecting the efficacy of hydroxychloroquine, but suggesting it was unsafe and had the potential to cause harm (Boulware et al.; Mehra; Voss). In April 2020, the FDA released a statement cautioning against the use of hydroxychloroquine for COVID-19 outside of a hospital setting or a clinical trial due to risk of heart rhythm problems, and in June the FDA revoked its emergency use authorisation to treat COVID-19 in certain hospitalised patients. The debunking process was not limited to fact-based claims, it also involved satire and ridicule of those endorsing the drug as a treatment for COVID-19. Given the politicisation of the drug, much of this criticism was directed at Trump, as a key proponent of the drug, and Republicans in general, both of whom were cast as scientifically illiterate. The debunking process for ivermectin was similarly initiated by scientific and medical authorities who questioned the efficacy of ivermectin as a COVID-19 treatment due to reliability issues with trials and the quality of evidence (Lawrence). In response to claims that supply issues led people to seek formulations of the drug designed for animals, in April 2021 the FDA released a statement cautioning people not to take ivermectin to prevent or treat COVID-19: While there are approved uses for ivermectin in people and animals, it is not approved for the prevention or treatment of COVID-19 … . People should never take animal drugs … . Using these products in humans could cause serious harm. The CDC echoed this warning, claiming that “veterinary formulations intended for use in large animals such as horses, sheep, and cattle can be highly concentrated and result in overdoses when used by humans”. Many journalists and Internet users involved in debunking ivermectin reduced the drug to horse paste. Social media feeds debunking ivermectin were filled with memes ridiculing those consuming “horse dewormer”. Mockery of those endorsing ivermectin extended beyond social media, with the popular US sketch comedy show Saturday Night Live featuring a skit mocking Joe Rogan for consuming “horse medicine” to treat the virus. The skit circulated on social media in the following days, further deriding advocates of the drug as a COVID cure as not only irresponsible, but stupid. This type of ridicule, visually expressed in videos and Internet memes, fuelled polarisation. This polarisation was then weaponised by influencers associated with the IDW to sell ivermectin as a “miracle drug” suppressed by the medical and political establishment, thereby embroiling the drug further in conspiracy (Baker and Maddox). This type of opportunistic marketing is not intended for a mass audience. Instead, audiences are taking advantage of what Crystal Abidin refers to as “silosociality”, wherein content is tailored for specific subcommunities, which are not necessarily “accessible” or “legible” to outsiders (Abidin Refracted Publics 4). This dynamic both reflects and reinforces the audience segmentation that occurs in the current media ecology by virtue of alternative media with mockery and ridicule strengthening in- and out-group dynamics. Conclusion In this article we have traced how hydroxychloroquine and ivermectin moved from promising potential COVID-19 treatments to objects tainted by conspiracy. Despite common associations of conspiracy theories with the fringe, both the hydroxychloroquine and ivermectin conspiracy theories emerged in the mainstream, amplified across mainstream social networks with the help of influencers and public figures whose claims were further amplified by the news media commenting on their apparent endorsement of these drugs as COVID cures. Whereas hydroxychloroquine was politicised as a result of controversial public figures and right-wing media outlets endorsing the drug and the conspiratorial narrative espoused by America’s Frontline Doctors, notably much of the conspiracy around ivermectin shifted to alternative media spaces amplified by influencers disillusioned with the mainstream media. We have demonstrated how debunking processes, which sought to discredit these drugs as potential treatments for COVID-19, often ridiculed those who endorsed them, further polarising discussions involving these treatments and pushing advocates to the extreme. By encouraging proponents of these treatments to retreat to alternative media spaces, such as podcasts and newsletters, polarisation strengthened in-group dynamics, assisting the ability for opportunistic influencers to weaponise these conspiracies for social, economic, and political gain. These findings raise important questions about how to effectively counter conspiracies. When debunking not only refutes claims but ridicules advocates, debunking can have unintended consequences by strengthening in-group dynamics and fuelling the legitimacy of conspiratorial narratives. References Abidin, Crystal. Internet Celebrity: Understanding Fame Online. Emerald Group Publishing, 2018. Abidin, Crystal. "From ‘Networked Publics’ to ‘Refracted Publics’: A Companion Framework for Researching ‘below the Radar’ Studies." Social Media + Society 7.1 (2021). Baker, Stephanie Alice. "Alt.Health Influencers: How Wellness Culture and Web Culture Have Been Weaponised to Promote Conspiracy Theories and Far-Right Extremism during the COVID-19 Pandemic." European Journal of Cultural Studies 25.1 (2022): 3-24. Baker, Stephanie Alice, and Alexia Maddox. “COVID-19 Treatment or Miracle 'Cure'?: Tracking the Hydroxychloroquine, Remdesivir and Ivermectin Conspiracies on Social Media.” Paper presented at the BSA Annual Conference 2022: Building Equality and Justice Now, 20-22 April 2022. <https://www.britsoc.co.uk/media/25695/ac2022_draft_conf_prog.pdf>. Barkun, Michael. A Culture of Conspiracy. University of California Press, 2013. Boulware, David R., et al. "A Randomized Trial of Hydroxychloroquine as Postexposure Prophylaxis for Covid-19." New England Journal of Medicine 383.6 (2020): 517-525. Chou, Wen-Ying Sylvia, Anna Gaysynsky, and Robin C. Vanderpool. "The COVID-19 Misinfodemic: Moving beyond Fact-Checking." Health Education & Behavior 48.1 (2021): 9-13. Douglas, Karen M., et al. "Understanding Conspiracy Theories." Political Psychology 40 (2019): 3-35. Fenster, Mark. Conspiracy Theories: Secrecy and Power in American Culture. University of Minnesota Press, 1999. Gautret, Philippe, et al. "Hydroxychloroquine and Azithromycin as a Treatment of COVID-19: Results of an Open-Label Non-Randomized Clinical Trial." International Journal of Antimicrobial Agents 56.1 (2020): 105949. Golebiewski, Michael, and danah boyd. "Data Voids: Where Missing Data Can Easily Be Exploited." Data & Society (2019). Kelsey, Darren. "Archetypal Populism: The ‘Intellectual Dark Web’ and the ‘Peterson Paradox’." Discursive Approaches to Populism across Disciplines. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2020. 171-198. Lawrence, Jack M., et al. "The Lesson of Ivermectin: Meta-Analyses Based on Summary Data Alone Are Inherently Unreliable." Nature Medicine 27.11 (2021): 1853-1854. Marwick, Alice E. Status Update. Yale University Press, 2013. Mehra, Mandeep R., et al. "RETRACTED: Hydroxychloroquine or Chloroquine with or without a Macrolide for Treatment of COVID-19: A Multinational Registry Analysis." (2020). Parks, Gabriel. "Considering the Purpose of ‘an Alternative Sense-Making Collective’: A Rhetorical Analysis of the Intellectual Dark Web." Southern Communication Journal 85.3 (2020): 178-190. Senft, Theresa M. Camgirls: Celebrity and Community in the Age of Social Networks. Peter Lang, 2008. Smith, Tim, et al. "COVID-19 Drug Therapy." Elsevier (2020). Voss, Andreas. “Official Statement from International Society of Antimicrobial Chemotherapy (ISAC).” International Society of Antimicrobial Chemotherapy 3 Apr. 2020. <https://www.isac.world/news-and-publications/official-isac-statement>.

In recent years, the US television landscape has been flooded with reboots, remakes, and revivals of “classic” nineties television series, such as Full/er House (1987-1995, 2016-present), Will & Grace (1998-2006, 2017-present), Roseanne (1988-1977, 2018), and Charmed (1998-2006, 2018-present). The term “reboot” is often used as a catchall for different kinds of revivals and remakes. “Remakes” are derivations or reimaginings of known properties with new characters, cast, and stories (Loock; Lavigne). “Revivals” bring back an existing property in the form of a continuation with the same cast and/or setting. “Revivals” and “remakes” both seek to capitalise on nostalgia for a specific notion of the past and access the (presumed) existing audience of the earlier series (Mittell; Rebecca Williams; Johnson).Reboots operate around two key pleasures. First, there is the pleasure of revisiting and/or reimagining characters that are “known” to audiences. Whether continuations or remakes, reboots are invested in the audience’s desire to see familiar characters. Second, there is the desire to “fix” and/or recuperate an earlier series. Some reboots, such as the Charmed remake attempt to recuperate the whiteness of the original series, whereas others such as Gilmore Girls: A Life in the Year (2017) set out to fix the ending of the original series by giving audiences a new “official” conclusion.The Roseanne reboot is invested in both these pleasures. It reunites the original cast for a short-lived, but impactful nine-episode tenth season. There is pleasure in seeing Roseanne (Roseanne Barr), Dan (John Goodman), Jackie (Laurie Metcalf), Becky (Lecy Goranson [seasons one to six, ten], Sarah Chalke [seasons six to nine]), Darlene (Sara Gilbert), and DJ (Michael Fishman) back in the Conner house with the same well-worn couch and afghan. The (attempted) recuperation is of author-star Barr, whose recent politics are in stark contrast to the working-class second-wave feminist politics of her nineties’ persona. This article is particularly interested in the second pleasure, because both the original series and the reboot situate the voice of Barr as central to the series’ narrative and politics.Despite achieving the highest ratings of any US sitcom in the past three years (O’Connell), on 29 May 2018, ABC announced that it was cancelling the Roseanne reboot. This decision came about in the wake of a racist tweet, where Barr compared a black woman (high-ranking Obama aide Valerie Jarrett) to an ape. Barr’s tweet and the cancellation of Roseanne, highlight the limits of nostalgia and Roseanne/Barr’s particular brand of white feminism. While whiteness and a lack of racial awareness are (and always have been) at the centre of Barr’s performance of feminism, the political landscape has shifted since the 1990s, with the rise of third and fourth-wave feminisms and intersectional activism. As such in the contemporary landscape, there is the expectation that white feminist figures take on and endorse anti-racist stances.This article argues that the reboot’s attempt to capitalise on nineties nostalgia exposes the limits of Roseanne/Barr’s feminism, as well as the limits of nostalgia. The feminist legacy of nineties-era Roseanne cannot and does not recuperate Barr’s star-persona. Also, the reboot and its subsequent cancellation highlight how the feminism of the series is embodied by Barr and her whiteness. This article will situate Roseanne and Barr within a feminist tradition on US television, before exploring how the reboot operates and circulates differently to the original series.From Roseanne (1988-1997) to Roseanne (2018)In its original form, Roseanne holds the distinction of being one of the most highly discussed and canonised feminist-leaning television series of all time, alongside The Mary Tyler Moore Show (1970-1977), Cagney and Lacey (1981-1988), and Buffy the Vampire Slayer (1997-2004). Roseanne also enabled and informed many popular feminist-leaning contemporary series, including Girls (2012-2017), Mom (2013-present), Better Things (2016-present), and Dietland (2018). Although it may seem anachronistic today, Roseanne and Barr helped define what it means to be a feminist and speak feminist politics on US television.Roseanne depicts the lives of the Conner family, headed by parents Roseanne and Dan. They live in the fictional blue-collar town of Lanford, Illinois with their three children Becky, Darlene, and DJ. Both Roseanne and Dan experience precarious employment and embark on numerous (mostly failed) business ventures throughout the series’ run. The reboot catches up with the Conner family in 2018, after Roseanne has experienced a health scare and single mom Darlene has moved into her parents’ house with her two children Harris (Emma Kenney) and Mark (Ames McNamara). In the new season, Roseanne and Dan’s children are experiencing similar working conditions to their parents in the 1990s. Becky works at a Mexican restaurant and is eager to act as surrogate mother to earn $50,000, Darlene is recently unemployed and looking for work, and DJ has just returned from military service.A stated objective of reviving Roseanne was to address the contentious US political landscape after the election of President Donald J. Trump (VanDerWerff). Barr is a vocal supporter of President Trump, as is her character in the reboot. The election plays a key role in the new season’s premise. The first episode of season 10 establishes that the titular Roseanne has not spoken to her sister Jackie (who is a Hillary Clinton supporter) in over a year. In both its nineties and 2018 incarnations, Roseanne makes apparent the extent to which feminist politics are indebted to and spoken through the author-star. The series is based on a character that Barr created and is grounded in her life experience. Barr and her character Roseanne are icons of nineties televisual feminism. While the other members of the Conner family are richly drawn and compelling, Roseanne is the centre of the series. It is her voice and perspective that drives the series and gives it its political resonance. Roseanne’s power in the text is authorised by Barr’s stardom. As Melissa Williams writes: “For nearly a decade, Barr was one of the most powerful women in Hollywood” (180).In the late 1980s and into the 1990s, Roseanne (and Barr) represented a new kind of feminist voice on US television, which at that stage (and still today) was dominated by middle-class women. Unlike Mary Richards (Mary Tyler Moore), Claire Huxtable (Phylicia Rashad), or Murphy Brown (Candice Bergen), Roseanne did not have a stable job and her family’s economic situation was often precarious. Roseanne/Barr adopted and used a feminism of personality popularised on television by Mary Tyler Moore and Lucille Ball. Unlike her foremothers, though, Roseanne/Barr was not slender, feminine, or interested in being likeable to men. Roseanne did not choose to work outside of the home, which marked her as different from many of US television’s other second-wave feminists and/or mothers. As Rachael Horowitz writes: “Roseanne’s feminism was for women who have to work because bills must get paid, who assert their role as head of the house despite the degrading work they often do during the day to pay for their kids’ food and clothes” (9).According to Kathleen Rowe, Barr is part of a long line of “female grotesques” whose defining features are excess and looseness (2-3). Rowe links Barr’s fatness or physical excess with her refusal to shut up and subversive speech. The feminism of Roseanne is contained within and expressed through Barr’s unruly white body (and voice). Barr’s unruliness and her unwillingness to follow the social conventions of politeness and decorum are tied to her (perceived) feminist politics.Understandings of Barr’s stardom, however, have shifted considerably in the years since the publication of Rowe’s analysis. While Barr is still “unruly,” her unruliness is no longer located in her body (which has been transformed to meet more conventional standards of western beauty), but rather in her Twitter presence, which is pro-Israel, pro-Trump, and anti-immigration. As Roxane Gay writes of the reboot: “Whatever charm and intelligence she [Barr] brought to the first nine seasons of her show, a show I very much loved, are absolutely absent in her current persona, particularly as it manifests on Twitter.”Feminist Voice and Stardom on US TVRoseanne performs what Julie D’Acci calls “explicit general feminism,” which is defined by “dialogue and scenes that straightforwardly addressed discrimination against women in both public and private spheres, stories structured around topical feminist causes, and the use of unequivocal feminist language and slogans” (147). However, the feminist politics of Roseanne and Barr are (and never were) straightforward or uncomplicated.Studies of feminism on US television have primarily focused on comedies that feature female television stars who function as advocates for feminism and women’s issues (Spigel; Rabinovitz; D’Acci). Much of the critical discussion of feminist voice in US female-led television identifies the feminist intervention as taking place at the level of performance (Dow; Spigel; Spangler). Comedic series such as I Love Lucy (1951-1957), Murphy Brown (1988-1998, 2018-present), and Grace Under Fire (1993-1998), and dramatic series’, such as Cagney and Lacey and Buffy the Vampire Slayer, privilege the articulation of feminist ideas through performance and character.Roseanne is not a series that derives its comedy from a clash of different perspectives or a series where politics are debated and explored in a nuanced a complex way. Roseanne promotes a distinct singular perspective – that of Roseanne Barr. In seasons one to nine, the character Roseanne is rarely persuaded to think differently about an issue or situation or depicted as “wrong.” The series centres Roseanne’s pain and distress when Becky elopes with Mark (Glenn Quinn), or when Jackie is abused by her boyfriend Fisher (Matt Roth), or when Darlene accidently gets pregnant. Although those storylines are about other characters, Roseanne’s emotions are central. Roseanne/Barr’s perspective (as fictional character and media personality) informs the narrative, sensibility, and tone. Roseanne is not designed to contain multiple perspectives.Roseanne is acutely aware of its place in the history of feminist voice and representations of women on US television. Television is central to the series’ articulation of feminism and feminist voice. In season seven episode “All About Rosey,” the series breaks the fourth wall (as it does many times throughout its run), taking the audience behind the scenes where some of US television’s most well-known (and traditional) mothers are cleaning the Conner’s kitchen. June Cleaver (Barbara Billingsley) from Leave It to Beaver (1957-1963), Joan Nash (Pat Crowley) from Please Don’t Eat the Daisies (1965-1967), Ruth Martin (June Lockhart) from Lassie (1958-1964), Norma Arnold (Alley Mills) from The Wonder Years (1988-1993), and Louise Jefferson (Isabel Sanford) from The Jeffersons (1975-1985) at first sit in judgment of Barr and her character Roseanne, claiming she presents “wrong image” for a TV mother. However, Roseanne/Barr eventually wins over the TV mothers, declaring “the important thing is on my show, I’m the boss and father knows squat” (7.19). It is in contrast to more traditional television mothers that Roseanne/Barr’s feminist voice comes into focus.In the ninth and final season of Roseanne’s initial run, the series (arguably) becomes a parody of its former self. By this point in the series, “Barr was seen as the sole cause of the show’s demise, as a woman who was ‘imploding,’ ‘losing the plot,’ or ‘out of control’” (White 234). White argues that depicting the working-class Conners’ social and economic ascension to upper-class diminishes the distinction between Barr and her character (243). White writes that in the series’ finale, the “line between performer and character is irrevocably blurred; it is unclear whether the voice we are hearing is that of Roseanne Conner or Roseanne Barr” (244). This blurring between Roseanne and Barr becomes particularly contentious in season 10.Rebooting Roseanne: Season 10Season 10 redacts and erases most of the events of season nine, which itself was a fantasy, as revealed in the season nine finale. As such, the reboot is not a simple continuation, because in the season nine finale it is revealed that Dan suffered a fatal heart attack a year earlier. The final monologue (delivered in voice-over by Barr) “reveals” that Roseanne has been writing and editing her experiences into a digestible story. The “Conners winning the lottery” storyline that dominated season nine was imagined by Roseanne as an elaborate coping strategy after Dan’s death. Yet in the season 10 reboot, Dan is revealed to be alive, as is Darlene and David’s (Johnny Galecki) daughter Harris, who was born during the events of season nine.The limits of Roseanne/Barr’s feminism within the contemporary political landscape come into focus around issues of race. This is partly because the incident that incited ABC to cancel the reboot of Roseanne was racially motivated, and partly because Roseanne/Barr’s feminism has always relied on whiteness. Between 1997 and 2018, Barr’s unruliness has become less associated with empowering working-class women and more with railing against minorities and immigrants. In redacting and erasing the events of season nine, the reboot attempts to step back the conflation between Roseanne and Barr with little success.In the first episode of season 10, “Twenty Years to Life”, Roseanne is positioned as the loud-mouthed victim of circumstance and systemic inequality – similar to her nineties-persona. Yet in 2018, Roseanne mocks same things that nineties’ Roseanne took seriously, including collective action, community building, and labour conditions. Roseanne claims: “It is not my fault that I just happen to be a charismatic person that’s right about everything” (10.01). Here, the series attempts to make light of a now-outdated understanding of Barr’s persona, but it comes off as tone-deaf and lacking self-awareness.Roseanne has bigoted tendencies in both the 1990s and in 2018, but the political resonance of those tendencies and their relationships to feminisms and nostalgia differs greatly from the original series to the reboot. This is best illustrated by comparing season seven episode “White Men Can’t Kiss” and season 10 episode “Go Cubs.” In the former, Roseanne is appalled that she may have raised a racist son and insists DJ must kiss his black classmate Geena (Rae’Ven Larrymore Kelly) in the school play. Towards the end of this episode, Geena’s father comes by the restaurant where Roseanne and Jackie are closing up. When the tall black man knocks on the locked door, Roseanne refuses to let him inside. She appears visibly afraid. Once Roseanne knows he is Geena’s father, she lets him in and he confronts her about her racist attitude. Roseanne (and the audience) is forced to sit in the discomfort of having her bigotry exposed. While there are no material consequences for Roseanne or DJ’s racism, within the context of the less intersectional 1990s, this interaction does not call into question Roseanne or Barr’s feminist credentials.In season 10, Roseanne tackles similar issues around race, ignorance, and bigotry, but it plays out very differently. In the reboot’s seventh episode, Roseanne suspects her Muslim refugee neighbours Fatima (Anne Bedian) and Samir (Alain Washnevky) are terrorists. Although Roseanne is proven wrong, she is not forced to reckon with her bigotry. Instead, she is positioned as a “hero” later in the episode, when she berates a supermarket cashier for her racist treatment of Fatima. Given what audiences know about Barr’s off-screen politics, this does not counteract the impression of racism, but compounds it. It also highlights the whiteness of the politics embodied by Roseanne/Barr both on-screen and off. Although these are two very different racial configurations (anti-blackness and Islamophobia), these episodes underline the shifting reception and resonance of the feminism Roseanne/Barr embodies.ConclusionIn June 2018, shortly after the cancellation of the Roseanne reboot, ABC announced that it was developing a spin-off without Barr called The Conners (2018-present). In the spin-off Roseanne is dead and her family is dealing with life after Roseanne/Roseanne (Crucchiola). Here, Roseanne suffers the same fate as Dan in season nine (she dies off-screen), but now it is Barr who is fictionally buried. While The Conners attempts to rewrite the story of the Conner family by rejecting Barr’s racist views and removing her financial and creative stake in their stories, Barr cannot be erased or redacted from Roseanne or the story of the Conner family, because it is her story.The reboot and its cancellation illuminate how Barr and Roseanne’s feminist voice has not evolved past its white second-wave roots. The feminism of Roseanne is embodied by Barr in all her unruliness and whiteness. Roseanne/Barr/Roseanne has not taken on the third and fourth-wave critiques of second-wave feminisms, which emphasise the limits of white feminisms. The failure of the Roseanne reboot reveals that the pleasure and nostalgia of seeing the Conner family back together is not enough. Ultimately, Roseanne is without intersectionality, and thus cannot (and should not) be recognised as feminist in the contemporary political landscape.ReferencesBetter Things. Cr. Pamela Adlon and Louis C.K. 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Introduction In September 2022, American retail giant Walmart launched two new gaming experiences onto popular multi-platform gaming experience Roblox, entitled Walmart Land and Walmart Universe of Play. First released in 2006, Roblox is an online multiplayer programme and a virtual gaming world that is part of a rise of other similar programmes, including Minecraft (2009), Pokémon GO (2016), and Fortnite (2013). Like these other games, it is also a multi-platform program, which means that “it can be played on computers, tablets, mobiles or video consoles, thus enabling its ubiquitous access” (Meier et al. 269). In that sense, these games and programmes have inherited the ubiquity that occurred through the popularity of mobile devices, smart phones, and tablets, where “games are never further than arm’s length” (Leaver & Wilson 2). It is believed that the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020-2021 ended up intensifying user interest in Roblox as it became a site for virtual and online socialisation through its multiplayer construction and play (Cucco). Recently, Roblox has earned the reputation of being the “children’s metaverse”: as Andrew Hutchinson has noted, in the gaming worlds of Roblox “we do already have basic templates for what the metaverse may look like… where youngsters interact via digital avatars, and move from experience to experience in a 3D environment”. Roblox is essentially a host to a compendium of user-generated content games that fit into many game genres, including role player games, obbys (obstacle course games), tycoon, fantasy, adventure, strategy, simulations, and many others. In Roblox, users create personal avatars that can move and negotiate in first person through online worlds. While Roblox is aimed at players of all ages, it has been especially targeted towards younger children and teenage users, and research suggests that the programme predominantly hosts child players (Geffen). Meier et al. suggest that Roblox “is a program that offers the possibility of creating and sharing three-dimensional virtual environments easily and has an interface suitable for children” (269). Walmart’s two Roblox games demand critical attention because the virtual worlds that have been created for Roblox present knowledge about the way that a “metaverse” might be imagined for young players on the system. This is especially important due to the troubling vision of commodified and fully themed corporate shopping experiences (e.g., Ernest Cline’s dystopian novel Ready Player One (2011) of virtual worlds owned by a billionaire). An examination of these games means also examining the ways that children are exposed to commodity culture, and understanding the ways that children’s culture has been commodified through gamified experiences and technologies. As I demonstrate in this article, concern about the games‘ function as advertising for Roblox has seen action from consumer watchdog groups labelling the games as “advergames”, and recently one of the games has been removed from Roblox by Walmart. As Natalie Coulter has argued, there is a long history of consumer culture’s link with children’s media, but from the mid-twentieth century and beyond, the marketplace “has become more tightly enmeshed with children and their culture” (410). While “youth” has become a marketing category – fractured into smaller and smaller marketing niches – Coulter argues that in the twenty first century the rise of Websites and Web games have worked to “link toys and the virtual world together”, where children’s online time can now be considered “basically commercial time where there is no distinction between content and an advertisement for the toy” (419). This has been simultaneous with converged technologies that also merge storytelling with consumer products. Jason Bainbridge has noted that “merchandising is now regularly used to extend and enrich narratives, to personalise media properties, increase the cultural circulation (or shelf-life) of properties and occasionally even enable them to jump media platforms and survive in entirely new textual environments” (24). Given that Roblox is already a space of enmeshed commercial activity, play and financial transaction – especially through its internal currency of “Robux” that is used for avatar and in-game purchases – the Walmart games present yet another complex layering of these personal and corporate dimensions as an aspect of gameplay. The two Walmart games are designed to appeal to different age groups and users – Walmart Land is aimed at older children and young adults, through its creation of a live pop music virtual world, while Walmart Universe of Play is clearly marketed toward younger children through its focus on showcasing major toy brands (these included L.O.L. Surprise!, Jurassic World, Paw Patrol, Magic Mixies and Razor Scooters). In this article, I examine the two Walmart Roblox games through formal analysis of their gameplay, focussing on the ways that both games are incentivising play and how they link to in-game purchases and the Walmart brand. I argue that both games are designed to link gameplay with a highly personalised shopping experience, which blurs the boundaries between games and branded advertising. For this reason, I suggest that close attention should be given to contemporary corporate games that develop visions of a “metaverse”, as they may not have the user’s interests in mind so much as their organisation’s profit margin. Walmart’s Roblox games Walmart Land is a walk-through fantasy world that focusses on pop culture, fashion, and music: like many of the “worlds” of Roblox, it presents as a small archipelago, surrounded by sea, with the action taking place on the interconnected islands. The islands are shaped into the “spark” shape of the Walmart logo – there is one central island or “hub” (and starting point), surrounded by radiating longer islands connected by bridges. Users can walk along the series of pathways and bridges between the islands, or else shortcut via monorail to key stopovers, or finally use a portal to travel to whatever part of the “world” is most appealing (this is typical of the travel experience provided in Roblox games). There are also “obby” areas with parkour-like jumps to exciting places, and surreal locations such as a forest of broccoli and a maze of cut fruit slices. Across these islands, users are encouraged to participate, earn tokens, and explore all the areas in more detail: for example, at the “Food Truck Park”, you can find recipes for “Great Value” dishes such as “Skillet Beef Burrito”, where users are encouraged to “take a snapshot with your device” of the full recipe for making later. Tokens (visually, they are coins) are placed along the pathways of the islands, which when collected can be used as payment for in-game purchases. The tokens can be spent on Walmart fashion and accessories: for example, as I play the game there is a Free Assembly rugby polo that can be purchased for 110 tokens (Free Assembly is a Walmart fashion label). The other way to earn tokens is to participate in the various mini-games located at many of the Walmart Land’s sites. For example, there is a “Dance Off Challenge” where your avatar can try out a range of funky moves and “win” the dance-off, and a Netflix trivia challenge which grants credits to film and television knowledge. There is an “Electric Island” that according to Walmart’s marketing has been “inspired by the world’s greatest music festivals”, although the concert stage is empty as I visit. You can access the live music stage via a red carpet that is flanked by paparazzi figures clamouring to take your avatar’s photo. While the stage is typically inactive when I have accessed the game, according to Walmart’s marketing materials there have previously been musical performances from pop stars such as YUNGBLUD and Madison Beer. Then, there are singular mini-games on each island: such as a DJ booth where users can play at practicing beats; and a roller rink for blading tricks. Within Walmart Land, users can access virtual merchandise (“verch”) for the user avatar and earn tokens and games from competitions. There is a “House of Style” space with dressing rooms, which is the main location for purchase of avatar fashion with the earned tokens. As this description suggests, Walmart Land resembles in a retro way the kind of experience had in a supermarket store or a mega-mall / shopping centre, where there are “aisles/isles”, or segmented and themed areas of entertainment. The dream-like “land” aims to create a phantasmagoria, with idiosyncratic personal travel that constitutes a real-life shopping experience, hence it includes personally satisfying flânerie for distinctiveness and originality. Yet, this seems to be one of the failings of the experience: playing through this world, choices are limited, and the in-games feel simplistic, and unlikely to sustain interest across multiple visits. This game seems particularly in need of updates with novel content, such as the live concert experiences on the empty stage. The second game, Walmart Universe of Play, has a similar structure and format to Walmart Land, although the focus is squarely placed on bringing to life pre-existing toy franchises that are readily available at the retail company’s stores. For this reason, there is a much greater focus on Walmart’s brand partners in this game than in Walmart Land, except the separate themed areas seem to be fully “owned” by these brands. Again, it presents a magical wonderland full of surreal and fantastic games and events. The term “Universe of Play” is a direct reference to the name of Walmart’s real-life toy department from their bricks and mortar stores. In this game, the focus is on earning free verch that promotes either Walmart or its nominated brands (e.g. L.O.L. Surprise!, Jurassic World, Paw Patrol, Magic Mixies, and Razor Scooters). As users walk along in this world, large wrapped gift boxes appear on the pathways that can be opened through the “Interact” function. The virtual “gifts” end up being virtual images of real-life products, which arguably constitutes a pure, visual advertisement for the toy. As with Walmart Land, the game resembles the multi-world format of the retail chain itself, and the 3-D travel that is an in-built feature of Roblox’s gameplay allows users to explore “immersive worlds” connected to brand franchises, earn rewards through collection of tokens that can be redeemed for virtual merchandise and toys. There is also travel on special vehicles, such as flying hoverboards. Many of the updates in the game focus on the promotion of toy products, such as the virtual drone that can highlight the “hottest toy world of the season” (Walmart). In this way, the updates seem to emulate catalogue delivery, with the world itself a kind of virtual catalogue for purchasable products. Then, the real store’s catalogue becomes a way of learning about the game, as it offers readers codes to exclusive privileges within the Roblox game. So, there is a virtual-real crossover between the game and children’s experiences in the real-life store, inviting users to imagine that the virtual world is an extension of the real one. Through earning tokens, all of the games are designed for virtual purchases, and while these are free, they normalise the typical experience of Roblox where one’s presentation of identity (through the personal avatar) is strongly linked with in-game transactions. Discussion So, how do we make sense of these Walmart games on Roblox? Some commentators have observed that the new Walmart games do not seem to provide innovative or playful experiences, in contrast to many of the games on the Roblox platform. Writing for Forbes magazine, Paul Tassi has suggested that the Walmart logo of Walmart Land looms in the background “like a digital Eye of Sauron”, and questions the originality of the games: But who wants … Walmart Land? I’d argue nobody, and it’s just a branded, less interesting version of playspaces that already exist in Roblox a thousand times over, without a corporation attached. It is worth examining the motivation for the branded partnership from both organisations. For Roblox, the Walmart partnership was economically important: it represented one of its first major corporate partnerships with central intention to release virtual product into the Roblox game system. Typically, corporate partnerships with Roblox had led to the partnered brands creating tangible, “real life” ancillary Roblox toys and merchandise that could be purchased at toy stores (e.g., figurines, boardgames, and toy guns). (Some examples of Roblox’s recent brand toy partnerships: Hasbro created a Roblox 2022 edition of Monopoly; NERF has released NERF guns based upon particular Roblox games Adopt Me!, Arsenal, Jailbreak, Mad City, Murder Mystery 2, and Phantom Forces. Also, Roblox game studios have gone on to create their own toy lines: for example, Gamefam released a set of dolls based on their game Twilight Daycare.) In this case, the toy store (a.k.a. Walmart) has itself gone virtual, which means that Walmart is also investing into Roblox’s vision of a playable “metaverse” for its young users. This is clearly significant, as it represents what could be the beginning of a new, lucrative model for co-branded game creation for Roblox, adding to ways of diversifying revenue for the company beyond its in-game micro-transactions (Vanian). The metaverse has been a key concept in Roblox’s recent strategic vision, and they have benefitted from the wider global interest in the metaverse, popularised in the wake of Mark Zuckerberg’s presentation on metaverse futures for Facebook, sensationally renamed Meta at the Connect conference of October 2021. As Evans et al. have noted, 2021 was the year that the metaverse “truly hit the mainstream”, and Meta/Facebook is “arguably the current leader in the race to build the metaverse” (1). Yet, earlier that year Roblox also mentioned their own version of a metaverse at their first Investor Day video published on YouTube in February 2021 (Roblox Investor Day). In this video, CEO and co-founder David Baszucki specifically mentions that Roblox are evolving to become the “shepherds of the metaverse”, and that their vision includes the tenets of “identity”, “friends”, “immersiveness”, “frictionless”, “variety”, “anywhere”, “a vibrant economy”, and “trust and civility”. The Walmart games, then, present a part of the rich variety of content available on the Roblox system, although Baszucki is quick to emphasise the rich user-generated content provided by non-businesses and ordinary gamers: the content created by billion-dollar companies does not receive a mention as part of this revolutionary and utopian vision. In this way, we can see how Walmart – a megacorporation that has aggressively competed for the e-commerce of major retail rival Amazon since 2016 (Del Rey) – might choose to create content and join this virtual diversity with its large network of young users. Walmart’s investment demonstrates how companies are currently choosing to test out strategies across a range of virtual online worlds: investing into many different forms of the metaverse. The investment into the virtual play of Roblox represents the company’s new strategy of engagement with virtual e-commerce, as well as investigating metaverse futures. According to a CNBC interview with Walmart’s Chief Marketing Officer William White, the two Walmart games released onto Roblox were marketing tests of new kinds of consumer engagement for online and virtual shopping experiences, helping to learn about and gauge the changing shopping habits in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic (Repko). Part of the rationale for production of the games was for Walmart to learn about new ways to reach consumers, with developing metaverse technologies in mind: Roblox will serve as a testing ground for Walmart as it considers moves in the metaverse and beyond, said William White, Walmart’s chief marketing officer. He said the experiences are designed with the next generation of shoppers in mind, particularly Gen Z, generally defined as around age 25 or younger. White said the company is looking to learn from the partnership. “How are we driving relevance in cultural conversation? How are we developing community and engagement? How are we moving the needle from a brand favourability [standpoint] with younger audiences?” he said. “That’s what we’re trying to accomplish here.” (Repko) Yet, as this analysis of the gameplay in the two games reveals, advertising product seems key to the experiences gained in Walmart Land and Walmart Universe of Play. After the release of the games in 2022, critical media attention quickly turned to concerns about the blurred lines between games and marketing, and in January 2023 US media watchdogs Truth in Advertising.org (TINA.org) released a complaint about the Walmart Roblox games’ lack of disclosure that they were a form of children’s advertising and therefore constituted an “advergame” (Karabus; Perez). An “advergame” is defined as a “popular marketing tool used by companies to sell products to children” (Cho & Riddle 1309). Referring to the Walmart games, TINA.org noted that the games were “blurring the distinction between advertising content and organic content, and failing to provide any clear or conspicuous disclosures that the game (or contents within the game) are ads” (Truth in Advertising). Their concern was linked to the vulnerability of young children on Roblox, especially after academic research has suggested that younger and older children have difficulty in distinguishing between advertising and computer games; for example, Waiguny and Terlutter have indicated that children have more difficulty doing this than distinguishing between television programmes and advertising. In March 2023, Walmart closed down Walmart Universe of Play, although they have officially stated that the closure was a “planned part of its strategy” (Adams). In a statement, they noted that “the intent of our presence on Roblox is to continuously innovate … . Taking down some experiences to work on new [ones] is part of that innovation” (Adams). Walmart Land is still in operation on Roblox. The closure of one of the games demonstrates the level of experimentation that is taking place as companies invest in “metaverse” games: there are still fundamental concerns to iron out about virtual branded property and its links to advertising, especially in content that is specifically created for children. Conclusion This – and other – early case studies of toy brand partnerships on Roblox should be given attention because the ways that corporations link in with the socialisation and play factors of the game may have lasting impact upon the development and construction of online identities in 3-D immersive contexts. My hope is that the issues raised in this article link to broader debates in media-focussed cultural studies about the commodification of children’s experiences, the creation of “toyetic” media texts, and the broader and extensive discourse of media effects research and impacts on children and young people. Investigating the Walmart games also has implications for emerging research on the “metaverse” and the ways by which it will be commodified. Utilising methods such as formal game analysis helps to show how users may interact with games and brands in these fledgeling metaverse experiences. It may also demonstrate how some of the utopian ideals of the concept are compromised through the company’s bottom line, which for Roblox seems particularly linked to the creation of the virtual avatar, and the production of a unique online identity troublingly linked to purchase and consumption. Acknowledgment Many thanks to Louis Joseph Jeffs for our ongoing conversations about Roblox. References Adams, Peter. “Walmart Winds Down Roblox Play as Metaverse Lands in Privacy Crosshairs.” Marketing Dive, 28 Mar. 2023. Bainbridge, Jason. “From Toyetic to Toyesis: The Cultural Value of Merchandising.” Entertainment Values. Ed. S. Harrington. London: Palgrave, 2017. 23-29. Cho, Eunji, and Karyn Riddle. “Protecting Children: Testing a Stop-and-Take-a-Break Advergame Intervention Strategy.” International Journal of Consumer Studies 45 (2021): 1309-1321. Coulter, Natalie. “From the Top Drawer to the Bottom Line: The Commodification of Children’s Cultures.” Mediascapes: New Patterns in Canadian Communication. 2013. 409-426. Cucco, Jackie. “Jump into the ‘Roblox’ Metaverse for a New Era of Play.” The Toy Book, 20 Feb. 2022. <https://toybook.com/jump-into-the-roblox-metaverse-for-a-new-era-of-play/>. Del Rey, Jason. Winner Sells All: Amazon, Walmart, and the Battle for Our Wallets. HarperCollins, 2023. Evans, Leighton, Jordan Frith, and Michael Saker. From Microverse to Metaverse: Modelling the Future through Today’s Virtual Worlds. Bingley: Emerald Publishing, 2022. Geffen, Jonathan. “Improving Co-Play between Parents and Children in a Roblox Game.” KTH Royal Institute of Technology School of Electrical Engineering and Computer Science, 2021. Hutchinson, Andrew. “The Development of Roblox Provides a Framework for the Metaverse Vision.” Social Media Today, 9 Sep. 2022. Karabus, Jude. “Walmart Runs Creepy ‘Advergame’ on Roblox, Where Kids Can Make Toy Wish Lists.” The Register, 25 Jan. 2023. <https://www.theregister.com/2023/01/25/walmarts_advergame_on_roblox_pushes/>. Leaver, Tama, and Michele Willson. “Social Networks, Casual Games and Mobile Devices: The Shifting Contexts of Gamers and Gaming.” Social, Casual and Mobile Games: The Changing Gaming Landscape. Eds. T. Leaver and M. Willson. New York: Bloomsbury, 2016. 1-12. Meier, Cecile, Jose Luis Saorin, Alejandro Bonnet de Leon, and Alberto Guerrero Cobos. “Using the Roblox Video Game Engine for Creating Virtual Tours and Learning about the Sculptural Heritage.” International Journal of Emerging Technologies in Learning 15.20 (2020): 268-280. Perez, Sarah. “Consumer Advocacy Groups Want Walmart’s Roblox Game Audited for ‘Stealth Marketing’ to Kids.” Tech Crunch, 25 Jan. 2023. <https://techcrunch.com/2023/01/24/consumer-advocacy-groups-want-walmarts-roblox-game-audited-for-stealth-marketing-to-kids/>. Repko, Melissa. “Walmart Enters the Metaverse with Roblox Experiences Aimed at Younger Shoppers.” CNBC, 26 Sep., 2022. <https://www.cnbc.com/2022/09/26/walmart-enters-the-metaverse-with-roblox.html>. Roblox. “Roblox Investor Day / February 26 2021.” 26 Feb. 2021. <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=A1joSc0mRVg>. Tassi, Paul. “Roblox’s ‘Walmart Land’ Is Horseman of the Metaverse Apocalypse.” Forbes, 27 Sep., 2022. <https://www.forbes.com/sites/paultassi/2022/09/27/robloxs-walmart-land-is-horseman-of-the-metaverse-apocalypse/?sh=59e12a961419>. Truth in Advertising. “Letter to CARU re. Walmart Universe of Play.” 23 Jan. 2023. <https://truthinadvertising.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/01/1_23_23-Letter-to-CARU-re-Walmart-Universe-of-Play.pdf>. Vanian, Jonathan. “Roblox Jumps into Online Advertising as Revenue Growth Slows.” CNBC, 9 Sep.2022. <https://www.cnbc.com/2022/09/09/roblox-jumping-into-ads-in-effort-to-diversify-beyond-virtual-goods-.html>. Waiguny, Martin, and Ralf Terlutter. “Differences in Children’s Processing of Advergames and TV Commercials.” Advances in Advertising Research 2 (2011): 35-51. Walmart.“Walmart Jumps into Roblox with Launch of Walmart Land and Walmart’s Universe of Play.” 26 Sep. 2022. <https://corporate.walmart.com/newsroom/2022/09/26/walmart-jumps-into-roblox-with-launch-of-walmart-land-and-walmarts-universe-of-play>.

IntroductionAs both a historical and cultural entity, the city of New Orleans has long-maintained a reputation as a centre for hedonistic and carnivaleque pleasures. Historically, images of mardi gras, jazz, and parties on the shores of the Mississippi have pervaded the cultural vision of the city as a “mecca” for “social life” (Marina 2), and successfully fed its tourism narratives. Simultaneously, however, a different kind of narrative also exists in the historical folds of the city’s urban mythology. Many tales of vampire sightings and supernatural accounts surround the area, and have contributed, over the years, to the establishment and mystification of New Orleans as a ‘vampire city’. This has produced, in turn, its own brand of vampire tourism (Murphy 2015). Mixed with historical rumours and Gothic folklore, the recent narratives of popular culture lie at the centre of the re-imagination of New Orleans as a vampire hub. Taking this idea as a point of departure, this article provides culturally- and historically-informed critical considerations of New Orleans as a ‘vampire city’, especially as portrayed in The Originals (2013-2017), a contemporary television series where vampires are the main protagonists. In the series, the historical narratives of New Orleans become entangled with – and are, at times, almost inseparable from – the fictional chronicles of the vampire in both aesthetic and conceptual terms.The critical connection between urban narratives and vampires representation, as far as New Orleans is concerned, is profoundly entangled with notions of both tourism and fictionalised popular accounts of folklore (Piatti-Farnell 172). In approaching the conceptual relationship between New Orleans as a cultural and historical entity and the vampire — in its folkloristic and imaginative context — the analysis will take a three-pronged approach: firstly, it will consider the historical narrative of tourism for the city of New Orleans; secondly, the city’s connection to vampires and other Gothicised entities will be considered, both historically and narratively; and finally, the analysis will focus on how the connection between New Orleans and Gothic folklore of the vampire is represented in The Originals, with the issue of cultural authenticity being brought into the foreground. A critical footnote must be given to the understanding of the term ‘New Orleans’ in this article as meaning primarily the French Quarter – or, the Vieux Carre – and its various representations. This geographical focus principally owes its existence to the profound cultural significance that the French Quarter has occupied in the history of New Orleans as a city, and, in particular, in its connection to narratives of magic and Gothic folklore, as well as the broader historical and contemporary tourism structures. A History of TourismSocial historian Kevin Fox Gotham agues that New Orleans as a city has been particularly successful in fabricating a sellable image of itself; tourism, Gotham reminds us, is about “the production of local difference, local cultures, and different local histories that appeal to visitors’ tastes for the exotic and the unique” (“Gentrification” 1100). In these terms, both the history and the socio-cultural ‘feel’ of the city cannot be separated from the visual constructs that accompany it. Over the decades, New Orleans has fabricated a distinct network of representational patterns for the Vieux Carre in particular, where the deployment of specific images, themes and motifs – which are, in truth, only peripherally tied to the city’ actual social and political history, and owe their creation and realisation more to the success of fictional narratives from film and literature – is employed to “stimulate tourist demands to buy and consume” (Gotham, “Gentrification” 1102). This image of the city as hedonistic site is well-acknowledged, has to be understood, at least partially, as a conscious construct aimed at the production an identity for itself, which the city can in turn sell to visitors, both domestically and internationally. New Orleans, Gotham suggests, is a ‘complex and constantly mutating city’, in which “meanings of place and community” are “inexorably intertwined with tourism” (Authentic 5). The view of New Orleans as a site of hedonistic pleasure is something that has been heavily capitalised upon by the tourism industry of the city for decades, if not centuries. A keen look at advertising pamphlets for the city, dating form the late Nineteenth century onwards, provides an overview of thematic selling points, that primarily focus on notions of jazz, endless parties and, in particular, nostalgic and distinctly rose-tinted views of the Old South and its glorious plantations (Thomas 7). The decadent view of New Orleans as a centre of carnal pleasures has often been recalled by scholars and lay observers alike; this vision of he city indeed holds deep historical roots, and is entangled with the city’s own economic structures, as well as its acculturated tourism ones. In the late 19th and early 20th century one of the things that New Orleans was very famous for was actually Storyville, the city’s red-light district, sanctioned in 1897 by municipal ordinance. Storyville quickly became a centralized attraction in the heart of New Orleans, so much so that it began being heavily advertised, especially through the publication of the ‘Blue Book’, a resource created for tourists. The Blue Book contained, in alphabetical order, information on all the prostitutes of Storyville. Storyville remained very popular and the most famous attraction in New Orleans until its demolition in 1919 Anthony Stanonis suggests that, in its ability to promote a sellable image for the city, “Storyville meshed with the intersts of business men in the age before mass tourism” (105).Even after the disappearance of Storyville, New Orleans continued to foster its image a site of hedonism, a narrative aided by a favourable administration, especially in the 1930s and 1940s. The French Quarter, in particular, “became a tawdry mélange of brothers and gambling dens operating with impunity under lax law enforcement” (Souther 16). The image of the city as a site for pleasures of worldly nature continued to be deeply rooted, and even survives in the following decades today, as visible in the numerous exotic dance parlours located on the famous Bourbon Street.Vampire TourismSimultaneously, however, a different kind of narrative also exists in the recent historical folds of the city’s urban mythology, where vampires, magic, and voodoo are an unavoidable presence. Many tales of vampire sightings and supernatural accounts surround the area, and have contributed, over the years, to the establishment and mystification of New Orleans as a ‘vampire city’. Kenneth Holditch contends that ‘”New Orleans is a city in love with its myths, mysteries and fantasies” (quoted in McKinney 8). In the contemporary era, these qualities are profoundly reflected in the city’s urban tourism image, where the vampire narrative is pushed into the foreground. When in the city, one might be lucky enough to take one of the many ‘vampire tours’ — often coupled with narratives of haunted locations — or visit the vampire bookshop, or even take part in the annual vampire ball. Indeed, the presence of vampires in New Orleans’s contemporary tourism narrative is so pervasive that one might be tempted to assume that it has always occupied a prominent place in the city’s cultural fabric. Nonetheless, this perception is not accurate: the historical evidence from tourism pamphlets for the city do not make any mentions of vampire tourism before the 1990s, and even then, the focus on the occult side of new Orleans tended to privilege stories of voodoo and hoodoo — a presence that still survives strongly in the cultural narrative city itself (Murphy 91). While the connection between vampires and New Orleans is a undoubtedly recent one, the development and establishment of New Orleans as vampire city cannot be thought of as a straight line. A number of cultural and historical currents appear to converge in the creation of the city’s vampire mystique. The history and geography of the city here could be an important factor, and a useful starting point; as the site of extreme immigration and ethnic and racial mingling New Orleans holds a reputation for mystery. The city was, of course, the regrettable site of a huge marketplace for the slave trade, so discussions of political economy could also be important here, although I’ll leave them for another time. As a city, New Orleans has often been described – by novelists, poets, and historians alike – as being somewhat ‘peculiar’. Simone de Behaviour was known to have remarked that that the city is surrounded by a “pearl grey” and ‘luminous’ air” (McKinney 1). In similar fashion, Oliver Evans claims the city carries “opalescent hints” (quoted in McKinney 1). New Orleans is famous for having a quite thick mist, the result of a high humidity levels in the air. To an observing eye, New Orleans seems immersed in an almost otherworldly ‘glow’, which bestows upon its limits an ethereal and mysterious quality (Piatti-Farnell 173). While this intention here is not to suggest that New Orleans is the only city to have mist – especially in the Southern States – one might venture to say that this physical phenomenon, joined with other occurrences and legends, has certainly contributed to the city’s Gothicised image. The geography of the city also makes it sadly famous for floods and their subsequent devastation, which over centuries have wrecked parts of the city irrevocably. New Orleans sits at a less than desirable geographical position, is no more than 17 feet above sea level, and much of it is at least five feet below (McKinney 5). In spite of its lamentable fame, hurricane Katrina was not the first devastating geo-meteorological phenomenon to hit and destroy most of New Orleans; one can trace similar hurricane occurrences in 1812 and 1915, which at the time significantly damaged parts of the French Quarter. The geographical position of New Orleans also owes to the city’s well-known history of disease such as the plague and tuberculosis – often associated, in previous centuries, with the miasma proper to reclaimed river lands. In similar terms, one must not forget New Orleans’s history of devastating fires – primarily in the years 1788, 1794, 1816, 1866 and 1919 – which slowly destroyed the main historical parts of the city, particularly in the Vieux Carre, and to some extent opened the way for regeneration and later gentrification as well. As a result of its troubled and destructive history, Louise McKinnon claims that the city ‒ perhaps unlike any others in the United States ‒ hinges on perpetual cycles of destruction and regeneration, continuously showing “the wear and tear of human life” (McKinney 6).It is indeed in this extremely important element that New Orleans finds a conceptual source in its connection to notions of the undead, and the vampire in particular. Historically, one can identify the pervasive use of Gothic terminology to describe New Orleans, even if, the descriptions themselves were more attuned to perceptions of the city’s architecture and metrological conditions, rather than the recollection of any folklore-inspired narratives of unread creatures. Because of its mutating, and often ill-maintained historical architecture – especially in the French Quarter - New Orleans has steadily maintained a reputation as a city of “splendid decay” (McKinney, 6). This highly lyrical and metaphorical approach plays an important part in building the city as a site of mystery and enchantment. Its decaying outlook functions as an unavoidable sign of how New Orleans continues to absorb, and simultaneously repel, as McKinney puts it, “the effects of its own history” (6).Nonetheless, the history of New Orleans as a cultural entity, especially in terms of tourism, has not been tied to vampires for centuries, as many imagine, and the city itself insists in its contemporary tourism narratives. Although a lot of folklore has survived around the city in connection to magic and mysticism, for a number of reasons, vampires have not always been in the foreground of its publicised cultural narratives. Mixed with historical rumours and Gothic folklore, the recent narratives of popular culture lie at the centre of the re-imagination of New Orleans as a vampire spot: most scholars claim that it all started with the publication of Anne Rice’s Interview with the Vampire (1976), but actually evidence shows that the vampire narrative for the city of New Orleans did not fully explode until the release of Neil Jordan’s cinematic adaptation of Interview with the Vampire (1994). This film really put New Orleans at the centre of the vampire narrative, indulging in the use of many iconic locations in the city as tied to vampire, and cementing the idea of New Orleans as a vampiric city (Piatti-Farnell 175). The impact of Rice’s work, and its adaptations, has also been picked up by numerous other examples of popular culture, including Charlaine Harris’s Southern Vampire mystery series, and its well-known television adaptation True Blood. Harris herself states in one of her novels: “New Orleans had been the place to go for vampires and those who wanted to be around them ever since Anne Rice had been proven right about their existence” (2). In spite of the fact that popular culture, rather than actual historical evidence, lies at the heart of the city’s cultural relationship with vampires, this does not detract from the fact that vampires themselves – as fabricated figures lying somewhere between folklore, history, and fiction – represent an influential part of New Orleans’s contemporary tourism narrative, building a bridge between historical storytelling, mythologised identities, and consumerism. The Originals: Vampires in the CityIndeed, the impact of popular culture in establishing and re-establishing the success of the vampire tourism narrative in New Orleans is undeniable. Contemporary examples continue to capitalise on the visual, cultural, and suggestively historical connection between the city’s landmarks and vampire tales, cementing the notion of New Orleans as a solid entity within the Gothic tourism narrative. One such successful example is The Originals. This television show is actually a spin-off of the Vampires Diaries, and begins with three vampires, the Mikaelson siblings (Niklaus, Elijah, and Rebekkah) returning to the city of New Orleans for the first time since 1919, when they were forced to flee by their vengeful father. In their absence, Niklaus's protégé, Marcel, took charge of the city. The storyline of The Originals focuses on battles within the vampire factions to regain control of the city, and eliminate the hold of other mystical creatures such as werewolves and witches (Anyiwo 175). The central narrative here is that the city belongs to the vampire, and there can be no other real Gothic presence in the Quarter. One can only wonder, even at this embryonic level, how this connects functions in a multifaceted way, extending the critique of the vampire’s relationship to New Orleans from the textual dimension of the TV show to the real life cultural narrative of the city itself. A large number of the narrative strands in The Originals are tied to city and its festivals, its celebrations, and its visions of the past, whether historically recorded, or living in the pages of its Gothic folklore. Vampires are actually claimed to have made New Orleans what it is today, and they undoubtedly rule it. As Marcel puts it: “The blood never stops flowing, and the party never ends” (Episode 1, “Always and Forever”). Even the vampiric mantra for New Orleans in The Originals is tied to the city’s existing and long-standing tourism narrative, as “the party never ends” is a reference to one of Bourbon Street’s famous slogans. Indeed, the pictorial influence of the city’s primary landmarks in The Originals is undeniable. In spite of the fact the inside scenes for The Originals were filmed in a studio, the outside shots in the series reveal a strong connections to the city itself, as viewers are left with no doubt as to the show’s setting. New Orleans is continuously mentioned and put on show – and pervasively referred to as “our city”, by the vampires. So much so, that New Orleans becomes the centre of the feud between supernatural forces, as the vampires fight witches and werewolves – among others- to maintain control over the city’s historical heart. The French Quarter, in particular, is given renewed life from the ashes of history into the beating heart of the vampire narrative, so much so that it almost becomes its own character in its own right, instrumental in constructing the vampire mystique. The impact of the vampire on constructing an image for the city of New Orleans is made explicit in The Originals, as the series explicitly shows vampires at the centre of the city’s history. Indeed, the show’s narrative goes as far as justifying the French Quarter’s history and even legends through the vampire metaphor. For instance, the series explains the devastating fire that destroyed the French Opera House in 1919 as the result of a Mikaelson vampire family feud. In similar terms, the vampires of the French Quarter are shown at the heart of the Casquette Girls narrative, a well-known tale from Eighteenth-century colonial New Orleans, where young women were shipped from France to the new Louisiana colony, in order to marry. The young women were said to bring small chests – or casquettes – containing their clothes (Crandle 47). The Originals, however, capitalises on the folkloristic interpretation that perceives the girls’ luggage as coffins potentially containing the undead, a popular version of the tale that can often be heard if taking part in one of the many vampire tours in New Orleans. One can see here how the chronicles of the French Quarter in New Orleans and the presumed narratives of the vampire in the city merge to become one and the same, blurring the lines between history and fiction, and presenting the notion of folklore as a verifiable entity of the everyday (Kirshenblatt-Gimblett 25) It is essential to remember, en passant, that, as far as giving the undead their own historical chronicles in connection to New Orleans, The Originals is not alone in doing this. Other TV series like American Horror Story have provided Gothicised histories for the city, although in this case more connected to witchcraft, hoodoo, and voodoo, rather than vampires.What one can see taking place in The Originals is a form of alternate and revisionist history that is reminiscent of several instances of pulp and science fiction from the early 20th century, where the Gothic element lies at the centre of not only the fictional narrative, but also of the re-conceptualisation of historical time and space, as not absolute entities, but as narratives open to interpretation (Singles 103). The re-interpretation here is of course connected to the cultural anxieties that are intrinsic to the Gothic – of changes, shifts, and unwanted returns - and the vampire as a figure of intersections, signalling the shift between stages of existence. If it is true that, to paraphrase Paul Ricoeur’s famous contention, the past returns to “haunt” us (105), then the history of New Orleans in The Originals is both established and haunted by vampires, a pervasive shadow that provides the city itself with an almost tangible Gothic afterlife. This connection, of course, extends beyond the fictional world of the television series, and finds fertile ground in the cultural narratives that the city constructs for itself. The tourism narrative of New Orleans also lies at the heart of the reconstructive historical imagination, which purposefully re-invents the city as a constructed entity that is, in itself, extremely sellable. The Originals mentions on multiple occasions that certain bars — owned, of course, by vampires — host regular ‘vampire themed events’, to “keep the tourists happy”. The importance of maintaining a steady influx of vampire tourism into the Quarter is made very clear throughout, and the vampires are complicit in fostering it for a number of reasons: not only because it provides them and the city with a constant revenue, but also because it brings a continuous source of fresh blood for the vampires to feed on. As Marcel puts it: “Something's gotta draw in the out-of-towners. Otherwise we'd all go hungry” (Episode 1, “Always and Forever”). New Orleans, it is made clear, is not only portrayed as a vampire hub, but also as a hot spot for vampire tourism; as part of the tourism narratives, the vampires themselves — who commonly feign humanity — actually further ‘pretend’ to be vampires for the tourists, who expect to find vampires in the city. It is made clear in The Originals that vampires often put on a show – and bear in mind, these are vampires who pretend to be human, who pretend to be vampires for the tourists. They channel stereotypes that belong in Gothic novels and films, and that are, as far as the ‘real’ vampires of the series, are concerned, mostly fictional. The vampires that are presented to the tourists in The Originals are, inevitably, inauthentic, for the real vampires themselves purposefully portray the vision of vampires put forward by popular culture, together with its own motifs and stereotypes. The vampires happily perform their popular culture role, in order to meet the expectations of the tourist. This interaction — which sociologist Dean MacCannell would refer to, when discussing the dynamics of tourism, as “staged authenticity” (591) — is the basis of the appeal, and what continues to bring tourists back, generating profits for vampires and humans alike. Nina Auerbach has persuasively argued that the vampire is often eroticised through its connections to the “self-obsessed’ glamour of consumerism that ‘subordinates history to seductive object” (57).With the issue of authenticity brought into sharp relief, The Originals also foregrounds questions of authenticity in relation to New Orleans’s own vampire tourism narrative, which ostensibly bases into historical narratives of magic, horror, and folklore, and constructs a fictionalised urban tale, suitable to the tourism trade. The vampires of the French Quarter in The Originals act as the embodiment of the constructed image of New Orleans as the epitome of a vampire tourist destination. ConclusionThere is a clear suggestion in The Originals that vampires have evolved from simple creatures of old folklore, to ‘products’ that can be sold to expectant tourists. This evolution, as far as popular culture is concerned, is also inevitably tied to the conceptualisation of certain locations as ‘vampiric’, a notion that, in the contemporary era, hinges on intersecting narratives of culture, history, and identity. Within this, New Orleans has successfully constructed an image for itself as a vampire city, exploiting, in a number ways, the popular and purposefully historicised connection to the undead. In both tourism narratives and popular culture, of which The Originals is an ideal example, New Orleans’s urban image — often sited in constructions and re-constructions, re-birth and decay — is presented as a result of the vampire’s own existence, and thrives in the Gothicised afterlife of imagery, symbolism, and cultural persuasion. In these terms, the ‘inauthentic’ vampires of The Originals are an ideal allegory that provides a channelling ground for the issues surrounding the ‘inauthentic’ state of New Orleans a sellable tourism entity. As both hinge on images of popular representation and desirable symbols, the historical narratives of New Orleans become entangled with — and are, at times, almost inseparable from — the fictional chronicles of the vampire in both aesthetic and conceptual terms. ReferencesAnyiwo, U. Melissa. “The Female Vampire in Popular Culture.” Gender in the Vampire Narrative. Eds. Amanda Hobson and U. Melissa Anyiwo. Rotterdam: Sense Publishers, 2016. 173-192. Auerbach, Nina. Our Vampires, Ourselves. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995.Crandle, Marita Woywod. New Orleans Vampires: History and Legend. Stroud: The History Press, 2017.Gotham, Kevin Fox. Authentic New Orleans: Tourism, Culture, and Race in the Big Easy. New York: New York University Press, 2007.———. “Tourism Gentrification: The Case of New Orleans’ Vieux Carre’.” Urban Studies 42.7 (2005): 1099-1121. Harris, Charlaine. All Together Dead. London: Gollancz, 2008.Interview with the Vampire. Dir. Neil Jordan. Geffen Pictures, 1994. Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, Barbara. “Mistaken Dichotomies.” Public Folklore. Eds. Robert Baron and Nick Spitzer. Oxford: University of Missisippi Press, 2007. 28-48.Marina, Peter J. Down and Out in New Orleans: Trangressive Living in the Informal Economy. New York: Columia University Press, 2017. McKinney, Louise. New Orleans: A Cultural History. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006.Murphy, Michael. Fear Dat New Orleans: A Guide to the Voodoo, Vampires, Graveyards & Ghosts of the Crescent City. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2015.Piatti-Farnell, Lorna. The Vampire in Contemporary Popular Literature. London: Routledge, 2014. Ricoeur, Paul. Memory, History, Forgetting. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004. Singles, Kathleen. Alternate History: Playing with Contingency and Necessity. Boston: de Gruyter, 2013.Souther, Mark. New Orleans on Parade: Tourism and the Transformation of the Crescent City. Baton Rouge: University of Louisiana Press, 2006. Stanonis, Anthony J. Creating the Big Easy: New Orleans and the Emergence of Modern Tourism, 1918-1945. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2006.The Originals. Seasons 1-4. CBS/Warner Bros Television. 2013-2017.Thomas, Lynell. Desire and Disaster in New Orleans: Tourism, Race, and Historical Memory. Durham: Duke University Press, 2014.

Introduction: Our current obsession with the lives of others “Biography—that is to say, our creative and non-fictional output devoted to recording and interpreting real lives—has enjoyed an extraordinary renaissance in recent years,” writes Nigel Hamilton in Biography: A Brief History (1). Ian Donaldson agrees that biography is back in fashion: “Once neglected within the academy and relegated to the dustier recesses of public bookstores, biography has made a notable return over recent years, emerging, somewhat surprisingly, as a new cultural phenomenon, and a new academic adventure” (23). For over a decade now, commentators having been making similar observations about our obsession with the intimacies of individual people’s lives. In a lecture in 1994, Justin Kaplan asserted the West was “a culture of biography” (qtd. in Salwak 1) and more recent research findings by John Feather and Hazel Woodbridge affirm that “the undiminished human curiosity about other peoples lives is clearly reflected in the popularity of autobiographies and biographies” (218). At least in relation to television, this assertion seems valid. In Australia, as in the USA and the UK, reality and other biographically based television shows have taken over from drama in both the numbers of shows produced and the viewers these shows attract, and these forms are also popular in Canada (see, for instance, Morreale on The Osbournes). In 2007, the program Biography celebrated its twentieth anniversary season to become one of the longest running documentary series on American television; so successful that in 1999 it was spun off into its own eponymous channel (Rak; Dempsey). Premiered in May 1996, Australian Story—which aims to utilise a “personal approach” to biographical storytelling—has won a significant viewership, critical acclaim and professional recognition (ABC). It can also be posited that the real home movies viewers submit to such programs as Australia’s Favourite Home Videos, and “chat” or “confessional” television are further reflections of a general mania for biographical detail (see Douglas), no matter how fragmented, sensationalized, or even inane and cruel. A recent example of the latter, the USA-produced The Moment of Truth, has contestants answering personal questions under polygraph examination and then again in front of an audience including close relatives and friends—the more “truthful” their answers (and often, the more humiliated and/or distressed contestants are willing to be), the more money they can win. Away from television, but offering further evidence of this interest are the growing readerships for personally oriented weblogs and networking sites such as MySpace and Facebook (Grossman), individual profiles and interviews in periodical publications, and the recently widely revived newspaper obituary column (Starck). Adult and community education organisations run short courses on researching and writing auto/biographical forms and, across Western countries, the family history/genealogy sections of many local, state, and national libraries have been upgraded to meet the increasing demand for these services. Academically, journals and e-mail discussion lists have been established on the topics of biography and autobiography, and North American, British, and Australian universities offer undergraduate and postgraduate courses in life writing. The commonly aired wisdom is that published life writing in its many text-based forms (biography, autobiography, memoir, diaries, and collections of personal letters) is enjoying unprecedented popularity. It is our purpose to examine this proposition. Methodological problems There are a number of problems involved in investigating genre popularity, growth, and decline in publishing. Firstly, it is not easy to gain access to detailed statistics, which are usually only available within the industry. Secondly, it is difficult to ascertain how publishing statistics are gathered and what they report (Eliot). There is the question of whether bestselling booklists reflect actual book sales or are manipulated marketing tools (Miller), although the move from surveys of booksellers to electronic reporting at point of sale in new publishing lists such as BookScan will hopefully obviate this problem. Thirdly, some publishing lists categorise by subject and form, some by subject only, and some do not categorise at all. This means that in any analysis of these statistics, a decision has to be made whether to use the publishing list’s system or impose a different mode. If the publishing list is taken at face value, the question arises of whether to use categorisation by form or by subject. Fourthly, there is the bedeviling issue of terminology. Traditionally, there reigned a simple dualism in the terminology applied to forms of telling the true story of an actual life: biography and autobiography. Publishing lists that categorise their books, such as BookScan, have retained it. But with postmodern recognition of the presence of the biographer in a biography and of the presence of other subjects in an autobiography, the dichotomy proves false. There is the further problem of how to categorise memoirs, diaries, and letters. In the academic arena, the term “life writing” has emerged to describe the field as a whole. Within the genre of life writing, there are, however, still recognised sub-genres. Academic definitions vary, but generally a biography is understood to be a scholarly study of a subject who is not the writer; an autobiography is the story of a entire life written by its subject; while a memoir is a segment or particular focus of that life told, again, by its own subject. These terms are, however, often used interchangeably even by significant institutions such the USA Library of Congress, which utilises the term “biography” for all. Different commentators also use differing definitions. Hamilton uses the term “biography” to include all forms of life writing. Donaldson discusses how the term has been co-opted to include biographies of place such as Peter Ackroyd’s London: The Biography (2000) and of things such as Lizzie Collingham’s Curry: A Biography (2005). This reflects, of course, a writing/publishing world in which non-fiction stories of places, creatures, and even foodstuffs are called biographies, presumably in the belief that this will make them more saleable. The situation is further complicated by the emergence of hybrid publishing forms such as, for instance, the “memoir-with-recipes” or “food memoir” (Brien, Rutherford and Williamson). Are such books to be classified as autobiography or put in the “cookery/food & drink” category? We mention in passing the further confusion caused by novels with a subtitle of The Biography such as Virginia Woolf’s Orlando. The fifth methodological problem that needs to be mentioned is the increasing globalisation of the publishing industry, which raises questions about the validity of the majority of studies available (including those cited herein) which are nationally based. Whether book sales reflect what is actually read (and by whom), raises of course another set of questions altogether. Methodology In our exploration, we were fundamentally concerned with two questions. Is life writing as popular as claimed? And, if it is, is this a new phenomenon? To answer these questions, we examined a range of available sources. We began with the non-fiction bestseller lists in Publishers Weekly (a respected American trade magazine aimed at publishers, librarians, booksellers, and literary agents that claims to be international in scope) from their inception in 1912 to the present time. We hoped that this data could provide a longitudinal perspective. The term bestseller was coined by Publishers Weekly when it began publishing its lists in 1912; although the first list of popular American books actually appeared in The Bookman (New York) in 1895, based itself on lists appearing in London’s The Bookman since 1891 (Bassett and Walter 206). The Publishers Weekly lists are the best source of longitudinal information as the currently widely cited New York Times listings did not appear till 1942, with the Wall Street Journal a late entry into the field in 1994. We then examined a number of sources of more recent statistics. We looked at the bestseller lists from the USA-based Amazon.com online bookseller; recent research on bestsellers in Britain; and lists from Nielsen BookScan Australia, which claims to tally some 85% or more of books sold in Australia, wherever they are published. In addition to the reservations expressed above, caveats must be aired in relation to these sources. While Publishers Weekly claims to be an international publication, it largely reflects the North American publishing scene and especially that of the USA. Although available internationally, Amazon.com also has its own national sites—such as Amazon.co.uk—not considered here. It also caters to a “specific computer-literate, credit-able clientele” (Gutjahr: 219) and has an unashamedly commercial focus, within which all the information generated must be considered. In our analysis of the material studied, we will use “life writing” as a genre term. When it comes to analysis of the lists, we have broken down the genre of life writing into biography and autobiography, incorporating memoir, letters, and diaries under autobiography. This is consistent with the use of the terminology in BookScan. Although we have broken down the genre in this way, it is the overall picture with regard to life writing that is our concern. It is beyond the scope of this paper to offer a detailed analysis of whether, within life writing, further distinctions should be drawn. Publishers Weekly: 1912 to 2006 1912 saw the first list of the 10 bestselling non-fiction titles in Publishers Weekly. It featured two life writing texts, being headed by an autobiography, The Promised Land by Russian Jewish immigrant Mary Antin, and concluding with Albert Bigelow Paine’s six-volume biography, Mark Twain. The Publishers Weekly lists do not categorise non-fiction titles by either form or subject, so the classifications below are our own with memoir classified as autobiography. In a decade-by-decade tally of these listings, there were 3 biographies and 20 autobiographies in the lists between 1912 and 1919; 24 biographies and 21 autobiographies in the 1920s; 13 biographies and 40 autobiographies in the 1930s; 8 biographies and 46 biographies in the 1940s; 4 biographies and 14 autobiographies in the 1950s; 11 biographies and 13 autobiographies in the 1960s; 6 biographies and 11 autobiographies in the 1970s; 3 biographies and 19 autobiographies in the 1980s; 5 biographies and 17 autobiographies in the 1990s; and 2 biographies and 7 autobiographies from 2000 up until the end of 2006. See Appendix 1 for the relevant titles and authors. Breaking down the most recent figures for 1990–2006, we find a not radically different range of figures and trends across years in the contemporary environment. The validity of looking only at the top ten books sold in any year is, of course, questionable, as are all the issues regarding sources discussed above. But one thing is certain in terms of our inquiry. There is no upwards curve obvious here. If anything, the decade break-down suggests that sales are trending downwards. This is in keeping with the findings of Michael Korda, in his history of twentieth-century bestsellers. He suggests a consistent longitudinal picture across all genres: In every decade, from 1900 to the end of the twentieth century, people have been reliably attracted to the same kind of books […] Certain kinds of popular fiction always do well, as do diet books […] self-help books, celebrity memoirs, sensationalist scientific or religious speculation, stories about pets, medical advice (particularly on the subjects of sex, longevity, and child rearing), folksy wisdom and/or humour, and the American Civil War (xvii). Amazon.com since 2000 The USA-based Amazon.com online bookselling site provides listings of its own top 50 bestsellers since 2000, although only the top 14 bestsellers are recorded for 2001. As fiction and non-fiction are not separated out on these lists and no genre categories are specified, we have again made our own decisions about what books fall into the category of life writing. Generally, we erred on the side of inclusion. (See Appendix 2.) However, when it came to books dealing with political events, we excluded books dealing with specific aspects of political practice/policy. This meant excluding books on, for instance, George Bush’s so-called ‘war on terror,’ of which there were a number of bestsellers listed. In summary, these listings reveal that of the top 364 books sold by Amazon from 2000 to 2007, 46 (or some 12.6%) were, according to our judgment, either biographical or autobiographical texts. This is not far from the 10% of the 1912 Publishers Weekly listing, although, as above, the proportion of bestsellers that can be classified as life writing varied dramatically from year to year, with no discernible pattern of peaks and troughs. This proportion tallied to 4% auto/biographies in 2000, 14% in 2001, 10% in 2002, 18% in 2003 and 2004, 4% in 2005, 14% in 2006 and 20% in 2007. This could suggest a rising trend, although it does not offer any consistent trend data to suggest sales figures may either continue to grow, or fall again, in 2008 or afterwards. Looking at the particular texts in these lists (see Appendix 2) also suggests that there is no general trend in the popularity of life writing in relation to other genres. For instance, in these listings in Amazon.com, life writing texts only rarely figure in the top 10 books sold in any year. So rarely indeed, that from 2001 there were only five in this category. In 2001, John Adams by David McCullough was the best selling book of the year; in 2003, Hillary Clinton’s autobiographical Living History was 7th; in 2004, My Life by Bill Clinton reached number 1; in 2006, Nora Ephron’s I Feel Bad About My Neck: and Other Thoughts on Being a Woman was 9th; and in 2007, Ishmael Beah’s discredited A Long Way Gone: Memoirs of a Boy Soldier came in at 8th. Apart from McCulloch’s biography of Adams, all the above are autobiographical texts, while the focus on leading political figures is notable. Britain: Feather and Woodbridge With regard to the British situation, we did not have actual lists and relied on recent analysis. John Feather and Hazel Woodbridge find considerably higher levels for life writing in Britain than above with, from 1998 to 2005, 28% of British published non-fiction comprising autobiography, while 8% of hardback and 5% of paperback non-fiction was biography (2007). Furthermore, although Feather and Woodbridge agree with commentators that life writing is currently popular, they do not agree that this is a growth state, finding the popularity of life writing “essentially unchanged” since their previous study, which covered 1979 to the early 1990s (Feather and Reid). Australia: Nielsen BookScan 2006 and 2007 In the Australian publishing industry, where producing books remains an ‘expensive, risky endeavour which is increasingly market driven’ (Galligan 36) and ‘an inherently complex activity’ (Carter and Galligan 4), the most recent Australian Bureau of Statistics figures reveal that the total numbers of books sold in Australia has remained relatively static over the past decade (130.6 million in the financial year 1995–96 and 128.8 million in 2003–04) (ABS). During this time, however, sales volumes of non-fiction publications have grown markedly, with a trend towards “non-fiction, mass market and predictable” books (Corporall 41) resulting in general non-fiction sales in 2003–2004 outselling general fiction by factors as high as ten depending on the format—hard- or paperback, and trade or mass market paperback (ABS 2005). However, while non-fiction has increased in popularity in Australia, the same does not seem to hold true for life writing. Here, in utilising data for the top 5,000 selling non-fiction books in both 2006 and 2007, we are relying on Nielsen BookScan’s categorisation of texts as either biography or autobiography. In 2006, no works of life writing made the top 10 books sold in Australia. In looking at the top 100 books sold for 2006, in some cases the subjects of these works vary markedly from those extracted from the Amazon.com listings. In Australia in 2006, life writing makes its first appearance at number 14 with convicted drug smuggler Schapelle Corby’s My Story. This is followed by another My Story at 25, this time by retired Australian army chief, Peter Cosgrove. Jonestown: The Power and Myth of Alan Jones comes in at 34 for the Australian broadcaster’s biographer Chris Masters; the biography, The Innocent Man by John Grisham at 38 and Li Cunxin’s autobiographical Mao’s Last Dancer at 45. Australian Susan Duncan’s memoir of coping with personal loss, Salvation Creek: An Unexpected Life makes 50; bestselling USA travel writer Bill Bryson’s autobiographical memoir of his childhood The Life and Times of the Thunderbolt Kid 69; Mandela: The Authorised Portrait by Rosalind Coward, 79; and Joanne Lees’s memoir of dealing with her kidnapping, the murder of her partner and the justice system in Australia’s Northern Territory, No Turning Back, 89. These books reveal a market preference for autobiographical writing, and an almost even split between Australian and overseas subjects in 2006. 2007 similarly saw no life writing in the top 10. The books in the top 100 sales reveal a downward trend, with fewer titles making this band overall. In 2007, Terri Irwin’s memoir of life with her famous husband, wildlife warrior Steve Irwin, My Steve, came in at number 26; musician Andrew Johns’s memoir of mental illness, The Two of Me, at 37; Ayaan Hirst Ali’s autobiography Infidel at 39; John Grogan’s biography/memoir, Marley and Me: Life and Love with the World’s Worst Dog, at 42; Sally Collings’s biography of the inspirational young survivor Sophie Delezio, Sophie’s Journey, at 51; and Elizabeth Gilbert’s hybrid food, self-help and travel memoir, Eat, Pray, Love: One Woman’s Search for Everything at 82. Mao’s Last Dancer, published the year before, remained in the top 100 in 2007 at 87. When moving to a consideration of the top 5,000 books sold in Australia in 2006, BookScan reveals only 62 books categorised as life writing in the top 1,000, and only 222 in the top 5,000 (with 34 titles between 1,000 and 1,999, 45 between 2,000 and 2,999, 48 between 3,000 and 3,999, and 33 between 4,000 and 5,000). 2007 shows a similar total of 235 life writing texts in the top 5,000 bestselling books (75 titles in the first 1,000, 27 between 1,000 and 1,999, 51 between 2,000 and 2,999, 39 between 3,000 and 3,999, and 43 between 4,000 and 5,000). In both years, 2006 and 2007, life writing thus not only constituted only some 4% of the bestselling 5,000 titles in Australia, it also showed only minimal change between these years and, therefore, no significant growth. Conclusions Our investigation using various instruments that claim to reflect levels of book sales reveals that Western readers’ willingness to purchase published life writing has not changed significantly over the past century. We find no evidence of either a short, or longer, term growth or boom in sales in such books. Instead, it appears that what has been widely heralded as a new golden age of life writing may well be more the result of an expanded understanding of what is included in the genre than an increased interest in it by either book readers or publishers. What recent years do appear to have seen, however, is a significantly increased interest by public commentators, critics, and academics in this genre of writing. We have also discovered that the issue of our current obsession with the lives of others tends to be discussed in academic as well as popular fora as if what applies to one sub-genre or production form applies to another: if biography is popular, then autobiography will also be, and vice versa. If reality television programming is attracting viewers, then readers will be flocking to life writing as well. Our investigation reveals that such propositions are questionable, and that there is significant research to be completed in mapping such audiences against each other. This work has also highlighted the difficulty of separating out the categories of written texts in publishing studies, firstly in terms of determining what falls within the category of life writing as distinct from other forms of non-fiction (the hybrid problem) and, secondly, in terms of separating out the categories within life writing. Although we have continued to use the terms biography and autobiography as sub-genres, we are aware that they are less useful as descriptors than they are often assumed to be. In order to obtain a more complete and accurate picture, publishing categories may need to be agreed upon, redefined and utilised across the publishing industry and within academia. This is of particular importance in the light of the suggestions (from total sales volumes) that the audiences for books are limited, and therefore the rise of one sub-genre may be directly responsible for the fall of another. Bair argues, for example, that in the 1980s and 1990s, the popularity of what she categorises as memoir had direct repercussions on the numbers of birth-to-death biographies that were commissioned, contracted, and published as “sales and marketing staffs conclude[d] that readers don’t want a full-scale life any more” (17). Finally, although we have highlighted the difficulty of using publishing statistics when there is no common understanding as to what such data is reporting, we hope this study shows that the utilisation of such material does add a depth to such enquiries, especially in interrogating the anecdotal evidence that is often quoted as data in publishing and other studies. Appendix 1 Publishers Weekly listings 1990–1999 1990 included two autobiographies, Bo Knows Bo by professional athlete Bo Jackson (with Dick Schaap) and Ronald Reagan’s An America Life: An Autobiography. In 1991, there were further examples of life writing with unimaginative titles, Me: Stories of My Life by Katherine Hepburn, Nancy Reagan: The Unauthorized Biography by Kitty Kelley, and Under Fire: An American Story by Oliver North with William Novak; as indeed there were again in 1992 with It Doesn’t Take a Hero: The Autobiography of Norman Schwarzkopf, Sam Walton: Made in America, the autobiography of the founder of Wal-Mart, Diana: Her True Story by Andrew Morton, Every Living Thing, yet another veterinary outpouring from James Herriot, and Truman by David McCullough. In 1993, radio shock-jock Howard Stern was successful with the autobiographical Private Parts, as was Betty Eadie with her detailed recounting of her alleged near-death experience, Embraced by the Light. Eadie’s book remained on the list in 1994 next to Don’t Stand too Close to a Naked Man, comedian Tim Allen’s autobiography. Flag-waving titles continue in 1995 with Colin Powell’s My American Journey, and Miss America, Howard Stern’s follow-up to Private Parts. 1996 saw two autobiographical works, basketball superstar Dennis Rodman’s Bad as I Wanna Be and figure-skater, Ekaterina Gordeeva’s (with EM Swift) My Sergei: A Love Story. In 1997, Diana: Her True Story returns to the top 10, joining Frank McCourt’s Angela’s Ashes and prolific biographer Kitty Kelly’s The Royals, while in 1998, there is only the part-autobiography, part travel-writing A Pirate Looks at Fifty, by musician Jimmy Buffet. There is no biography or autobiography included in either the 1999 or 2000 top 10 lists in Publishers Weekly, nor in that for 2005. In 2001, David McCullough’s biography John Adams and Jack Welch’s business memoir Jack: Straight from the Gut featured. In 2002, Let’s Roll! Lisa Beamer’s tribute to her husband, one of the heroes of 9/11, written with Ken Abraham, joined Rudolph Giuliani’s autobiography, Leadership. 2003 saw Hillary Clinton’s autobiography Living History and Paul Burrell’s memoir of his time as Princess Diana’s butler, A Royal Duty, on the list. In 2004, it was Bill Clinton’s turn with My Life. In 2006, we find John Grisham’s true crime (arguably a biography), The Innocent Man, at the top, Grogan’s Marley and Me at number three, and the autobiographical The Audacity of Hope by Barack Obama in fourth place. Appendix 2 Amazon.com listings since 2000 In 2000, there were only two auto/biographies in the top Amazon 50 bestsellers with Lance Armstrong’s It’s Not about the Bike: My Journey Back to Life about his battle with cancer at 20, and Dave Eggers’s self-consciously fictionalised memoir, A Heartbreaking Work of Staggering Genius at 32. In 2001, only the top 14 bestsellers were recorded. At number 1 is John Adams by David McCullough and, at 11, Jack: Straight from the Gut by USA golfer Jack Welch. In 2002, Leadership by Rudolph Giuliani was at 12; Master of the Senate: The Years of Lyndon Johnson by Robert Caro at 29; Portrait of a Killer: Jack the Ripper by Patricia Cornwell at 42; Blinded by the Right: The Conscience of an Ex-Conservative by David Brock at 48; and Louis Gerstner’s autobiographical Who Says Elephants Can’t Dance: Inside IBM’s Historic Turnaround at 50. In 2003, Living History by Hillary Clinton was 7th; Benjamin Franklin: An American Life by Walter Isaacson 14th; Dereliction of Duty: The Eyewitness Account of How President Bill Clinton Endangered America’s Long-Term National Security by Robert Patterson 20th; Under the Banner of Heaven: A Story of Violent Faith by Jon Krakauer 32nd; Leap of Faith: Memoirs of an Unexpected Life by Queen Noor of Jordan 33rd; Kate Remembered, Scott Berg’s biography of Katharine Hepburn, 37th; Who’s your Caddy?: Looping for the Great, Near Great and Reprobates of Golf by Rick Reilly 39th; The Teammates: A Portrait of a Friendship about a winning baseball team by David Halberstam 42nd; and Every Second Counts by Lance Armstrong 49th. In 2004, My Life by Bill Clinton was the best selling book of the year; American Soldier by General Tommy Franks was 16th; Kevin Phillips’s American Dynasty: Aristocracy, Fortune and the Politics of Deceit in the House of Bush 18th; Timothy Russert’s Big Russ and Me: Father and Son. Lessons of Life 20th; Tony Hendra’s Father Joe: The Man who Saved my Soul 23rd; Ron Chernow’s Alexander Hamilton 27th; Cokie Roberts’s Founding Mothers: The Women Who Raised our Nation 31st; Kitty Kelley’s The Family: The Real Story of the Bush Dynasty 42nd; and Chronicles, Volume 1 by Bob Dylan was 43rd. In 2005, auto/biographical texts were well down the list with only The Year of Magical Thinking by Joan Didion at 45 and The Glass Castle: A Memoir by Jeanette Walls at 49. In 2006, there was a resurgence of life writing with Nora Ephron’s I Feel Bad About My Neck: and Other Thoughts on Being a Woman at 9; Grisham’s The Innocent Man at 12; Bill Buford’s food memoir Heat: an Amateur’s Adventures as Kitchen Slave, Line Cook, Pasta-Maker, and Apprentice to a Dante-Quoting Butcher in Tuscany at 23; more food writing with Julia Child’s My Life in France at 29; Immaculée Ilibagiza’s Left to Tell: Discovering God amidst the Rwandan Holocaust at 30; CNN anchor Anderson Cooper’s Dispatches from the Edge: A Memoir of War, Disasters and Survival at 43; and Isabella Hatkoff’s Owen & Mzee: The True Story of a Remarkable Friendship (between a baby hippo and a giant tortoise) at 44. In 2007, Ishmael Beah’s discredited A Long Way Gone: Memoirs of a Boy Soldier came in at 8; Walter Isaacson’s Einstein: His Life and Universe 13; Ayaan Hirst Ali’s autobiography of her life in Muslim society, Infidel, 18; The Reagan Diaries 25; Jesus of Nazareth by Pope Benedict XVI 29; Mother Teresa: Come be my Light 36; Clapton: The Autobiography 40; Tina Brown’s The Diana Chronicles 45; Tony Dungy’s Quiet Strength: The Principles, Practices & Priorities of a Winning Life 47; and Daniel Tammet’s Born on a Blue Day: Inside the Extraordinary Mind of an Autistic Savant at 49. Acknowledgements A sincere thank you to Michael Webster at RMIT for assistance with access to Nielsen BookScan statistics, and to the reviewers of this article for their insightful comments. Any errors are, of course, our own. References Australian Broadcasting Commission (ABC). “About Us.” Australian Story 2008. 1 June 2008. ‹http://www.abc.net.au/austory/aboutus.htm>. Australian Bureau of Statistics. “1363.0 Book Publishers, Australia, 2003–04.” 2005. 1 June 2008 ‹http://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/abs@.nsf/mf/1363.0>. Bair, Deirdre “Too Much S & M.” Sydney Morning Herald 10–11 Sept. 2005: 17. Basset, Troy J., and Christina M. Walter. “Booksellers and Bestsellers: British Book Sales as Documented by The Bookman, 1891–1906.” Book History 4 (2001): 205–36. Brien, Donna Lee, Leonie Rutherford, and Rosemary Williamson. “Hearth and Hotmail: The Domestic Sphere as Commodity and Community in Cyberspace.” M/C Journal 10.4 (2007). 1 June 2008 ‹http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/10-brien.php>. Carter, David, and Anne Galligan. “Introduction.” Making Books: Contemporary Australian Publishing. St Lucia: U of Queensland P, 2007. 1–14. Corporall, Glenda. Project Octopus: Report Commissioned by the Australian Society of Authors. Sydney: Australian Society of Authors, 1990. Dempsey, John “Biography Rewrite: A&E’s Signature Series Heads to Sib Net.” Variety 4 Jun. 2006. 1 June 2008 ‹http://www.variety.com/article/VR1117944601.html?categoryid=1238&cs=1>. Donaldson, Ian. “Matters of Life and Death: The Return of Biography.” Australian Book Review 286 (Nov. 2006): 23–29. Douglas, Kate. “‘Blurbing’ Biographical: Authorship and Autobiography.” Biography 24.4 (2001): 806–26. Eliot, Simon. “Very Necessary but not Sufficient: A Personal View of Quantitative Analysis in Book History.” Book History 5 (2002): 283–93. Feather, John, and Hazel Woodbridge. “Bestsellers in the British Book Industry.” Publishing Research Quarterly 23.3 (Sept. 2007): 210–23. Feather, JP, and M Reid. “Bestsellers and the British Book Industry.” Publishing Research Quarterly 11.1 (1995): 57–72. Galligan, Anne. “Living in the Marketplace: Publishing in the 1990s.” Publishing Studies 7 (1999): 36–44. Grossman, Lev. “Time’s Person of the Year: You.” Time 13 Dec. 2006. Online edition. 1 June 2008 ‹http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0%2C9171%2C1569514%2C00.html>. Gutjahr, Paul C. “No Longer Left Behind: Amazon.com, Reader Response, and the Changing Fortunes of the Christian Novel in America.” Book History 5 (2002): 209–36. Hamilton, Nigel. Biography: A Brief History. Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 2007. Kaplan, Justin. “A Culture of Biography.” The Literary Biography: Problems and Solutions. Ed. Dale Salwak. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996. 1–11. Korda, Michael. Making the List: A Cultural History of the American Bestseller 1900–1999. New York: Barnes & Noble, 2001. Miller, Laura J. “The Bestseller List as Marketing Tool and Historical Fiction.” Book History 3 (2000): 286–304. Morreale, Joanne. “Revisiting The Osbournes: The Hybrid Reality-Sitcom.” Journal of Film and Video 55.1 (Spring 2003): 3–15. Rak, Julie. “Bio-Power: CBC Television’s Life & Times and A&E Network’s Biography on A&E.” LifeWriting 1.2 (2005): 1–18. Starck, Nigel. “Capturing Life—Not Death: A Case For Burying The Posthumous Parallax.” Text: The Journal of the Australian Association of Writing Programs 5.2 (2001). 1 June 2008 ‹http://www.textjournal.com.au/oct01/starck.htm>.

This article explores resilience as it is experienced by refugees in the context of a relational community, visiting the notions of trauma, a thicker description of resilience and the trajectory toward positive growth through community. It calls for going beyond a Western biomedical therapeutic approach of exploration and adopting more of an emic perspective incorporating the worldview of the refugees. The challenge is for service providers working with refugees (who have experienced trauma) to move forward from a ‘harm minimisation’ model of care to recognition of a facilitative, productive community of people who are in a transitional phase between homelands. Contextualising Trauma Prior to the 1980s, the term ‘trauma’ was not widely used in literature on refugees and refugee mental health, hardly existing as a topic of inquiry until the mid-1980’s (Summerfield 422). It first gained prominence in relation to soldiers who had returned from Vietnam and in need of medical attention after being traumatised by war. The term then expanded to include victims of wars and those who had witnessed traumatic events. Seahorn and Seahorn outline that severe trauma “paralyses you with numbness and uses denial, avoidance, isolation as coping mechanisms so you don’t have to deal with your memories”, impacting a person‘s ability to risk being connected to others, detaching and withdrawing; resulting in extreme loneliness, emptiness, sadness, anxiety and depression (6). During the Civil War in the USA the impact of trauma was referred to as Irritable Heart and then World War I and II referred to it as Shell Shock, Neurosis, Combat Fatigue, or Combat Exhaustion (Seahorn & Seahorn 66, 67). During the twenty-five years following the Vietnam War, the medicalisation of trauma intensified and Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) became recognised as a medical-psychiatric disorder in 1980 in the American Psychiatric Association international diagnostic tool Diagnostic Statistical Manual (DSM–III). An expanded description and diagnosis of PTSD appears in the DSM-IV, influenced by the writings of Harvard psychologist and scholar, Judith Herman (Scheper-Hughes 38) The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM-IV) of Mental Disorders (American Psychiatric Association, 2000) outlines that experiencing the threat of death, injury to oneself or another or finding out about an unexpected or violent death, serious harm, or threat of the same kind to a family member or close person are considered traumatic events (Chung 11); including domestic violence, incest and rape (Scheper-Hughes 38). Another significant development in the medicalisation of trauma occurred in 1998 when the Victorian Foundation for Survivors of Torture (VFST) released an influential report titled ‘Rebuilding Shattered Lives’. This then gave clinical practice a clearer direction in helping people who had experienced war, trauma and forced migration by providing a framework for therapeutic work. The emphasis became strongly linked to personal recovery of individuals suffering trauma, using case management as the preferred intervention strategy. A whole industry soon developed around medical intervention treating people suffering from trauma related problems (Eyber). Though there was increased recognition for the medicalised discourse of trauma and post-traumatic stress, there was critique of an over-reliance of psychiatric models of trauma (Bracken, et al. 15, Summerfield 421, 423). There was also expressed concern that an overemphasis on individual recovery overlooked the socio-political aspects that amplify trauma (Bracken et al. 8). The DSM-IV criteria for PTSD model began to be questioned regarding the category of symptoms being culturally defined from a Western perspective. Weiss et al. assert that large numbers of traumatized people also did not meet the DSM-III-R criteria for PTSD (366). To categorize refugees’ experiences into recognizable, generalisable psychological conditions overlooked a more localized culturally specific understanding of trauma. The meanings given to collective experience and the healing strategies vary across different socio-cultural groupings (Eyber). For example, some people interpret suffering as a normal part of life in bringing them closer to God and in helping gain a better understanding of the level of trauma in the lives of others. Scheper-Hughes raise concern that the PTSD model is “based on a conception of human nature and human life as fundamentally vulnerable, frail, and humans as endowed with few and faulty defence mechanisms”, and underestimates the human capacity to not only survive but to thrive during and following adversity (37, 42). As a helping modality, biomedical intervention may have limitations through its lack of focus regarding people’s agency, coping strategies and local cultural understandings of distress (Eyber). The benefits of a Western therapeutic model might be minimal when some may have their own culturally relevant coping strategies that may vary to Western models. Bracken et al. document case studies where the burial rituals in Mozambique, obligations to the dead in Cambodia, shared solidarity in prison and the mending of relationships after rape in Uganda all contributed to the healing process of distress (8). Orosa et al. (1) asserts that belief systems have contributed in helping refugees deal with trauma; Brune et al. (1) points to belief systems being a protective factor against post-traumatic disorders; and Peres et al. highlight that a religious worldview gives hope, purpose and meaning within suffering. Adopting a Thicker Description of Resilience Service providers working with refugees often talk of refugees as ‘vulnerable’ or ‘at risk’ populations and strive for ‘harm minimisation’ among the population within their care. This follows a critical psychological tradition, what (Ungar, Constructionist) refers to as a positivist mode of inquiry that emphasises the predictable relationship between risk and protective factors (risk and coping strategies) being based on a ‘deficient’ outlook rather than a ‘future potential’ viewpoint and lacking reference to notions of resilience or self-empowerment (342). At-risk discourses tend to focus upon antisocial behaviours and appropriate treatment for relieving suffering rather than cultural competencies that may be developing in the midst of challenging circumstances. Mares and Newman document how the lives of many refugee advocates have been changed through the relational contribution asylum seekers have made personally to them in an Australian context (159). Individuals may find meaning in communal obligations, contributing to the lives of others and a heightened solidarity (Wilson 42, 44) in contrast to an individual striving for happiness and self-fulfilment. Early naturalistic accounts of mental health, influenced by the traditions of Western psychology, presented thin descriptions of resilience as a quality innate to individuals that made them invulnerable or strong, despite exposure to substantial risk (Ungar, Thicker 91). The interest then moved towards a non-naturalistic contextually relevant understanding of resilience viewed in the social context of people’s lives. Authors such as Benson, Tricket and Birman (qtd. in Ungar, Thicker) started focusing upon community resilience, community capacity and asset-building communities; looking at areas such as - “spending time with friends, exercising control over aspects of their lives, seeking meaningful involvement in their community, attaching to others and avoiding threats to self-esteem” (91). In so doing far more emphasis was given in developing what Ungar (Thicker) refers to as ‘a thicker description of resilience’ as it relates to the lives of refugees that considers more than an ability to survive and thrive or an internal psychological state of wellbeing (89). Ungar (Thicker) describes a thicker description of resilience as revealing “a seamless set of negotiations between individuals who take initiative, and an environment with crisscrossing resources that impact one on the other in endless and unpredictable combinations” (95). A thicker description of resilience means adopting more of what Eyber proposes as an emic approach, taking on an ‘insider perspective’, incorporating the worldview of the people experiencing the distress; in contrast to an etic perspective using a Western biomedical understanding of distress, examined from a position outside the social or cultural system in which it takes place. Drawing on a more anthropological tradition, intervention is able to be built with local resources and strategies that people can utilize with attention being given to cultural traditions within a socio-cultural understanding. Developing an emic approach is to engage in intercultural dialogue, raise dilemmas, test assumptions, document hopes and beliefs and explore their implications. Under this approach, healing is more about developing intelligibility through one’s own cultural and social matrix (Bracken, qtd. in Westoby and Ingamells 1767). This then moves beyond using a Western therapeutic approach of exploration which may draw on the rhetoric of resilience, but the coping strategies of the vulnerable are often disempowered through adopting a ‘therapy culture’ (Furedi, qtd. in Westoby and Ingamells 1769). Westoby and Ingamells point out that the danger is by using a “therapeutic gaze that interprets emotions through the prism of disease and pathology”, it then “replaces a socio-political interpretation of situations” (1769). This is not to dismiss the importance of restoring individual well-being, but to broaden the approach adopted in contextualising it within a socio-cultural frame. The Relational Aspect of Resilience Previously, the concept of the ‘resilient individual’ has been of interest within the psychological and self-help literature (Garmezy, qtd. in Wilson) giving weight to the aspect of it being an innate trait that individuals possess or harness (258). Yet there is a need to explore the relational aspect of resilience as it is embedded in the network of relationships within social settings. A person’s identity and well-being is better understood in observing their capacity to manage their responses to adverse circumstances in an interpersonal community through the networks of relationships. Brison, highlights the collective strength of individuals in social networks and the importance of social support in the process of recovery from trauma, that the self is vulnerable to be affected by violence but resilient to be reconstructed through the help of others (qtd. in Wilson 125). This calls for what Wilson refers to as a more interdisciplinary perspective drawing on cultural studies and sociology (2). It also acknowledges that although individual traits influence the action of resilience, it can be learned and developed in adverse situations through social interactions. To date, within sociology and cultural studies, there is not a well-developed perspective on the topic of resilience. Resilience involves a complex ongoing interaction between individuals and their social worlds (Wilson 16) that helps them make sense of their world and adjust to the context of resettlement. It includes developing a perspective of people drawing upon negative experiences as productive cultural resources for growth, which involves seeing themselves as agents of their own future rather than suffering from a sense of victimhood (Wilson 46, 258). Wilson further outlines the display of a resilience-related capacity to positively interpret and derive meaning from what might have been otherwise negative migration experiences (Wilson 47). Wu refers to ‘imagineering’ alternative futures, for people to see beyond the current adverse circumstances and to imagine other possibilities. People respond to and navigate their experience of trauma in unique, unexpected and productive ways (Wilson 29). Trauma can cripple individual potential and yet individuals can also learn to turn such an experience into a positive, productive resource for personal growth. Grief, despair and powerlessness can be channelled into hope for improved life opportunities. Social networks can act as protection against adversity and trauma; meaningful interpersonal relationships and a sense of belonging assist individuals in recovering from emotional strain. Wilson asserts that social capabilities assist people in turning what would otherwise be negative experiences into productive cultural resources (13). Graybeal (238) and Saleeby (297) explore resilience as a strength-based practice, where individuals, families and communities are seen in relation to their capacities, talents, competencies, possibilities, visions, values and hopes; rather than through their deficiencies, pathologies or disorders. This does not present an idea of invulnerability to adversity but points to resources for navigating adversity. Resilience is not merely an individual trait or a set of intrinsic behaviours that can be displayed in ‘resilient individuals’. Resilience, rather than being an unchanging attribute, is a complex socio-cultural phenomenon, a relational concept of a dynamic nature that is situated in interpersonal relations (Wilson 258). Positive Growth through a Community Based Approach Through migrating to another country (in the context of refugees), Falicov, points out that people often experience a profound loss of their social network and cultural roots, resulting in a sense of homelessness between two worlds, belonging to neither (qtd. in Walsh 220). In the ideological narratives of refugee movements and diasporas, the exile present may be collectively portrayed as a liminality, outside normal time and place, a passage between past and future (Eastmond 255). The concept of the ‘liminal’ was popularised by Victor Turner, who proposed that different kinds of marginalised people and communities go through phases of separation, ‘liminali’ (state of limbo) and reincorporation (qtd. in Tofighian 101). Difficulties arise when there is no closure of the liminal period (fleeing their former country and yet not being able to integrate in the country of destination). If there is no reincorporation into mainstream society then people become unsettled and feel displaced. This has implications for their sense of identity as they suffer from possible cultural destabilisation, not being able to integrate into the host society. The loss of social supports may be especially severe and long-lasting in the context of displacement. In gaining an understanding of resilience in the context of displacement, it is important to consider social settings and person-environment transactions as displaced people seek to experience a sense of community in alternative ways. Mays proposed that alternative forms of community are central to community survival and resilience. Community is a source of wellbeing for building and strengthening positive relations and networks (Mays 590). Cottrell, uses the concept of ‘community competence’, where a community provides opportunities and conditions that enable groups to navigate their problems and develop capacity and resourcefulness to cope positively with adversity (qtd. in Sonn and Fisher 4, 5). Chaskin, sees community as a resilient entity, countering adversity and promoting the well-being of its members (qtd. in Canavan 6). As a point of departure from the concept of community in the conventional sense, I am interested in what Ahmed and Fortier state as moments or sites of connection between people who would normally not have such connection (254). The participants may come together without any presumptions of ‘being in common’ or ‘being uncommon’ (Ahmed and Fortier 254). This community shows little differentiation between those who are welcome and those who are not in the demarcation of the boundaries of community. The community I refer to presents the idea as ‘common ground’ rather than commonality. Ahmed and Fortier make reference to a ‘moral community’, a “community of care and responsibility, where members readily acknowledge the ‘social obligations’ and willingness to assist the other” (Home office, qtd. in Ahmed and Fortier 253). Ahmed and Fortier note that strong communities produce caring citizens who ensure the future of caring communities (253). Community can also be referred to as the ‘soul’, something that stems out of the struggle that creates a sense of solidarity and cohesion among group members (Keil, qtd. in Sonn and Fisher 17). Often shared experiences of despair can intensify connections between people. These settings modify the impact of oppression through people maintaining positive experiences of belonging and develop a positive sense of identity. This has enabled people to hold onto and reconstruct the sociocultural supplies that have come under threat (Sonn and Fisher 17). People are able to feel valued as human beings, form positive attachments, experience community, a sense of belonging, reconstruct group identities and develop skills to cope with the outside world (Sonn and Fisher, 20). Community networks are significant in contributing to personal transformation. Walsh states that “community networks can be essential resources in trauma recovery when their strengths and potential are mobilised” (208). Walsh also points out that the suffering and struggle to recover after a traumatic experience often results in remarkable transformation and positive growth (208). Studies in post-traumatic growth (Calhoun & Tedeschi) have found positive changes such as: the emergence of new opportunities, the formation of deeper relationships and compassion for others, feelings strengthened to meet future life challenges, reordered priorities, fuller appreciation of life and a deepening spirituality (in Walsh 208). As Walsh explains “The effects of trauma depend greatly on whether those wounded can seek comfort, reassurance and safety with others. Strong connections with trust that others will be there for them when needed, counteract feelings of insecurity, hopelessness, and meaninglessness” (208). Wilson (256) developed a new paradigm in shifting the focus from an individualised approach to trauma recovery, to a community-based approach in his research of young Sudanese refugees. Rutter and Walsh, stress that mental health professionals can best foster trauma recovery by shifting from a predominantly individual pathology focus to other treatment approaches, utilising communities as a capacity for healing and resilience (qtd. in Walsh 208). Walsh highlights that “coming to terms with traumatic loss involves making meaning of the trauma experience, putting it in perspective, and weaving the experience of loss and recovery into the fabric of individual and collective identity and life passage” (210). Landau and Saul, have found that community resilience involves building community and enhancing social connectedness by strengthening the system of social support, coalition building and information and resource sharing, collective storytelling, and re-establishing the rhythms and routines of life (qtd. in Walsh 219). Bracken et al. suggest that one of the fundamental principles in recovery over time is intrinsically linked to reconstruction of social networks (15). This is not expecting resolution in some complete ‘once and for all’ getting over it, getting closure of something, or simply recovering and moving on, but tapping into a collective recovery approach, being a gradual process over time. Conclusion A focus on biomedical intervention using a biomedical understanding of distress may be limiting as a helping modality for refugees. Such an approach can undermine peoples’ agency, coping strategies and local cultural understandings of distress. Drawing on sociology and cultural studies, utilising a more emic approach, brings new insights to understanding resilience and how people respond to trauma in unique, unexpected and productive ways for positive personal growth while navigating the experience. This includes considering social settings and person-environment transactions in gaining an understanding of resilience. Although individual traits influence the action of resilience, it can be learned and developed in adverse situations through social interactions. Social networks and capabilities can act as a protection against adversity and trauma, assisting people to turn what would otherwise be negative experiences into productive cultural resources (Wilson 13) for improved life opportunities. The promotion of social competence is viewed as a preventative intervention to promote resilient outcomes, as social skill facilitates social integration (Nettles and Mason 363). As Wilson (258) asserts that resilience is not merely an individual trait or a set of intrinsic behaviours that ‘resilient individuals’ display; it is a complex, socio-cultural phenomenon that is situated in interpersonal relations within a community setting. References Ahmed, Sara, and Anne-Marie Fortier. “Re-Imagining Communities.” International of Cultural Studies 6.3 (2003): 251-59. Bracken, Patrick. J., Joan E. Giller, and Derek Summerfield. Psychological Response to War and Atrocity: The Limitations of Current Concepts. 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