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Journal articles on the topic 'Josip Broz Tito'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 26 July 2025

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1

Bondarev, N. V. "Josip Broz Tito in the Comintern Crucible." Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 95, S1 (2025): S64—S72. https://doi.org/10.1134/s101933162560057x.

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2

BATRIĆEVIĆ, Boban. "MOŠA PIJADE AND TITO IN THE ANTI-SEMITIC PROPAGANDA OF MONTENEGRIN COLLABORATORSIN THE SECOND WORLD WAR." Lingua Montenegrina 28, no. 2 (2021): 161–74. https://doi.org/10.46584/lm.v28i2.875.

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The paper presents narratives about Moša Pijade and Josip Broz Tito published by the collaborationist press in Montenegro during the Second World War. Pijade and Tito were the main targets of anti-Semitic propaganda that tried to depict Montenegrin and Yugoslav partisans as servants of the „wor-ld-wide Jewish conspiracy“.

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3

Klišmanić, Vinka. "The Cult of Personality of Josip Broz Tito." Pleter 5, no. 5 (2022): 133–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.51154/p.5.5.8.

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A cult of personality is an eternally relevant historical and social topic. This paper will showcase the main elements of the cult of personality of Josip Broz Tito, the leader of Yugoslavia, and one of the most prominent historical figures in general. The meaning of the term ‘’cult of personality’’ will be explained, as well as the main elements that led to its establishment. Some of the elements, which were approved by most of the population of Yugoslavia and used for the establishment of Tito’s untouchable reign, will also be provided, as well as the ways in which they were used to achieve

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4

Dimić Lompar, Natalija. "Josip Broz Tito u Nemačkoj Demokratskoj Republici 1965. godine." Tokovi istorije 32, no. 2 (2024): 209–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2024.2.dim.209-238.

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Drawing on Yugoslav and German sources and literature, this paper analyzes the visit of Josip Broz Tito to the German Democratic Republic in June 1965. It deals with its prelude and preparations, but also the reactions and consequences it made on the relations between Yugoslavia and the two German states. Special emphasis is placed on the factors surrounding Yugoslav leadership`s decision to arrange an official visit to East Berlin, and its place within the larger foreign political orientation of the three countries.

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5

Žarković, Petar. "Zabeleška Veljka Mićunovića – prilog istoriji jugoslovenske diplomatije." Tokovi istorije 31, no. 1 (2023): 243–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2023.1.zar.243-260.

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This paper presents a note written by Yugoslav diplomat Veljko Mićunović on board the ship Galeb in April 1961, shortly after his conflict with Yugoslav President Josip Broz Tito. The document significantly enhances our understanding of the Mićunović–Tito conflict, as well as the ways in which Yugoslav diplomats collaborated with the Yugoslav President at different stages of representing Yugoslav interests on the international stage.

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6

Pavlovic, Vojislav. "Le révolutionnaire professionnel Tito a Moscou 1935-1936." Balcanica, no. 51 (2020): 121–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc2051121p.

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Josip Broz vint a Moscou en f?vrier 1935 pour parfaire son parcours de r?volutionnaire au sein du Komintern, le passage oblig? pour tous les cadres du Parti communiste yougoslave. Or, son s?jour a Moscou n?avait rien d?habituel, car il y devint le confident du tout-puissant D?partement des cadres de l?Internationale communiste dans le Parti yougoslave. Gr?ce a l?appui du D?partement des cadres, qui avait la charge de contr?ler les cadres des partis freres au sein du Komintern, Broz devint le num?ro deux du Parti yougoslave et repartit de Moscou en octobre 1936 pour diriger l?action du Parti en

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7

Jović, Dejan. "Comrade Tito, it’s all your fault! Yugoslav Citizens’ Letters to Josip Broz Tito." Politička misao 57, no. 4 (2021): 7–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pm.57.4.01.

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Between 1945 and 1967, Josip Broz Tito, the Marshal and President of Yugoslavia, ‎received 411,769 letters written by citizens of his country. Until 1964 ‎he personally read most of the letters addressed to him and made decisions‎ on requests and comments expressed in them. In this article we argue that ‎Tito used the letters received to establish a direct link between himself and ‎citizens. This was one of the key instruments of his power, as he used letters ‎to conduct a permanent ‘anti-bureauratic revolution’ which would squeeze ‎lower-level officials into a sandwich between him and ‘the pe

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8

Selinić, Slobodan. "Josip Broz Tito i sporovi oko jezika u Jugoslaviji 1967." Istorija 20. veka 35, no. 1/2017 (2017): 149–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2017.1.sel.149-166.

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9

Crvenkovska Risteska, Ines. "Tito returns to Skopje: The forgotten memories of Josip Broz." ЕтноАнтропоЗум/EthnoAnthropoZoom 20 (2020): 93–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.37620/eaz202093cr.

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10

Banchev, Biser. "DEATH OF JOSIP BROZ TITO AND THE BULGARIAN FOREIGN POLICY." Istorija 20. veka 41, no. 1/2023 (2023): 199–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2023.1.ban.199-220.

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The link between Tito’s illness and death, the events in Afghanistan and the Macedonian question is explored through newly declassified archival documents and memoir sources. In 1980, Belgrade and the world feared that Yugoslavia would descend into chaos after Tito’s death. The Soviet Union was expected to invade Yugoslavia after Afghanistan in order to reach the Adriatic coast before its NATO adversaries. Soviet troops would attack through Bulgarian territory, and Bulgaria would take advantage of the situation to settle the Macedonian question in its favour. “The Bulgarian threat” has served

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11

Putyńska, Urszula. "Karykatura jugosłowiańskiej rzeczywistości – Nowe szaty cesarza Ante Babai." Przestrzenie Teorii, no. 41 (November 28, 2024): 233–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pt.2024.41.13.

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This article aims to analyze The Emperor’s New Clothes (1961), the first feature movie by Ante Babaja. The director employed his vivid literary imagination to retell the classic fairy tale by Hans Christian Andersen. Babaja’s theoretical self-awareness, his deep understanding of the very process of adapting literature, enabled him to create a layered allegory of Yugoslavia under the rule of Josip Broz-Tito.

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12

GIBIANSKII, L. I. "Nikita Sergeevich Josip Broz Tito, and the Hungarian Crisis of 1956." Russian Studies in History 44, no. 3 (2005): 7–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/rsh1061-1983440301.

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13

Arko, Anton. "JOSIP BROZ TITO I PARTIZANSKE BORBE 1943. U SLOVENSKOJ OSNOVNOŠKOLSKOJ LEKTIRI." Historia Moderna Bosnia&Herzegovina 5, no. 5 (2024): 129–39. https://doi.org/10.62215/2744-2365.2024.5.5.129.

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U radu se obrađuje osnovnoškolska lektira od 1. do 4. razreda koja se koristila za vrijeme socijalističke Jugoslavije u SR Sloveniji. Na početku se daju povijesne okolnosti i ideološke smjernice reforme školstva, a dalje se rad usmjerava na prikaz Josipa Broza Tita i partizanskih borbi 1943. godine. Na temelju primjera u radu se nastoji istaknuti vrednovanje sadržaja, subjektivnosti autora i naturalističkog pristupa u prikazivanju ratne brutalnosti. Rad se završava analizom pregledanog sadržaja.

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14

Zacharias, Michał J. "Strategia i taktyka polityczna Komunistycznej Partii Jugosławii – od momentu powstania do ataku Niemiec na ZSRS w czerwcu 1941 roku." Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 59, no. 1 (2024): 173–201. https://doi.org/10.12775/sdr.2024.1.08.

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W artykule została przedstawiona strategia i taktyka polityczna Komunistycznej Partii Jugosławii. Była ona typową organizacją kierowaną przez naczelne instancje Kominternu, szczególnie od czasu, gdy władzę w partii przejęli Josip Broz-Tito i jego podwładni. Poddana stalinizacji, partia jugosłowiańskich komunistów miała wykonywać polecenia zgodne z celami i interesami władców na Kremlu. Tak też było w istocie, stopniowe zmiany zaczęły występować dopiero w czasie wojny z Niemcami oraz ich sojusznikami.

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15

Krstić, Marija. "Tito as a Tourist." Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology 5, no. 2 (2010): 141–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.21301/eap.v5i2.7.

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Yugoslavia's foreign policy orientation and the country's role in the nonaligned movement made it possible for Josip Broz Tito to behave like a tourist. This paper aims to show what kind of tourist Tito was and what elements of tourism are to be found in his travels. Tito’s travels were to be contextualized into an aristocratic tourism and the creation of his personality cult within the Yugoslav political system. The paper will also highlight the contradictions between the official communist ideology and the undisputed leader’s actions which have the characteristics of a capitalist tourist. Wi

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16

Mehta, Coleman. "The CIA Confronts the Tito-Stalin Split, 1948–1951." Journal of Cold War Studies 13, no. 1 (2011): 101–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00070.

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After relations between the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia broke down in 1948, the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) devoted a good deal of attention to Yugoslavia. Initially, however, the Truman administration was reluctant to provide extensive security assistance to the regime of Josip Broz Tito, who until 1948 had been a brutal Stalinist. The outbreak of the Korean War in June 1950 changed the situation. The United States developed much closer political, economic, and military ties with Yugoslavia, and the CIA established a formal agreement of cooperation with the Yugoslav Ministry of Sta

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17

Milkić, Miljan. "Vojni kabinet Josipa Broza Tita: organizacija i delokrug rada 1945–1980." Tokovi istorije 32, no. 2 (2024): 293–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2024.2.mil.293-316.

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Based on archival materials, normative documents, memoirs and relevant literature, the paper analyzes organization and the scope of work of the military cabinet of Marshal Josip Broz Tito. This institution was first known as the Cabinet of the Supreme Commander and Minister of National Defence, then as the Cabinet of the Supreme Commander of the Yugoslavia Armed Forces from 1953, and finally as the Cabinet of the Supreme Commander and Federal Secretary for National Defence from 1971 to 1982. The article highlights the immense volume of work carried out by Cabinet personnel.

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18

Mihajlov, Mihajlo. "Is Yugoslavia the Private Property of the Conmiunist Party?" Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 24, no. 1 (2012): 145–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2012241/29.

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Mihajlo Mihajlov's Open Letter to Josip Broz Tito of 15 July 1966 is a remarkable document. Apart from Milovan Djilas, only Mihajlov dared to address Tito in this manner. Yet Mihajlov's Open Letter voiced a hope which would reverberate in his country and throughout the communist world: the abolition of one-party communist rule in favor of a multi-party system guaranteeing basic human rights and freedoms, pluralism, tolerance, and an open society. In fact, Mihajlov's Open Letter spelled out the basic parameters of an open society as well as the limits of liberalization in Titoist Yugoslavia, Th

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19

Wawryszuk, Paweł. "Obraz Kościoła katolickiego w prasie jugosłowiańskiej w okresie dążenia władz jugosłowiańskich do zerwania relacji ze Stolicą Apostolską (1952)." Balcanica Posnaniensia. Acta et studia 28, no. 2 (2021): 99–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bp.2021.28.22.

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Artykuł przedstawia kampanię prasy jugosłowiańskiej, skierowaną przeciwko Kościołowi katolickiemu. Jej początek jest datowany na połowe stycznia 1952 roku, gdy podczas posiedzenia Komitetu Wykonawczego (Politbiura) KC Komunistycznej Partii Jugosławii, Josip Broz Tito zadecydował o zerwaniu stosunków dyplomatycznych ze Stolicą Apostolską. Główny nacisk kampanii prasowej został skierowany na Chorwację i Słowenię, gdzie katolicy stanowili większość. Gazety przedstawiały Kościół katolicki jako siłę antyjugosłowiańską i ukazywały hierarchów, na czele z chorwackim biskupem Alojzije Stepincem, jako k

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20

Goldstein, Ivo, and Goran Hutinec. "Kako raskrinkati tvrdnje povijesnih revizionista." Zbornik Janković 5, no. 5-6 (2022): 167–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.47325/zj.5.9.

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Dvojica autora u ovom tekstu detaljno dekonstruiraju pet relativno poznatih tvrdnji povijesnih revizionista posljednjih godina u Hrvatskoj – da li je pozdrav Za dom spremni – domoljublje ili ustašovanje?; da li se u NDH dogodio kulturni i obrazovni procvat?; kako revizionisti izmišljaju da su žene i djeca iz ustaškog logora u Đakovu ubijeni u Auschwitzu (a ne u Jasenovcu); može li se samo ekshumacijama utvrditi broj žrtava jasenovačkog logora?; da li je Josip Broz Tito jedan od najvećih zločinaca 20. stoljeća?Autori smatraju da je obrazac kojim se revizionisti služe u opisanim slučajevima uvij

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21

Perović, Jeronim. "The Tito-Stalin Split: A Reassessment in Light of New Evidence." Journal of Cold War Studies 9, no. 2 (2007): 32–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2007.9.2.32.

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This article reassesses the Tito-Stalin split of 1948 based on findings from former East-bloc archives. In particular, it shows that the version propagated in the official Yugoslav historiography, suggesting that the break with Moscow arose because of Yugoslavia's distinct path toward socialism, is incorrect. Instead, Josip Broz Tito's unwillingness to give up on his territorial and political ambitions in the Balkans, especially Albania, despite Moscow's objections is the main factor that ultimately sparked the conflict in 1948. Yugoslavia fell afoul of Moscow's policy of enforced Sovietizatio

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22

Czerwiński, Maciej. "Nowomowa po jugosłowiańsku." Studia z Filologii Polskiej i Słowiańskiej 47 (September 25, 2015): 137–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sfps.2012.007.

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The Yugoslav NewspeakIn the article the issue of a language of the Yugoslav communists – called here after Orwell the totalitarian Newspeak – is taken into consideration. It aims at finding similarities and differences between the Polish and Yugoslav Newspeak basing on analysis of discourses of the Yugoslav dictator – Josip Broz Tito, Yugoslav historiography and political slogans. In the first section concrete linguistic phenomena are taken into account (like lexical items, semantic dichotomies, periphrases, metaphors and so on), whereas in the second: extra-linguistic circumstances – includin

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23

Harasimowicz, Marta. "“If you want to be classy, have Yugoclass.” Postmodern Cultural Images of Josip Broz Tito." Slovenský národopis / Slovak Ethnology 69, no. 2 (2021): 274–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/se-2021-0015.

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Abstract The article deals with internet memes related to the person of the socialist leader of Yugoslavia, Josip Broz Tito. For purposes of our research, we define internet meme as conventionalized text-iconic composition, built on a basis of a specific scheme. In intentions of contemporary narratology we also consider it as a text of its kind and its creating, reproduction, transformation and reading process – as a special discursive activity. Based on analysing the primary material occurring and spreading on internet, we provide a typology of the representations of Tito from a narratologica

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24

Carmichael, Cathie. "Josip Broz Tito and Yugoslav Communism: A Review of the Work of Geoffrey Swain." Europe-Asia Studies 68, no. 10 (2016): 1824–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2016.1257092.

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25

Movrin, David. "Gratiae plenum: latinščina, grščina in Informbiro." Keria: Studia Latina et Graeca 12, no. 2-3 (2010): 281. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/keria.12.2-3.281-304.

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O preživetju latinščine in grščine je v Ljudski republiki Sloveniji po drugi svetovni vojni odločala partija, ki je v posnemanju sovjetskih zgledov skoraj povsem uničila klasično šolstvo. Tega je — paradoksalno — rešil Stalinov napad na isto partijo. Med preurejanjem države po sporu z Informbirojem je vrh centralnega komiteja — Milovan Djilas, Boris Kidrič, Edvard Kardelj in Josip Broz Tito — na plenumu politbiroja sklenil obuditi klasično šolstvo in s tem pokazati, kako se država razlikuje od Sovjetske zveze. Odjuga ni trajala dolgo. Po otoplitvi odnosov med Jugoslavijo in Sovjetsko zvezo po

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26

Zacharias, Michał J. "Strategia i taktyka polityczna Komunistycznej Partii Jugosławii – od ataku Niemiec na ZSRS do wiosny 1943 roku." Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 59, no. 2 (2025): 83–101. https://doi.org/10.12775/sdr.2024.2.05.

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W artykule została przedstawiona specyficzna strategia i polityka Komunistycznej Partii Jugosławii. W istocie była ona typową organizacją kierowaną przez naczelne instancje Kominternu zgodnie z interesami i wolą władców na Kremlu. Niemniej po agresji Niemiec i ich sojuszników na Jugosławię, a następnie na ZSRS polityka KPJ coraz wyraźniej zaczynała się rozmijać z moskiewskimi wytycznymi. Uwidoczniło się to m.in. w trakcie rozmów z Niemcami w marcu 1943 r., gdy Josip Broz-Tito zademonstrował samodzielną i niezależną postawę zgodną z interesami własnego ruchu. Zwiastowała ona późniejsze poważne

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27

Bojinov, Voin. "JUGOSLOVENSKI JUG NAKON TITOVE SMRTI." Leskovački zbornik LXII (2022): 335–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/lz-lxii.335b.

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The death of Marshal Tito was a turning point for the political and social development of Yugoslavia. Josip Broz left a country that was in a difficult economic situation, which gave a rise of serious tensions on a national foundation. The Yugoslav South had a special place in this crisis phenomena. As the poorest region in the Federal State the South was the scene of the clash between Albanians and Serbs, which escalated radically after Tito’s death. The Albanian riot (1981) demonstrated that coexistence between the two nations in one state/republic was impossible. The Nationalism of the both

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28

Turajlic, Mila. "Culture of rememberance of the figure of Josip Broz Tito in post-Yugoslav documentary series." Kultura, no. 146 (2015): 61–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/kultura1546061t.

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29

Yerköy, Samet. "Kült Liderliği ve Görsel Medya: Komünist Batı Balkanlarda Josip Broz Tito ve Enver Hoca’nın Mirası." Trakya Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Dergisi 15, no. 29 (2025): 111–34. https://doi.org/10.33207/trkede.1493265.

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Bu makale, 20. yüzyılın ortalarında Arnavutluk ve Yugoslavya’da komünizm, kült liderliği ve görsel medya arasındaki ilişkiyi incelemektedir. II. Dünya Savaşı’nın ve Balkan bölgesinin kendine has jeopolitik dinamiklerinin ortasında, komünist hareketler ortaya çıkmış ve Yugoslavya’da Josip Broz Tito ile Arnavutluk'ta Enver Hoca tarafından yönetilmiştir. Bu liderler, fotoğraflar ve posterler gibi çeşitli görsel medya araçlarıyla liderliklerini mit haline getirerek güçlü direniş yapıları kurmuşlardır. Bölgenin coğrafi yapısı ve Batı’nın doğrudan müdahalesinin olmaması, Balkanlar’daki komünist bloğ

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30

Tatalović, Mićo. "Galaksija: Representation of science in Yugoslavia’s socialist-era popular science magazine." Journal of Science & Popular Culture 3, no. 2 (2020): 133–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jspc_00017_1.

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Popular science coverage in Soviet countries was often determined by the ideological function of the media. But this was not always the case, especially on the periphery of the Soviet Union. I analyse science coverage in a cult popular science magazine published at the edges of the communist East, socialist Yugoslavia, in the mid-1970s at the height of the magazine’s circulation and during the reign of the country’s communist leader Josip Broz Tito. This analysis shows that at least some Yugoslav media rose above the East/West ideological divide, freeing science from the shackles of US and Sov

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31

Sorel, Sanjin. "Pjesničke ulizice i vlast (o udvorništvu Paveliću, Titu i Tuđmanu)." Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne, no. 17 (November 6, 2019): 237–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pss.2019.17.16.

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In the analysis of Croatian political poetry, although the article speaks only about texts on the subject of Ante Pavelić, Josip Broz - Tito and Franjo Tuđman, I also refer to all those who have written or are still writing sycophant texts, somewhere on the margins of good taste and obsequious poems. Works about the mentioned historical figures are just a name, a sign of the ideology represented by: fascism, socialism, nationalism (spiritual renewal). The analysis comprises the following topics: apotheosis, mythological narratives, government and social authority, revisionism. The name-induced

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32

Pantić, Rade. "'The hero's voice let us follow, may Tito lead us': An interpretation of the phenomenon of songs about Tito based on the theory of ideological interpellation." New Sound, no. 46 (2015): 103–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/newso1545103p.

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This article offers an interpretation of songs about Josip Broz Tito based on the theory of the ideological interpellation of individuals into subjects, which was first formulated by Louis Althusser and then expanded by Rastko Močnik. The first part of the essay is a brief summary of Althusser's and Močnik's respective theories of ideology, ideological interpellation, and the participation of ideological mechanisms of identification in the processes of the reproduction of social systems and class domination. These theories are then applied to songs about Tito as a case study, attempting to exp

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33

Zivkovic, Bogdan. "The two last encounters between Broz and Berlinguer - the epilogue of an alliance." Balcanica, no. 53 (2022): 273–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc2253273z.

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Based on unpublished historical sources from the archives of the communist parties of Yugoslavia and Italy (Archives of Yugoslavia, Belgrade; Fondazione Istituto Gramsci, Archivio del Partito comunista Italiano, Rome), this paper analyzes the two last meetings of the leaders of the two parties, Josip Broz Tito and Enrico Berlinguer. The topics are Berlinguer?s two visits to Yugoslavia, in October 1977 and October 1978, which took place at the height of the inter-party alliance, after the Berlin Conference of the Communist Parties of Europe held in June 1976. The aforementioned two visits are v

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34

Cotrim, Eduardo Barboza. "Futebol e identidade na Guerra Civil Iugoslava." Epígrafe 10, no. 2 (2021): 60–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2318-8855.v10i2p60-88.

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No mundo contemporâneo é comum ouvirmos que futebol e política não se misturam, o código de ética da FIFA atesta que todos sob sua administração devem manter-se politicamente neutros, sob pena de punição administrativa. Esta afirmação frequentemente não corresponde à realidade dos fatos. Esporte e política caminham lado a lado em níveis profundos da sociedade, inclusive este código de ética da entidade controladora do futebol no mundo é um exemplo da relação política envolvendo o esporte. O objetivo do presente artigo é analisar a relação político-identitária do futebol na República Socialista

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35

Lazăr, Daniel. "Tito kémei vagy Sztálin ügynökei?" PONTES 7 (December 22, 2024): 111–24. https://doi.org/10.15170/pontes.2024.07.01.05.

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Josip Broz Tito started as a notorious Stalinist and ended up becoming an opponent of Joseph Stalin. In this respect, the ideological confusion in Yugoslavia during 1948–1949 is significant. The thorough investigations conducted by Security services and Prosecution over the so called 'anti-Tito refugees`' also included Romania, as well as the communist countries bordering Yugoslavia: Albania, Bulgaria and Hungary. The refugees were sent to special colonies, made far from the common border in places where they were offered a job, the chance to resume their education, as well as civic and cultur

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Bebler, Anton. "FORZE ARMATE E PLURALISMO POLITICO IN JUGOSLAVIA." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 22, no. 1 (1992): 41–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048840200018256.

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IntroduzioneL'attuale professionismo militare jugoslavo e l'esercito regolare federale – Esercito Popolare Jugoslavo o EPJ – hanno avuto ufficialmente origine dai «Distaccamenti partigiani» e dall'«Armata Nazionale di Liberazione della Jugoslavia». Questa fu istituita sotto la leadership di Josip Broz, detto «Tito», nel corso della Seconda guerra mondiale, principalmente sul territorio del Regno di Jugoslavia smembrato nella primavera del 1941. I primi distaccamenti partigiani e quartier generali a livello regionale e di area apparvero alla metà dell'estate 1941, mentre un loro primo serio imp

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Selinić, Slobodan. "Josip Broz Tito u ''Politici'' i ''Borbi'' februara 1969: o Kosovu i Metohiji, međunarodnim odnosima i štampi." Istorija 20. veka 33, no. 2/2015 (2015): 151–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2015.2.sel.151-165.

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BJELICA, SLOBODAN. "THE RISE AND FALL VOJVODINIAN LIBERALS." ИСТРАЖИВАЊА, no. 26 (January 6, 2016): 178–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/i.2015.26.178-189.

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The political rise and fall of Vojvodinian Liberals, led by Mirko Čanadanović, is one of the topics from our recent history that has so far not been historiographically treated in the way it deserves, as opposed to publicist material and memoirs in which the events from the early 1970’s in Vojvodina received considerable attention. This paper is an attempt to make a sketch for the portrait of a young and promising political team, whose development was suddenly interrupted by the authoritarian intervention of Josip Broz Tito to the joy and satisfaction of certain Belgrade and Novi Sad political

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TIMOFEEV, Alexey. "The “Grand Bargain” of the Yalta Conference and its Implementation on the Ground: the Case of Yugoslavia. Border Insurgency 1945-1948." Perspectives and prospects. E-journal, no. 2 (22) (2020): 133–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.32726/2411-3417-2020-2-133-146.

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At the highest level, Yalta's "grand bargain" became a diplomatic form of recognition of the Red Army's combat capabilities, but at the local level, the agreement was far from being observed. The rise of the anti-communist insurgency in post-war Yugoslavia relied, ideologically, and in border areas also financially, on the Anglo-American support. Besides the Serbian Chetniks, other rebel groups actively operated in Yugoslavia in the final months of the war and the first post-war years, including Slovenian units of the “Matthias’s Army”, Croatian Crusaders, Albanian ballists. Josip Broz Tito wa

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Pajović, Uroš, and Naeem Mohaiemen. "Southward and Otherwise." ARTMargins 8, no. 2 (2019): 79–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/artm_a_00237.

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This project comes out of a conversation between Mohaiemen and Pajović, about the relative absence of Non-Aligned Movement co-founder Josip Broz Tito, from the three-channel film Two Meetings and a Funeral (2017, dir: Mohaiemen). In the film, a series of conversations between Vijay Prashad, Samia Zennadi, Atef Berredjem, Amirul Islam, and Zonayed Saki sketch out the shadow play of warring forces inside the Non-Aligned Movement, especially around the decolonizing nations of the Middle East, Africa, and Asia that found an option to look toward an "Islamic" supra-national identity. Because of tha

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Begovac, Ana. "Gottschee – Spielball der Politik." Linguistica 60, no. 2 (2020): 245–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/linguistica.60.2.245-256.

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Die vorliegende Arbeit zum Thema „Gottschee – Spielball der Politik“ zeichnet die Behandlung der deutschen Minderheit durch unterschiedliche politische Mächte. Es wird ein knapper Einblick in die historischen sowie politischen Hintergründe gegeben, die für die Region Gottsche/Kočevje und die dort lebenden Gottscheedeutschen maßgebend waren, um aufzuzeigen, wie eine kleine „nationale“ Minderheit mit ihrer Kultur und insbesondere ihrer Sprache zur „Spielfigur“ der jeweils herrschenden Politik wurde. Die voranschreitende „Nazifizierung“ seit 1939 und die damit verbundene Affinität der Gottscheer

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Nielsen, Christian Axboe. "Imprisoning “Enemies of the State” in a Communist Dictatorship." Journal of Cold War Studies 23, no. 4 (2021): 124–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01041.

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Abstract Even though the Yugoslav Communists were expelled from the Soviet bloc in 1948, the Communist regime in Yugoslavia headed by Josip Broz Tito had embraced many of the repressive policies associated with Stalinist dictatorships. Based on newly available archival materials from Bosnia and Herzegovina, this article examines policies related to the incarceration of “enemies of the state” during the first several years of Tito's regime. By focusing on policy discussions and implementation, the article shows how government, state security, and prison officials dealt with questions relating t

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Zivancevic, Jelena. "Soviet in content - people’s in form: The building of Farming Cooperative Centres and the Soviet-Yugoslav dispute, 1948-1950." Spatium, no. 25 (2011): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/spat1125039z.

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It was not until 1948, when the Cominform conflict escalated, that the Communist Party of Yugoslavia began a thorough implementation of the Soviet model in Yugoslav agriculture - due to the Soviet criticism, the CPY made immediate legislative changes and started a class struggle in Yugoslav villages. Simultaneously, and just a few months before the Fifth Congress, Josip Broz Tito initiated a competition for building 4,000 Farming Cooperative Centres throughout Yugoslavia - they were built in accordance with the social-realist ?national in form - socialist in content? slogan. Once the building

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Mihajlov, Mihajlo. "Appointment With Destiny." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 18, no. 1 (2006): 113–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2006181/26.

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Apart from Mukovan Djilas, Mihajlo Mihajlov is considered as the most famous dissident in the Balkans--a former prisoner-of-conscience in Tito's Yugoslavia. This brief but comprehensive, autobiographical retrospective recounts some major hilights in Mihajlov's odyssey ushered in by his intellectual travelogue, Moscow Sunmer 1964, first published in full in The New Leader. Mihajlov became an embarrassment not only to Josip Broz Tito and the Soviet leaders, but also to those in die West who landed Tito's "independent path to socialism." Yet others correctly perceived Mihajlov's quest for freedom

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NOVOSELTSEV, Boris S. "YUGOSLAVIA AND THE POLICY OF NON-ALIGNMENT IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 1960S." Tanulmányok, no. 1 (November 23, 2024): 107–22. https://doi.org/10.19090/tm.2024.1.107-122.

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Based on material from the Archives of Yugoslavia (Belgrade, Serbia) as well as a number of international documents and analytical papers published in English on the Internet, the artic- le attempts to analyse the development of the policy of non-alignment in the second half of the 1960s, the role Yugoslavia and personally President Josip Broz Tito played in it, and the ways to extricate the Non-Aligned Movement from crisis. The initiatives to hold an interna- tional summit dedicated to cooperation between the countries of Asia, Africa, and some other regions of the world and the reasons for t

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Bulatović, Danilo. "Tito's Residential Complex in Miločer, Budva (1975-1980)." Prostor 32, no. 1(67) (2024): 38–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31522/p.32.1(67).4.

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The subject of this paper is the development of a conceptual design proposal for the official residence for the President of Yugoslavia Josip Broz Tito on the Adriatic coast of Miločer, Budva (1975-1980). The research aims to unveil patterns of the regionalist approach within urban and architectural thought in the Socialist Republic of Montenegro (SR Montenegro) through the project of the presidential complex, shown here for the first time since its official presentation to the president himself in 1976. In methodological terms, the paper examines multiple layers of historical background of Mi

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Trbojevic, Danilo. "Slaying the “political vampire”: Aberration as a socio-political construct." Bulletin de l'Institut etnographique 70, no. 2 (2022): 217–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gei2202217t.

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The concept of vampirism in the tradition of peasant culture is an inversion of social norms by individuals or groups, which the community recognizes as responsible for social problems and crises. ?Vampire? as a social institution has a role in resolving the crisis, but also manifests power of the collective and the desirable model of worldview. However, the experience of field research imposes a perspective that does not perceive the ?vampire? as a rigid institution, but also an adaptable tool of social or political communication. By analyzing two cases (performances) of ?murder of a politica

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Feliks, Karlos. "Mexico and the Republic of Serbia: 77 years of uninterrupted and productive diplomatic relations: New challenges and opportunities." Napredak 4, no. 2 (2023): 7–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/napredak4-45872.

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In the archives of the Library of the University in Belgrade it is possible to find evidence that as early as 1844. the events in Mexico were written about in the old Serbian language, and that there was an interest in this country. Strong friendship and understanding between the two nations were formalized by the Protocol on the Establishment of Diplomatic relations on 24 May 1946, when the President of Mexico, Manuel Avila Camacho and the President of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, Marshal Josip Broz Tito, made this cooperation official. The closeness of these two peoples was

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Žitnik Serafin, Janja. "The editing of Louis Adamic's book The Eagle and the Roots." Acta Neophilologica 22 (December 15, 1989): 69–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/an.22.0.69-87.

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The Eagle and the Roots is Louis Adamic's last book and, in his own opinion, his most important one. The printed version of that work is an expurgated version of the author's typescript which is preserved in several incomplete copies, kept in various public and private archives in Yugoslavia and in the United States. The work was written on the basis of the author's personal impressions during his second visit to his native land in 1949. The published version of The Eagle and the Roots discusses the political and economic conditions in Yugoslavia in 1949, the moods of the Yugoslav people, thei

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Žitnik Serafin, Janja. "The editing of Louis Adamic's book The Eagle and the Roots." Acta Neophilologica 22 (December 15, 1989): 69–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/an.22.1.69-87.

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The Eagle and the Roots is Louis Adamic's last book and, in his own opinion, his most important one. The printed version of that work is an expurgated version of the author's typescript which is preserved in several incomplete copies, kept in various public and private archives in Yugoslavia and in the United States. The work was written on the basis of the author's personal impressions during his second visit to his native land in 1949. The published version of The Eagle and the Roots discusses the political and economic conditions in Yugoslavia in 1949, the moods of the Yugoslav people, thei

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