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1
Mayiga, John Bosco. "A study of professionalism and the professionalisation of journalists in Uganda from 1995 to 2008." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002916.
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This study seeks to examine how Ugandan journalists’ and politicians’ views on journalism professionalisation in Uganda relate to the broad theoretical arguments about professionalism within sociology and media studies. It also seeks to examine how such views impact on the democratic role of the media. The study finds out that there are two sets of distinct ideas on journalism professionalisation. The idea espoused by politicians is statutory professionalisation in which the state plays a major role through regulation and control, hence professionalisation is seen primarily as a control system. On the other hand, journalists perceive professionalisation as nurtured by voluntarily and socially inculcated professional values, hence as a value system. The study however, finds that both sets of understandings have their own complexities. While the statutory approach has complexities like how core elements of professionalism such as professional values can be imposed through legislation, the voluntary approach to professionalism also exhibits tensions within, especially stemming from the relationship between the professional and the news organisation regarding what constitutes professionalism. The study concludes that both sets of ideas have implications for the democratic role of the media, with both perceptions of professionalism curtailing this role. Statutory professionalisation in the Ugandan political context where the state is the dominant institution brings media institutions within its control, which leads to suppression of content of democratic value through a number of means. On the other hand, the self-regulatory perception does not protect media professionalism from the assault of commercial imperatives, especially when fused with state patronage in regard to broadcasting licences and placement of advertising.
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Agaba, Grace Rwomushana. "An exploration of the effect of market-driven journalism on The Monitor newspaper's editorial content." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2005. http://eprints.ru.ac.za/193/1/grace's_thesis.pdf.
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The media today are under pressure from various fronts including governments, businesses as well as cultural interests. In the developed world, this pressure that led to the emergence of a new form of journalism that puts the demands of the market at the forefront. This commercial oriented journalism gives priority to articles that attract mass audiences like entertainment while it downplays information that promotes debates that is necessary for citizens to be able to have a voice on the issues that affect them. And since participation and discussion are cornerstones of a democratic process, market-driven journalism undermines democracy because it narrows down the forum for debate. As a result, active citizens are turned into passive observers in society. Although several studies about this phenomenon have been done in the western world, the same is happening in Africa because the media face similar challenges as in the West; challenges of globalisation and media conglomeration facilitated by the rapid advancing technology. This study, which is informed by political economy and market-driven journalism theories, notes that the media in Uganda are also faced with these challenges. The study is focused on Uganda’s only independent newspaper, The Monitor. The findings indicate that market-driven journalism is taking root at the expense of journalism that promotes citizenship and debate such as political reporting and opinions. For example, there has been an increase of entertainment, sports and supplement articles in The Monitor as compared to declining political reporting and opinions. More so, investigative reporting has dwindled over the years at the expense of increasing use of press releases. This is because entertainment and sports articles can attract big audiences that the newspaper needs to sell to advertisers. Advertisers are important because they provide financial support to the newspaper. However, in a country where democracy is in its formative stages, public information is necessary not only for citizens to make informed decisions but also to spur economic as well as social development.
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Opolot, Benedict. "An investigation of the Ugandan publication Red Pepper: a case study from 2001-2004." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007713.
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Red Pepper has been the subject of much discussion in Uganda, with some accounts describing it as a liberal mouthpiece, and others as pornography. This case study, therefore, sought to investigate Red Pepper as a media phenomenon in Uganda in the 21st century, specifically between 2001 and 2004. Employing quantitative and qualitative methodologies, it focused on the production process and the text. Although sexualised content dominate its pages, and news about issues such as the environment and education are near-absent, its managers describe the publication as legitimate, normative and consistent with liberal media standards. Accordingly, to interrogate Red Pepper in terms of its journalistic functions, selected debates associated with liberal approaches to news media, media political economy, tabloidisation, pornography and gendered relations were reviewed. The analysis entailed five phases. The first was a denotative or descriptive analysis, which focused on the publication's structure and content focus. This was followed by an interview with management, a broad content analysis to establish the incidence of predefined content categories expected of the tabloid, pornographic and liberal press and, lastly, a theme-based content analysis that sought to establish the potential meanings and framing of the dominant content categories of gossip and sexualised copy. Overall, the study found Red Pepper to be a misogynistic tabloid, having elements said to belong to pornography and homophobia. According to the findings, not only does Red Pepper fall short of a liberal understanding of a newspaper in terms of diversity of topics, provision of information and professional practice, it also does not fit the understanding of an alternative public sphere, mainly because it fails to challenge the patriarchal framing of sex, sexuality and gendered relations. This framing is undertaken deliberately as a means to securing economic rather than journalistic ideals to which the editors pay lip service. Consequently, the gossip and sexualised content are not problematised and as such discourses and power relations therein are not interrogated. Neither are inadequacies in local systems addressed nor corrective action mobilised as expected of some tabloids. All in all, the publication fronts superficial entertainment content that echoes particular gender constructions and patriarchal commonsense and entrenches the (undesirable) status quo which, ironically, it claims to challenge.
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Botma, Gabriel Johannes. "Sinergie as politiek-ekonomiese strategie in die balansering van idealisme en markgerigtheid by Die Burger Wes-Kaap, 2004-2005." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1547.
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Thesis (MPhil (Journalism))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006.<br>The leading South African media groups are subject to many challenges to their political economic interests as part of the international capitalist profit economy. These challenges coincided with the democratization and transformation of South Africa since 1994, which heralded many changes to the national political economic context within which media companies operate.
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Mbaine, Emmanuel Adolf. "The effects of criminalising publication offences on the freedom of the press in Uganda, 1986-2000." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002917.
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The press in Uganda has come a long way right from the colonial days when newspapers sprang up, mainly from missionary activity, through the eras of Obote 1 (1962 – 1971), Idi Amin (1971 – 1979), Obote 11 (1980 – 1985), Tito Okello (1985 – 1986) and the Museveni administration (1986 – to date). For most of this time, the press in Uganda enjoyed very little or no freedom to do its work. The year 1986 saw the ascendancy to power of the Yoweri Museveni as president after a five-year bush war with promised to restore peace, democracy, the rule of law, economic prosperity and civic rights and freedoms. Several achievements in these areas have been registered since 1986. Newspapers have sprouted and the broadcast industry liberalised to allow private ownership that has seen the proliferation of FM stations. However, the relations between the government and the press remain strained with journalists arrested and/or prosecuted mainly for offences relating to sedition, publication of false news and criminal libel. This study was intended to examine why journalists in Uganda continue to suffer arrests and incarceration when the country has been reported to be moving towards democratisation. The study was also aimed at assessing the impact of arresting journalists and arraigning them before the courts of law in the period under study and what this portends for freedom of the press and democratisation. It is recommended, among others, that journalists in Uganda need more unity of purpose to pursue meaningful media law reform that will de-criminalise publication wrongs. The civil remedies available to people who feel offended by the press are sufficient, if not excessive. The efforts already undertaken by the Eastern Africa Media Institute (EAMI) Uganda Chapter in this direction should be pursued to a logical conclusion.
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Ogoso, Erich Opolot. "Talk radio and public debate : a case study of three Ugandan radio stations." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007723.
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This study is a comparative examination of approaches to talk radio as a genre on three Ugandan radio stations. The aim is to draw conclusions, from observations made about these stations, about the potential of talk radio to encourage public debate around social issues and improve democratic participation despite pertinent challenges in Uganda. The study first outlines a theoretical framework, which is informed by Habermas's theory of the media as a 'public sphere'. This framework is applied to an exploration of traditions of talk radio that have emerged globally in order to assess the potential of these traditions to play a role in contributing to the establishment of such a 'public sphere'. The study then goes on to discuss the historical development of radio in Uganda and the establishment of the current broadcast landscape. The focus is on the way in which this history has been defined by a struggle around public expression, in which government has repeatedly sought ways to control media as a vehicle for public expression. It is proposed that Ugandan talk radio has the potential to play an important role in ensuring broad participation in public expression. It is against this background that the study then describes and analyses the development of the talk genre at three Ugandan radio stations (each one an example of, respectively, a commercial, community and public service station). It is explained that staff on all three stations emphasise the importance of talk radio in encouraging participation, by their audiences, in the public debate of social and political issues. It is argued that, because of limitations that exist within these stations, none of the talk show teams fully realize the potential of the genre for participation in such debate. The picture that emerges is one of unequal access, with those sections of radio audiences in positions of privilege being further empowered, while those on the margins remain excluded from public discussion. The study finally recommends ways to improve public participation on Ugandan talk radio, noting the need to review government support, the problems of organizational culture within the stations, the need for more guidelines on practical arrangements around talk show production and the question of contradictions that exist at policy level.
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Li, Wen Fei. "Comparison of media frame in Mainland China, Hong Kong and U.S. on two shoe-hurling issues." Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2150384.
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Banning, Brenda. "Faculty attitudes toward the ideas and practices of public journalism." Virtual Press, 2001. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1221306.
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Wakabi, Wairagala. "A critical analysis of the coverage of Uganda's 2000 referendum by The New Vision and The Monitor newspapers." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002947.
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On July 29 2000, Uganda held a referendum to decide whether to continue with the ruling Noparty Movement system or to revert to the Multi-party platform. This research entails a qualitative content analysis of the role the media played in driving debate and understanding of the referendum and its role in the country’s democratisation process. The research is informed by Jurgen Habermas’s public sphere paradigm as well as the sociological theory of news production. The research covers Uganda’s two English dailies – The New Vision and The Monitor, examining whether they provided a public sphere accessible to all citizens and devoid of ideological hegemony. It concludes that the newspapers were incapable of providing such a sphere because of the structural nature of Ugandan society and the papers’ own capitalistic backgrounds and ownership interests. The research concludes that such English language newspapers published in a country with a low literacy rate and low income levels, can only provide a public sphere to elite and privileged sections of society. A case is then made that multiple public spheres would be better suited to represent the views of diverse interest groups.
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Pinnock, Don. "Writing left: Ruth First and radical South African journalism in the 1950's." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003032.
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In a prison cell in Johannesburg in 1953 after months of solitary confinement Ruth First, one of South Africa's finest investigative joumalists, attempted to commit suicide. In a sense, information for this thesis has been gathered around the question of why First felt her life had reached a point where she wished it extinguished. The answer involves who she was, what she believed in and her perception at that moment in time of the magnitude of the defeat of all she had worked for. But this question has broader implications - it has been asked because its answer throws light not only on the particular joumalist, but on the radical press and on the political movements which gave it both life and readers. This study is divided into six sections: Origins and influences looks, firstly, at early Jewish migrations and Ruth's life up to the end of her schooling in Johannesburg, then at her university years and the influence on her life of the Communist Party of South Africa. A vigorously provocative life traces debates which led to the formation of the South African Congress of Democrats and the Congress Alliance. It looks, also, at the political influence of the white Left and the radical social fratemity. Trumpeters of freedom locates the origins of the radical press tradition in South Africa, then looks at the development of the two publications to which Ruth devoted most of her time: The Guardian/New Age and Fighting Talk. Writing left focuses on First's writing in connection with three campaigns: the farm labour and the potato boycott, womens' passes and the bus boycotts. These chapters are not a history of these campaigns, but an analysis of the influence on them of First's joumalism. Word wars is about the Treason Trial of 1956. The contention here is that the trial, in which First was one of the 'chief co-conspirators ', not only put the Congress Alliance in the dock, but was about the definition of three words: communism, violence and treason. In many ways it was a trial of the language of the Left, the tools of First's trade. Shifting focus looks at the period after Sharpeville and the 1960 State of Emergency. It considers the shift in First's writing necessitated by greater political oppression, a banning order and her exploration of the writing of books. Chapter 12 considers the massive setback to the Congress Alliance of the Rivonia Trial and the tactical errors which led the Congress leadership to the conclusion that armed struggle would succeed at that point in time. The final chapter is about First's detention, and her perceived personal defeat which resulted in her attempted suicide. The Postscript looks at First's successful attempts to come to terms with both a political and personal defeat. The work effectively ends, however, with her departure from South Africa.
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Banda, Zeria N. "News selection and news situations : a Q-study of news editors in Malawi." Virtual Press, 1998. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1115759.
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Fourteen Malawian news editors Q-sorted fifty-four stories under two situations: their real environment which is a developmental press system, and a hypothetical ideal situation emulating a western libertarian system. The Qconcourse was constructed using eighteen news value combinations developed by Water Ward through a 3x3x2 factorial design. The stories were sorted along an eleven point bi-polar continuum from "most likely to use" to "least likely to use."The study showed that in an ideal situation, all Malawian editors selected stories with conflict, known principal and impact. In their own situations, the editors split into two: Pro-government Editors who selected known principal, conflict and magnitude stories; and Privatelyowned Newspaper Editors who valued known principal and impact, followed by conflict and oddity. Despite the use of these news elements, the study showed that environmental factors in their own situations such as organizational policy and ownership also influenced story choices. Progovernment Editors would rather use a "normality" story, than use one with conflict, impact and known principal, but speaking ill of government.<br>Department of Journalism
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Maheshwari, Swati. "Indian journalism and the ruling elite : a case of contingent heteronomy." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2019. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/675.
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The central question in this thesis is what are the interrelationships between the news media and those at the center of power and how do these shape the role the media play in democratic processes, particularly since neoliberal reforms in 1991. More specifically, this research attempts to illuminate journalistic practice and the factors that influence it, at the intersection of political and economic interests in what is often described as a crony capitalist polity (Kohli, 2007; Varshney, 2000). This has been done by examining three case studies that represented the interests of those at the center of power and the growing collusion between the state and private capital that has been a mark of the polity's neoliberal turn (Chandrashekhar, 2014). Each of these - the Nira Radia conversations that exposed the nexus between private capital and the state, the news media's coverage of the political elite, mainly the Gandhi family and the leader of the Hindu majoritarian political party Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Narendra Modi, and lastly, the media's coverage of India's richest business house Reliance Industries Limited (RIL) and its owner Mukesh Ambani - was marked by extensive self-censorship by the national mainstream news media. The theoretical architecture underpinning this project draws on three major approaches - political economy, field theory and new institutional theory provides a framework sufficiently sensitive to the range of pressures and influences journalism is subject to. This research draws on forty semi-structured, in-depth interviews with forty journalists and editors who were directly involved in the editorial processes of each of these news stories. The salient finding of this project is that the field of journalism has been subject to regular incursions from the field of power, particularly when political and economic interests are aligned, such that the field of journalism collapses in the field of power resulting in the need to reassess Bourdieu's claim that fields, however heteronomous, possess a degree of autonomy. This research finds that journalism is not merely embedded in the field of power, it plays a more pernicious role after economic liberalization. It becomes an active participant in negotiating and consolidating the dominant coalition of economic and political interests on which the polity rests. In other words, it is recruited by the field of power in institutionalizing crony capitalism. However, the self-censorship could not be sustained and unraveled, albeit briefly, in each of these cases. Contradictions between the macro forces induced by the consolidation of democracy, dissensus within the elite and constitutional limits circumscribing power are some of the variables that allow for interstices of journalistic autonomy. Thus, new institutionalism's insistence on retaining the political elided by both political economy and field theory, is valuable. Lastly, this research foregrounds the role played by journalistic agency in upholding the democratic mission of journalism.
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Naidoo, Kameshnee. "Exploring new terrain--tackling a tri-media approach to the 1999 election : an analysis of online coverage of elections by media organisations in their respective countries and recommendations for multi-platform publishing within the South African Broadcasting Corporation to cover the national election." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1999. http://eprints.ru.ac.za/2311/1/NAIDOO-MJourn-TR99-61.pdf.
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This study attempts to analyse the way foreign media organisations have used the Internet to inform, educate and mobilise citizens for participation in their national election. These foreign experiences provide a framework with which to analyse the implications for the SABC as a public broadcaster of the next elections in South Africa.
The research was informed by theories of media and democracy. One of the most powerful features of the new technology is its technical ability to facilitate an interactive flow of information. This research examines the concept of cyberdemocracy and the implications for the SABC, especially as it is planning on launching an online election strategy. The democratic roles of journalism and the implications for the SABC are also discussed. As a public service broadcaster, the SABC is bound to educate, inform, and mobilise voters for participation, build community and national identity and scrutinise the poll in the interests of transparency, accountability and fair play. International journalists are advocating a new type of journalism, called public or civic journalism, which
combines these roles.
This research draws primarily on qualitative research methods, using a case study methodology. It draws upon direct observation and interview methodology in the
fieldwork. However, it also uses some quantitative methods in the analysis of the websites and the SABC research.Finally, the research analyses the situation at the SABC and provides recommendations for the election website within this context
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Tawe, Ngamale Emmanuel. "The making of business news in Africa: a case study of Cameroon Tribune newspaper." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002942.
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Since the emergence of business journalism as a genre within the broad spectrum of news reporting, most of the scholarly works into its development have focused on growth in the western (that is developed) world. This indicates that very limited research has been done in the field of business journalism in the developing economies. Thus there exist gaps in understanding the practice of business journalism in Africa and part of this is rooted in how the practice is defined. This study aims to shed light on the practice of business journalism in this African context. It explores the onset and development of business journalism and its evolution in Africa. The main focus in this case study was to understand the definition of business news in the specific context of the Cameroon Tribune. Individual in-depth interviews were used as the main (primary) data collection method along with observation and cursory reading as complementary (secondary) methods. This study is influenced by the sociology of news production which foregrounds theoretical frames such as news construction and gatekeeping. Findings from this study reveal that business news at the Cameroon Tribune is elitist, essentially defined around personality and, is in the most part, development news. Additional findings indicate that the absence of any editorial guidelines leaves most reporters secondguessing how to please management with socialised values mostly acquired through peer learning. In conclusion, this study advances the necessity for the Africanisation of business news. This would entail reporting financial, economic, consumer, and corporate affairs, from a vocabulary and composition context that unveils much exchange taking place in the lives of many Africans.
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Webb, Rebecca. "Diminished Democracy? Portland Radio News/Public Affairs After the Telecom Act of 1996." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/157.
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News and public affairs on commercial radio dramatically changed following the 1996 Telecom Act, with rapid consolidation and economic efficiencies radically shrinking commercial radio's role in the provision of political information. By examining jobs data, public files, and the views of broadcast journalists, this project assesses the Act's impact through the lens of civic-minded Portland, Oregon. Because political information enables democracy, and because of radio's uniquely accessible qualities, this paper argues that market emphasis in media policy--especially in the Act's absolute manifestation--has diminished a significant channel of public discourse. Noticing radio's democratic potential, still relevant in the digital age, this work offers support for a revival of discursive opportunities on local commercial radio.
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蘆歡. "社會變遷中的傳媒公共領域建構 : 南方都市報時評欄目研究 = Construction of media public sphere in social transformation : a study of news commentary column in Southern metropolis daily". HKBU Institutional Repository, 2008. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/856.
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金秋. "新聞框架與"符號秩序" : 對中國"勞工新聞"之框架演進的個案研究, 1979-2003 = News frames and the "symbolic order" : a case study of the evolution of the framing of workers in China, 1979-2003". HKBU Institutional Repository, 2006. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/789.
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Pule, Kediretswe. "Obstacles faced by news journalists in investigative reporting: analysis of four Botswana newspapers, June 2008 - October 2008." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/869.
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In this research study, the researcher investigates obstacles faced by news journalists in investigative journalism in a democracy as experienced in Botswana. Investigative journalism and democracy have a symbiotic relationship. This relationship serves to make the public sensitive about, and aware of, injustices and undemocratic practices and it could, ultimately, contribute significantly to the process of democratization (Faure 2005: 155). Unfortunately, in their endeavor to keep up with the ethos of investigative journalism, journalists meet obstacles that range from legal to financial issues. The author investigates those factors that reporters in Botswana rate as having the greatest impact on their investigative efforts. The study also assesses the attitudes of journalists in the country towards the roles and responsibilities of the fourth estate, which supports investigative reporting. Investigative journalism is centered on disclosure, described by six elements: public interest, theme, accuracy, follow-up reports, consequences and questioning the status quo (Faure 2005:160; Marron 1995:1). The researcher interrogated the current practice of investigative journalism in newsrooms in the Botswana context, by means of a self-administered questionnaire. A cumulative sum of scores of each rank order for each obstacle was used to observe the one rated the most impeding by Botswana journalists. Elementary descriptive statistics in the form of percentages were used to assess attitudes of Botswana journalists towards investigative journalism. The same method was used to assess the proportion of investigative stories in four sampled Botswana newspapers. The contents of the respective newspapers were assessed against the five elements of investigative reporting that include: theme, public interest, questioning the status quo, accuracy, follow-up reports and consequences.
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Gandari, Jonathan. "An examination of how organisational policy and news professionalism are negotiated in a newsroom: a case study of Zimbabwe's Financial gazette." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002884.
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The construction of journalistic professionalism in Zimbabwe has stirred debate among scholars. Critics have argued that professionalism has been compromised by the stifling media laws in Zimbabwe as well as the extra legal measures the state has enforced to control the press. Some have also argued that a new kind of journalism must be emerging in the Zimbabwean newsroom as journalism try to cope with the political and economic pressures bedeviling the country. Much of this criticism however, has not been based on close interrogation of professionalism from the perspective of the journalists in any particular newsroom. It is against this background that this study examines the constructions of professionalism at the Financial Gazette. In particular it explores the meaning of professionalism through interrogating the journalistic practices the journalists consider during the process of news production in the context of overwhelming state power. In undertaking this examination, the study draws primarily on qualitative research methods, particularly observation and multi-layered individual in-depth interviews. As the study demonstrates, the interrogation of professionalism from the perspective of newsroom practices uncovers the complex manner in which professionalism is negotiated in the Gazette’s newsroom located in a country undergoing transition in Democracy. The study establishes that when measured against normative canons of journalistic professionalism the Gazette is deviating from such tenets as public service and watchdog journalism. As the study indicates, perhaps unbeknown to the respondents, the ruling ZANU PF party hegemony is reproduced at the Gazette through choice of news values such as sovereignty and patriotism all euphemisms for ruling party‘s slogans.
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Maweu, Jacinta Mwende. "An investigation into how journalists experience economic and political pressures on their ethical decisions at the Nation Media Group in Kenya." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007583.
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This study investigates how journalists experience economic and political pressures on their ethical decisions at the Nation Media Group (NMG) conglomerate in Kenya. The study uses qualitative semi- structured interviews to examine how journalists experience these pressures on their professional ethics as they make their daily decisions. Grounded in the critical political economy of the media tradition, the findings of the study indicate that economic and political pressures from advertisers, shareholders’ interests, the profit motive and the highly ethnicised political environment in Kenya largely compromise the ethical decisions of journalists. The study draws on the work done by Herman and Chomsky in their ‘Propaganda Model’ in which they propose ‘filters’ as the analytical indicators of the forms that political and economic pressures that journalists experience may take. The study explores the ways in which journalists experience these pressures, how they respond to the pressures and the ways in which their responses may compromise their journalism ethics. The findings indicate that aside from the pressures from the primary five filters outlined in the Propaganda Model, ethnicity in Kenyan newsrooms is a key ‘filter’ that may compromise the ethical decisions of journalists at the NMG. The study therefore argues that there is a need to modify the explanatory power of the Propaganda Model when applying it to the Kenyan context to include ethnicity as a ‘sixth filter’ that should be understood in relation to the five primary filters. From the findings, it would seem that the government is no longer a major threat to journalists’ freedom and responsibility in Kenya. Market forces and ethnicity in newsrooms pose the greatest threat to journalists’ freedom and responsibility. The study therefore calls for a revision of the normative framework within which journalists’ and media performance in Kenya is assessed. As the study findings show, the prevailing liberal- democratic model ignores the commercial and economic threats the ‘free market’ poses to journalism ethics as well as ethnicity in newsrooms and only focuses on the media- government relations, treating the government as the major threat to media freedom.
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Kula, Momelezi Michael. "How the South African print media cover economics news: a study of inflation news in four newspapers, 1999-2001." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002904.
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There is a considerable amount of literature arguing that economics and business journalism is growing. This subfield of journalism is important as economics issues impact on everyday lives of the people. Media have an important role to inform people about the economy and give them a voice to take part in public debates. The down side though is that economics journalism is criticised for not serving the public well in this aspect. Evidence suggests that economics journalism lost its critical character and that there is closer in economics debates. Using content analysis, this study examines coverage of inflation as reported by South African print media. Three major findings emerged: 1) Evidence shows that there are a variety of cases of inflation. 2) There are also similarities among newspapers on what they view as causing inflation. 3) However, media do not draw sources from all sectors of society. The elite, who are educated people and government officials, are over-accessed while the ordinary citizens - although also affected by inflation – are marginalized. Company and government sources top source lists in the media. It is argued that sources play an important role in shaping the news content. They do so by identifying problems and prescribing potential solutions. They set parameters and define terms of reference. However, media also play a mediating role. They do so by selecting sources and structuring sources in stories. They may chose to quote or report what their sources say and even comment on it. This study concludes that in South Africa ordinary citizens have no voices in economics debates. Media used bureaucratic sources only and that is a consonant agenda on inflation coverage amongst newspapers. The heavy reliance on bureaucratic sources and the exclusion of some sectors of society in sources lists raises questions about impartiality of these sources on issues relating to their organisations and institutions. These are not viable sources that could provide information that could expose abuse of power.
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Dinan, William. "Lobbying and devolution : policy and political communication in Scotland, 1997-2003." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/26826.
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This thesis examines the growth of commercial lobbying in Scotland with the devolution of political power to Edinburgh in 1999. The study analyses the nascent public affairs community in Edinburgh in the lead up to, and during, the first session of the Scottish Parliament. This period covers the public debate at Holyrood over the registration and regulation of outside interests, and examines both the public and private political communication of those actors involved. The evidence base for this thesis is drawn from archival and documentary research, extended observational fieldwork in Edinburgh, and in depth interviews with informants from lobbying consultancies, corporations, voluntary sector organisations, elected representatives and public servants. A key focus of this study is the role of commercial and corporate lobbyists in Scottish public affairs and the Scottish public sphere. The analysis concludes that the Scottish Parliament's founding principles of openness, equality and accountability could be served through the regulation of lobbying.
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Chen, Yu-Jen 1957. "A Critical Analysis of Newspaper Development in Taiwan Since the Lifting of Martial Law." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500886/.
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This study reviews the changes in Taiwan's newspaper industry during its current period of transition. Contemporary newspaper development in Taiwan after the lifting of martial law in July 1987 is evaluated in relation to transformations in the newspaper marketplace, journalistic practices, labor relations, and freedom of expression. This study concludes that changes in Taiwan's newspaper business are closely related to changes in the country's political atmosphere. The lifting of the Ban of Newspaper brought freedoms for which journalists had fought for decades; however, journalistic quality has not improved at the same speed. Changes will continue in the journalism industry; whether it grows in a healthy way is a topic for future study.
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Nerland, Krista. "Trying the Court : an assessment of the challenges facing the ICC in Uganda and Darfur." Thesis, McGill University, 2008. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=112509.
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The ICC, which came into force in 2002, was held up by human rights activists as a force that would transform a culture of impunity into a culture of accountability. However, after five years of activity, the evidence suggests that the Court's effect has been mixed. Its ability to achieve retributive justice, broader reconciliation and restorative justice, as well as to deter future offences and promote peace has been variable, at best. Despite the Court's claim that politics are not its job, political missteps and support are adversely affecting the work of a judicious Court. Using the cases of Uganda and Darfur, this paper argues that the most significant factors impacting the Court's ability to achieve the four aims outlined are its lack of enforcement capacity, lack of international political will, the result of geo-political interests and concerns over the norm of state sovereignty, and lack of attention to political context by the Court itself.
25
Van, Zyl Elizabeth Margaretha, and Zyl Lizma Van. "Too cosy for comfort? : a media ethical investigation into the Presidential Press Corps." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53697.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Govemment and the media are in the process of establishing South Africa's first
Presidential Press Corps (PPC) based on the White House Press Corps in the United
States of America.
The need for a body like the Presidential Press Corps (PPC) has become increasingly
evident as the recent relationship between the South African president and this country's
press can only be characterised as poor.
The establishment of the PPC potentially presents an ethical dilemma though due to
various factors. A joumalist can only serve the public with the most comprehensive and
accurate news when his or her finger is on the pulse of events that take place within the
decision-making bodies. However, being so close to those in power may seriously
threaten journalistic independence. This dilemma would be discussed in detail in this
assignment.
In May 200 I, the troubled relationship between Mbeki and the media was tackled at an
Indaba between the South African National Editor's Forum (SANEF) and cabinet at Sun
City. The crux and outcome of these discussions are set forth in The lf/oy Fo/wOld, a
report prepared by those attending the Indaba. The establishment of the PPC is one of
eight joint government and media initiatives outlined in this report.
Although there is overwhelming support for the Pl'C, there is concern that the Pl'C
members would be censored, manipulated and controlled by government as a result of
their proximity. The Freedom of Expression Institute (FXI) believes the implications are
far reaching and pose a serious threat to a free press.
This first group of Pl'C journalists is going where no other has gone before in this
country's history. They are however facing a daunting task, as the arena they are entering
is fraught with novelties, challenges, obstacles and temptations.
This assignment will examine the media's role in a democracy, the challenges of far
closer cooperation between the media and government, the ethical dilemma potentially
presented by the Pl'C as well as ways to ensure as far as possible, an ethical and
professional relationship between government and the corps's members.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die regenng en die media is in die proses om Suid-Afrika se eerste Presidensiele
Perskorps (PPK) te stig. Die konsep is geskoei op die van die Wit Huis Perskorps in die
Verenigde State van Amerika.
'n Dringende behoefte bestaan in Suid-Afrika aan 'n liggaam soos die PPK aangesien dit
duidelik geword het dat die verhouding tussen die president en die media nie na wense is
nie. Die stigting van die PPK kan egter weens verskeie faktore eties-problematies wees.
Joernaliste kan die publiek slegs voorsien van akkurate nuus indien hulle vingers op die
polsslag van gebeure binne die land se besluitnemende liggame is. Joernalistieke
onafhanklikheid kan egter in gedrang kom indien die verhouding tussen die "waghond"
en die regering te intiem raak. Die PPK-Iede sal na verwagting weens gereelde kontak 'n
veel hegter verhouding met die president he as wat die geval is met ander joemaliste.
Die vertroebelde verhouding tussen die media en president Thabo Mbeki is in Mei 200 1
bespreek tydens 'n lndaba by Sun City. Een van die inisiatiewe waarop daar
ooreengekom is in 'n poging om die probleme aan te pak, is die stigting van die PPK. Die
Suid-Afrikaanse Nasionale Redakteursforum en die regering hoop dat die korps sal bydra
tot 'n vryer vloei van inligting asook tot 'n beter verstandbouding tussen die regering en
die media.
Hoewel daar oorweldigende steun is vir die PPK, is daar ook vrese dat die korps se lede
gemanupileer en beheer sal word deur die kabinet.Die eerste groep PPK-lede gaan baanbrekerswerk verrig, maar die pad voor hulle is
onbekend en vol potensiele gevare. Die uitdagings, slaggate sowel as maniere hoe etiese
probleme oorkom kan word, word in hierdie werkstuk bespreek.
26
Sesanti, Simphiwe Olicius. "The political role of black journalists in Post-apartheid South Africa : the case of the City Press – 1994 to 2004." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/17833.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (PhD )--University of Stellenbosch, 2011.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study investigated the political role of the City Press. black journalists in post-apartheid
South Africa. Taking into consideration its ownership by a white media company, the study
investigated the role played by African cultural values in the execution of their tasks with a
particular focus on the period 1994 to 2004.
The interest in the role played by African cultural values in the execution of the City Press.
black journalists. tasks, and in the issue of the newspaper.s white ownership, was driven by
an observation that historically, the trajectory of black newspapers was to a great extent
influenced by the interests and values of the owners. The issue of ownership was of interest
also because the black political elite frequently accused black journalists in South Africa of
undermining the ANC government so as to please the white owners of the newspapers they
worked for.
Also, taking into consideration that the City Press played a conscious role in the struggle
against apartheid, the study sought to investigate the role the City Press defined for its
journalists in post-apartheid South Africa, specifically in the first decade after 1994.
Three theoretical frameworks were deemed applicable in this study, namely Liberal-
Pluralism, Political Economy, and Afrocentric theories on the media.s political role in
society. The first was chosen on the basis of its theorisation on the political role of the media.
The second was chosen on the basis of its analysis of the link between the performance of the
media and ownership, although that is not the only issue Political Economy deals with. The
third was chosen on the basis of its focus on African historical and cultural issues. The study
has employed qualitative research methods, namely content analysis and interviews. It has a
quantitative aspect in that it involved the counting of the City Press. editorials, columns and
opinion pieces, as an indication of how many journalistic pieces were analysed.
The period of this study ends in 2004 in the year that the City Press was re-launched as a
¡°Distinctly African¡± newspaper. The ¡°Distinctly African¡± concept had both cultural and
political implications for the City Press. journalists. This study covers some of these aspects
in a limited way since the research period ends in the year 2004.
The research found that in post-apartheid South Africa, the City Press. black journalists.
political role was to make sure that the objectives of the anti-apartheid struggle were
achieved. It also established that the City Press. black journalists executed their tasks
independently without interference from their newspaper.s white owners. The study also
established that some of the newspaper.s black journalists experienced tensions between what
they perceived as expectations of journalism and what they perceived as the prescriptions of
African culture.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie het die volgende ondersoek: die politieke rol van die City Press se swart
joernaliste in post-apartheid Suid-Afrika, die rol van Afrika-kulturele waardes in die
uitvoering van hul taak met 'n spesifieke fokus op die periode 1994 tot 2004, en die konteks
van die koerant as eiendom van 'n tradisionele wit media maatskappy.
Die belangstelling in die rol van Afrika-kulturele waardes in die uitvoering van die taak van
die City Press se swart joernaliste en die kwessie van die koerant se wit eienaarskap is gedryf
deur die waarneming dat, histories, swart koerante grotendeels beïnvloed is deur die belange
en waardes van die eienaars. Die kwessie van eienaarskap was ook van belang omdat die
politieke elite gereeld swart joernaliste beskuldig het dat hulle die ANC-regering ondermyn
om sodoende die wit eienaars van die publikasies vir wie hulle werk, tevrede te stel.
In ag geneem die feit dat die City Press 'n bewustelike rol in die struggle teen apartheid
gespeel het, het die studie ook die rol ondersoek wat die City Press vir sy joernaliste in post-apartheid
Suid-Afrika gedefinieer het, spesifiek in die eerste dekade ná 1994.
Drie teoretiese raamwerke is beskou as van belang vir hierdie studie, naamlik die Liberale-
Pluralisme, die Politieke Ekonomie en Afrosentriese teorieë oor die media se politieke rol in
die samelewing. Die studie het twee kwalitatiewe navorsingsmetodologieë gebruik, by name
inhoudsanalise en onderhoude. Daar was 'n kwantitatiewe aspek deurdat die City Press se
hoofartikels, rubrieke en meningstukke getel is as 'n aanduiding van hoeveel stukke
geanaliseer is.
Die navorsing het bevind dat die City Press se swart joernaliste hul politieke rol in post-apartheid
Suid-Afrika gesien het as om onder meer seker te maak dat die doelwitte van die
vryheidstryd bereik word. Die studie het ook vasgestel dat die City Press se swart joernaliste
hul taak onafhanklik en sonder inmenging van die koerant se wit eienaars kon doen. Ook is
bevind dat sommige van die koerant se swart joernaliste spanning ervaar tussen eise van die
joernalistiek en wat hulle beskou as voorskriftelikheid van Afrika-kulturele waardes.
Die tydperk van die studie eindig in 2004, die jaar waarin die City Press geloods is as 'n
"Distinctly African"-koerant. Die "Distinctly African"-konsep het beide kulturele en politieke
implikasies vir die City Press se joernaliste. Hierdie studie dek sommige van hierdie aspekte
in 'n beperkte mate aangesien die navorsingstydperk in 2004 eindig. Dit word voorgestel dat
meer navorsing gedoen word met spesifieke verwysing na die tydperk tussen 2004 en 2009,
die volgende vyf jaar van demokrasie in Suid-Afrika. In die politieke diskoers verwys die
swart politieke elite gereeld na Afrika-kultuur. Dit is nog 'n aspek wat toekomstige studies
kan ondersoek, naamlik die verhouding tussen joernalistieke waardes en praktyke aan die een
kant, en Afrika-kultuur aan die ander.<br>Stellenbosch University<br>Awqaf Foundation
27
Nyaungwa, Mathew. "Newspapers' institutional voices in Zimbabwe : speaking to power through editorials between 1 June and 31 December 2013." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1017786.
Full textAbstract:
This study investigates the complex role editorials – a newspaper's institutional voice – play in highly-polarised political contexts. Employing Van Dijk's insight that editorials "are usually not only, and even not primarily, directed at the common reader: rather they tend to directly or indirectly address influential news actors" (1992: 244), the study focuses on how the editorials of two Zimbabwean daily newspapers – The Herald, a perceived pro-government newspaper, and NewsDay, a perceived pro-opposition newspaper – speak to those in power. The study looks at these two newspapers' editorials from 1 June to 31 December 2013, which covers the period prior to, during and after the 2013 national elections. The 31 July, 2013 elections took place after four years of an uneasy government of national unity (GNU), which comprised ZANU-PF and the two MDC formations (Raftopoulos, 2013:978). Given the polarisation that is pervasive in the Zimbabwean politics and media, the study draws on Hallin and Mancini (2004)'s "Polarised Pluralist Model". In this model the media are used as instruments of struggle in conflicts, sometimes by dictatorships and by movements struggling against them, but also by contending parties in periods of democratic politics (Hallin and Mancini, 2004:61). Further, the methodological approach that informs this study is primarily qualitative. A qualitative content analysis of 30 editorials seeks to identify themes covered in the editorials. The study also employs a rhetorical analysis of 12 editorials and in-depth interviews and these form the adopted three-stage research design. The findings of this research somewhat contradict the common view in Zimbabwe that the privately-owned media blindly support the opposition while the stateowned media do the same to ZANU-PF (Chari, 2009:10; Mabweazara, 2011:110). Although The Herald openly supported ZANU-PF prior to the election, it shifted after the election as it pushed the ruling party to fulfill pledges made on the campaign trail. Some ZANU-PF officials were also censured by The Herald, although this selective criticism can be linked to factionalism in the party. NewsDay editorials reminded the newly formed government to mend the economy and provide basic services. While, the daily constantly censured Mugabe and ZANU-PF prior to the election, it also occasionally berated the MDC, which can be attributed to its participation in the GNU as that took away the privilege it previously had of not being hold accountable by the press.
28
Conrad, David B. "Lost in the Shadows of the Radio Tower: A Return to the Roots of Community Radio Ownership in Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1307383699.
Full text
29
Stuckert, Donna. "Coverage of George Bush in three newsmagazines : a content analysis." Virtual Press, 1992. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/834126.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examined all references to George Bush in Time, U.S. News and World Report and Newsweek in the time periods before and after the 1988 Republican National Convention in order to determine if there was a difference in how these newsmagazines portrayed Bush in these time periods. The hypothesis of this study: George Bush was portrayed more positively in the total coverage of these newsmagazines after the convention than he was portrayed prior to the convention.In order to determine this, a coder chose news stories from before and after the convention from the newsmagazines if they dealt primarily with the man George Bush or the campaign in general.All references to Bush were highlighted in the articles along with all statements made by Bush. Then, sources of these sentences with these references were determined and placed into one of three categories: newsmagazine, Bush or "Other." Coders were asked to evaluate the references to Bush as to whether the references placed Bush in a positive light, negative light or did not reflect him positively or negatively, neutral.The findings of this study show there was no apparent difference in the coverage of Bush between the time periods. The hypothesis was not supported. Additionally, the overall coverage of Bush was neutral and the newsmagazines were the source of the largest amount of references.<br>Department of Journalism
30
Ramncwana, Ayanda. "The Daily Dispatch's political coverage of the Eastern Cape Provincial government: 1 January 2013 – 31 December 2013." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/19905.
Full textAbstract:
The Daily Dispatch, a newspaper based in the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa, has a long history of political reporting. Arguably, it reached the zenith of its prominence during the era of political activism of the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM), under the leadership of Bantu Steve Biko, who was martyred by the apartheid government in 1977. Biko was at the time based in King William’s Town, in the Eastern Cape. The newspaper, at the time edited by Donald Woods, held the view that Biko was preaching a doctrine of hatred against White people, and Woods took it upon himself to challenge Biko. This saw Woods gaining a better understanding of the BCM and Biko, and hiring into the Daily Dispatch’s newsroom a number of pro-Black Consciousness journalists. The newspaper then proceeded to cover not only the BCM, but also other pro-democracy movements until the demise of apartheid and the emergence of the African National Congress-led government under the presidency of Nelson Mandela. With the emergence of the ANC-led government, there was an expectation that newspapers and journalists that had opposed apartheid and supported the liberation struggle would continue supporting the freedom fighters-turned-career-politicians. This was especially so because some pro-ANC politicians-turned-businessmen acquired a stake in media ownership. It is against this background that this study investigated the political coverage by the Daily Dispatch of the Eastern Cape Provincial Government during the period 1 January – 30 December 2013. Taking into cognisance the changing hands of the ownership of the Daily Dispatch, the Political Economy theory, which focuses on the link between ownership of the media and its role in society, was employed as a theoretical framework. The study utilised the qualitative research methodology, specifically interviews and content analysis, as research techniques (methods). The research found that despite the changes in the ownership of the Daily Dispatch, the newspaper provided independent political coverage of the ANC-led government in the Eastern Cape during the research period.
31
Malan, Martha S. "The scientific politics of HIV/AIDS : a media perspective." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53684.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: When South Africa's President, Thabo Mbeki, began doubting that HfV was the cause of
AIDS in the late nineties, the debate he introduced in his country was not new; it had
raged in the United States as far back as a decade ago. But, even prior to that, there had
been numerous controversies pertaining to the discovery of the Ill-virus. This thesis
argues that those contentions created such a heated atmosphere that the causal debates
that were to follow, however incredible they were, were largely unavoidable.
In its coverage of the epidemic, the media were immersed in its own politics. During the
early eighties, the gay newspapers in the US felt a personal responsibility to find the
cause of a disease that was rapidly killing many of its readers. But, in the process, the
often promoted unscientific and dangerous approaches. By the time the AIDS dissident
debate had unraveled in the US, the gay media was so suspicious of the anti-gay Reagan
government that they frequently advanced dissident arguments. The mainstream and
scientific media, on the other hand, were perceived as rigidly supporting government
institutions, excluding critical voices.
When the dissident debate reached South Africa ten years later, the South African media
was completely unprepared. Most journalists had never heard of AIDS dissidents; some
had not even heard of HfV or the anti-AIDS drug AZT, that the President had labeled
toxic. Begin a new democracy, with a history of white oppression, the black and white
media differed immensely on how to cover 'the President's debate'. Criticism of the newly
elected ANC government's arguments were often branded racist and unpatriotic, with
journalists suffering regular intimidation at the hands of state officials and governmentaligned
editors.
This thesis examines the development of the politics surrounding the science of AIDS,
from the discovery of'HfV up until Thabo Mbeki's controversial contentions. To an equal
extent, it looks at the news media's coverage of the process, focusing on the approaches
to the debate of various media outlets and individual journalists. It also raises ethical
issues, particularly in South Africa, that emerged during one of the most widely reported
debates in the country's history. It in no way attempts to provide a quantitative analysis of
media coverage and, in the case of the US media, draws heavily on analytical studies
conducted at the time.
NOTE: In the analysis of the South African media's coverage of the AIDS dissident
debate in Part Three: B, issues pertaining to the country's public broadcaster, the South
African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC), were not discussed The reason was that the
author was the Corporation's Health Correspondent at the time, and therefore too closely
involved in the institution in order to provide an objective perspective.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Toe Suid-Afrika se president, Thabo Mbeki, in die laat jare negentig begin het om die
oorsaak van VIGS in twyfel te trek, was die debat wat hy in sy land ingelei het, nie nuut
nie; dit reeds 'n dekade tevore in die VSA gewoed. Maar, selfs voor daardie debat, was
daar 'n hewige omstredenheid wat met die ontdekking van die MI-virus verband gehou
het. Hierdie tesis argumenteer dat daardie omstredenheid so 'n driftige atmosfeer geskep
het, dat die debat oor die oorsaak van VIGS wat sou volg, hoe ongeloofwaardig ook al,
grootliks onvermydelik was.
Met die dekking van die epidemie was die media in hul eie politiek gedompel. Tydens die
vroeë jare tagtig het gay-koerante in die VSA 'n persoonlike verantwoordelikheid gevoel
om die oorsaak te vind van 'n siekte wat baie van hulle lesers vinnig laat sterfhet. Maar,
in die proses het hulle dikwels onwetenskaplike en gevaarlike benaderings bevorder.
Teen die tyd dat die 'oorsaak-debat' in die VSA begin posvat het, was gay-koerante so
agterdogtig oor die anti-gay Reagan-regering dat hulle dikwels 'afvallige' argumente
aangemoedig het. Die hoofstroommedia en wetenskaplike joernale is aan die ander kant
weer gesien as rigiede ondersteuners van regeringsorganisasies, wat kritiese stemme wou
stilmaak.
Toe die 'oorsaak-debat' Suid-Afrika tien jaar later bereik het, het dit die plaaslike media
geheel en alonkant betrap. Die meeste joernaliste het toe nog nooit van 'VIGS-afvalliges'
gehoor nie; party nie eens van MIV of die teenvigsmiddel AZT, wat die president as
giftig geëtiketteer het nie. Daarby was die land 'n jong demokrasie met 'n geskiedenis van
wit onderdrukking, wat meegebring het dat wit en swart media-instansies grotendeels
verskil het oor hoe die 'president se debat' gedek moes word. Kritiek teen die nuut
verkose ANC-regering se argumente is dikwels as rassisties of onpatrioties afgemaak, en
regeringsamptenare of regeringsgesinde redakteurs het gereeld probeer om joernaliste te
intimideer.
Hierdie proefskrif ondersoek die ontwikkeling van die politiek rondom die wetenskap
van VIGS, van die ontdekking van MIV tot en met Thabo Mbeki se omstrede argumente.
Dit kyk ook na die nuusdekking van die proses, deur op die benaderings van verskeie
media-instansies asook individuele joernalistse te fokus. Dit bespreek ook etiese kwessies
wat tydens nuusdekking na vore gekom het, veral in Suid-Afrika, waar hierdie debat van
die wydste nuusdekking óóit in die geskiedenis van die land geniet het. Dit poog geensins
om 'n kwantitatiewe analise van mediadekking te verskaf nie, en waar die Amerikaanse
media beskou word, word daar sterk gesteun op analitiese studies wat tydens die duur van
die debat uitgevoer is.
NOTA: In die analise van die Suid-Afrikaanse media se dekking van die 'oorsaak-debat' in Deel 3:B word
kwessies wat met die nuusdekking van die land se openbare uitsaaier, die Suid-Afrikaanse
Uitsaaikorporasie (SA UK), verband hou, nie bespreek nie. Die rede is dat die outeur die korporasie se
gesondheidskorrespondent was, en was daarom te nou verbind aan die korporasie om 'n objektiewe
perspektiefte verseker.
32
Nzioka, Roseleen M. "What makes news on the front page? : an investigation of conceptions of newsworthiness in the East African Standard." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008178.
Full textAbstract:
Determining what is newsworthy is a daily challenge even to the very people who source news, produce and disseminate it. This study is part an exposition and exploration of the different approaches that media researchers have used to explain and determine the value of news. Like similar research before it, this study more specifically delves into the news selection process of news of one particular newspaper with the goal of investigating why and how news is selected for publication in the front page. News is the 'result of many forces: ranging from source power, journalistic orientation, medium-preference and market model, news values and production routines and processes. The study briefly expounds on the different definitions of news as perceived in terms of the developed and developing world. Just as journalists do not operate in a vacuum, a close examination of the various definitions reveals that news cannot be defined in isolation. Its definition is intrinsically tied to that of news values. Also explored here are debates about news values and their Western rootedness. Here reference is made to literature regarding theories on the social construction of meanings and on the gatekeeping concept.The study is informed by similar research in gatekeeping studies and sociology of news studies. It is important to state at the outset that the study is not concerned with how news is produced but why there is a bias for certain kinds of news. I am interested in explaining why and how the writers and editors at the East African Standard make decisions about what is worthy of being published on the front page of the newspaper. This distinction is necessary because the theories that inform this study transcend news sourcing and production. This study takes cognizance ofthe fact that one cannot separate social processes from the individual and vice versa. For this reason, this study investigates and analyses the biases of individual gatekeepers at the East African Standard as well as their collective biases. In the concluding section, this study calls for an alternative paradigm for journalism and news. The foregoing discussions in the other sections prove that a universal definition of news and what is newsworthy will not suffice and there is need to contexualise it.
33
Dlamini, Tula. "Whither state, private or public service broadcasting? : an analysis of the construction of news on ZBC TV during the 2002 presidential election campaign in Zimbabwe." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008257.
Full textAbstract:
The study sets out to examine the television coverage of the 2002 presidential campaign in Zimbabwe by examining the extent to which the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation fulfilled the mandate of public service broadcasting. The primary objective of this study is to assess how ZBC television newscasts mediated pluralistic politics in the coverage of the country's presidential election campaign, in line with the normative public sphere principles. The thesis comprises seven chapters organized, first, with an introductory chapter, which provides the general background of the study. The chapter offers the rationale for the focus on TV rather than other media fomls . There are two theoretical and contextual chapters in which the use of both qualitative and quantitative methods is explained and findings are presented. Finally, the conclusion offers recommendations about the form broadcasting might take to fulfil a public service mandate and these include the strengthening of the public service broadcasting model along normative public sphere principles. The findings of the analysed election newscasts confirm that ZBC television election news was constructed in favour of ZANU PF at the expense of voices from other social and political constituencies.<br>KMBT_363<br>Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in
34
Bunce, Melanie J. "Reporting from 'the field' : foreign correspondents and the international news coverage of East Africa." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6495cbb1-a4f2-46e5-82f6-0b69b4123217.
Full textAbstract:
There has been significant academic criticism of the international news coverage of Africa, but little or no first-hand research on the forces that create this news. This thesis draws on 51 semi-structured interviews and ethnographic work with practicing foreign correspondents in Sudan, Kenya and Uganda to explore the question: how can we explain and theorise the production of international news on East Africa? The thesis argues that Pierre Bourdieu’s Field Theory, and its analytical toolbox of ‘field’, ‘capital’ and ‘habitus’, can be meaningfully used to examine international journalistic practice. Field theory has been widely and productively used to understand domestic news production, but it has not yet been employed to empirically investigate journalistic production in the global sphere. The analysis is presented in three sections, each of which focuses on a different ‘layer’ of the international news system: the global field, where newswires compete for clients and capital; the national field ‘back home’ where traditional, nation based news outlets are based; and, finally, the local and immediate site where foreign correspondents work. Each of these layers is explored through an in depth case study of a major news producer/group of producers working in East Africa. The first and most substantial section examines the global journalistic field, and the position and practices of the Reuters newswire within this field. The second examines the foreign correspondents who report on Africa for print outlets in the UK. The final section presents two case studies of correspondents at work, negotiating a local news ecology: the election violence in Kenyan (2007-8), and the international coverage of the Darfur crisis. The discussion explores the fluidity between these three layers. Each analysis section stands alone as an investigations of major news producers in Africa today, and the forces that influence their work. Together, they build the argument that field theory is a useful approach to conceptualising the contemporary global news system, and examining journalistic practices within this. The main strengths of the theory lie in its notion of habitus; the extent to which it can incorporate and explain change; and its ability to link macro level phenomenon with micro level practice. The theory is ideally suited to capture and study the way in which foreign correspondents negotiate a complex and fluid global news system.
35
Nakacwa, Susan. "“Please don’t show me on Agataliiko Nfuufu or my husband will beat me like engalabi (long drum)”: young women and tabloid television in Kampala, Uganda." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1020968.
Full textAbstract:
The “tabloid TV” news genre is a relatively new phenomenon in Uganda and Africa. The genre has been criticised for depoliticising the public by causing cynicism, and lowering the standards of rational public discourse. Despite the criticisms, the genre has been recognised for bringing ‘the private’ into a public space and one of the major ‘private’ issues on the public agenda is women and gender equality. Given these critiques, this study set out to interrogate the meanings that young working class women in Kampala make of the tabloid television news programme Agataliiko Nfuufu and to ask how these meanings relate to the contested notions of femininity in this urban space. In undertaking this audience reception study I interviewed young women between the ages of 18-35 years by means of individual in-depth interviews and focus group discussions. The study establishes that Agataliiko Nfuufu is consumed in a complex environment where contesting notions of traditionalism and modernity are at play. The study also establishes that while mediating the problems, discomforts and contestations of these young women’s lives, Bukedde TV1 operates within a specific social context and gendered environment where Agataliiko Nfuufu is consumed. The study concludes that the bulletin mediates the young women’s negotiations and contestations, but it provides them with a window into other people’s lives and affords them opportunities to compare, judge and appreciate their own. Furthermore, the gendered roles and expectations in this context have become naturalised and have achieved a taken-for-grantedness. Therefore, patriarchy has been legitimised and naturalised to the extent that the respondents define themselves largely in relation to male relatives, and marriage. While the women lament the changes that have taken place in their social contexts which disrupt the natural gender order, they construct themselves as subjects of the prevailing discourses of gender relations that see men as powerful and women as weak and in need of protection.
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Cowling, Lesley. "Saving the Sowetan : the public interest and commercial imperatives in journalism practice." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1017781.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the complex ways in which notions of the public interest and commercial imperatives intertwine in journalism practice. It does this through a study of the 2004 takeover and relaunch of the Sowetan newspaper, the highest circulation daily in South Africa throughout the 1990s and an institution of black public life. The ‘public interest’ and ‘the commercial’ are recurring ideas in journalism scholarship and practice, and the relaunch appeared to be a challenge to reconcile the Sowetan’s commercial challenges with its historical responsibility to a ‘nation-building’ public. However, the research shows that the public/commercial aspects of journalism were inextricably entangled with Sowetan’s organisational culture, which was the matrix through which its journalism practice was expressed. Conflict in the organisation over the changes was not simply a contest between commercial realities and the public interest, with journalists defending a responsibility to the public and managers pushing commercial solutions, but a conflict between the culture of Sowetan “insiders”, steeped in the legacy of the newspaper, and “outsiders”, employed by the new owners to effect change. Another conclusion of the research is that commercial “realities” – often conceptualised as counter to the public interest – are highly mutable. Basic conditions, such as a dependence on advertising, exist. However, media managers must choose from a range of strategies to be commercially viable, which requires risk-taking, innovation and, often, guesswork. In such situations, the ‘wall’ between media managers and senior editors is porous, as all executives must manage the relationship between business and editorial imperatives. Executives tend to overlook culture as a factor in changing organisations, but I argue that journalism could benefit from engaging with management theory and organisational psychology, which offer ways to understand the specific dynamics of the organisation. Finally, I argue that the case of the Sowetan throws into question the idea that there may be a broadly universal journalism culture. The attachment of Sowetan journalists to their particular values and practice suggests that forms of journalism evolve in certain contexts to diverge from the ‘professional’ Anglo-American modes. These ‘journalisms’ use similar terms – such as the ‘public interest’ – but operationalise them quite differently. The responsibility to the public is imagined in very different ways, but remains a significant attachment for journalists.
37
Matsilele, Trust. "The political role of the diaspora media in the mediation of the Zimbabwean crisis : a case study of The Zimbabwean - 2008 to 2010." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/85723.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: After a decade long multi-faceted political crisis, political parties in Zimbabwe signed the Global
Political Agreement (GPA) of 2008 following the Southern African Development Community’s
(SADC) mediated talks culminating in the formation of an inclusive government. This study
sought to investigate the political role, if any, played by the diasporic media in mediating the
Zimbabwean crisis. This research focused on diasporic media using as a case study The
Zimbabwean newspaper considering that during the research period it was circulating both in the
country and diaspora communities in Western Europe, the USA and SADC countries. Diasporic
media in Zimbabwe is a phenomenon associated with the rise of robust political opposition to the
former ruling ZANU PF regime. Accordingly, such media operated outside the purview of the
contemporary legislative and legal regime although the newspaper circulated in Zimbabwe. A
number of anti establishment news media sprouted to challenge and offer resistance in the
cyberspace and on shortwave and in print media. The Social Responsibility Theory was
employed with the aim of establishing whether or not The Zimbabwean observed the journalistic
ethics of reporting with truthfulness, accuracy, balance and objectivity. The Social Responsibility
Theory’s thrust is on de-sensationalising reportage, promotion of media ethics and self
regulation.
This study employed both qualitative and quantitative research methods. The research
established that The Zimbabwean newspaper played, to a larger extent, an active role in
challenging the ZANU PF-led government and gave a platform to the oppositional Movement
for Democratic Change. The conclusion arrived at in this study was that just like the state media,
which promoted the government’s propaganda, The Zimbabwean did the same for the opposition
parties in Zimbabwe.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Politieke partye in Zimbabwe het ná ’n lang politieke krisis met vele fasette die Global Political
Agreement (GPA) van 2008 geteken. Dit het gevolg op die Suid-Afrikaanse
Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap (SAOG) se mediëring wat gelei het tot die vorm van ’n inklusiewe
regering. Hierdie studie het probeer om die politieke rol, indien enigsins, van die diaspora-media
in die mediëring van die Zimbabwiese krisis te ondersoek. Die navorsing het op diaspora-media
gefokus deur ’n gevallestudie van die koerant The Zimbabwean te doen. Dié blad is gedurende
die navorsingstyd in die land sowel as onder die Zimbabwiese diaspora in Europa, die VSA en
SAOG-lande versprei. Diaspora-media in Zimbabwe is ’n fenomeen wat geassosieer word met
die opkoms van ’n robuuste politieke opposisie teen die ZANU (PF)-regime. Dié media opereer
dus buite die grense van die juridiese en wetgewende gesag van die land. ’n Verskeidenheid antiestablishment media het in die kuberruim, kortgolfradio en drukmedia ontwikkel wat beide
uitgedaag en weerstand gebied het. Die Sosiale Verantwoordelikheidsteorie is gebruik om vas te
stel of The Zimbabwean joernalistieke etiek nagekom het deur waarheidsgetrou en akkuraat,
sowel as met balans en objektiwiteit, te rapporteer. Die teorie fokus om reportage te
desensasionaliseer en om media-etiek en selfregulering te bevorder. Die studie het kwalitatiewe
en kwantitatiewe navorsingsmetodes gebruik. Die navorsing het vasgestel dat The Zimbabwean
tot ’n groot mate ’n aktiewe rol gespeel het om die ZANU (PF)-regering uit te daag en ’n
platform te bied aan die Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)-groepering. Die slotsom is
dat, net soos die staatsmedia regering-propaganda bevorder het, The Zimbabwean dit vir die
opposisiepartye in Zimbabwe gedoen het.
38
Botma, Gabriel Johannes. "Manufacturing cultural capital : arts journalism at Die Burger (1990-1999)." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/18065.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2011.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study examines the discursive role and positioning of arts journalism at Die Burger
during a period of radical transformation in South African society. The study is conducted
within a critical-cultural paradigm. Arts journalists are considered to be manufacturers of
cultural capital, a term devised by Pierre Bourdieu as part of his comprehensive field theory
framework. While Bourdieu uses cultural capital in the main to describe the role of education
and culture in the maintenance of elite power hierarchies, this study investigates how the
nature of cultural capital at Die Burger was affected by power shifts when competing elites
jostled for dominance in a post-apartheid dispensation.
By drawing on Michel Foucault’s theory of discourse, the focus of research further
incorporates the discursive positioning of arts journalists in their coverage of arts and cultural
events in the 1990s in relation to shifting configurations of power. The argument is that arts
journalism at Die Burger can be situated within networks of power and thus contributed to the
structuring of post-apartheid society. In the words of Antonio Gramsci, arts journalists
became involved in hegemonic and counter-hegemonic struggles.
Flowing from these theoretical departure points, the study identifies critical discourse analysis
(CDA) as an appropriate research method for textual analysis and adapts a five-phase model
suggested by Teun van Dijk as part of his contextual CDA approach. The analysis thus
focuses in turn on the context of discourse, discursive struggles between arts journalists and
political journalists, strategies of classification used by arts journalists, emerging themes of
discourse in arts journalism, and how the selection and presentation of arts journalism on
news and arts pages were influenced by various factors, including the personal background
and experiences of arts journalists (The concept of Bourdieu’s “habitus”). To affect
triangulation and enhance the textual analysis, the study also employs semi-structured indepth
interviews with arts journalists who were prominent at Die Burger in the 1990s.
The study found that arts journalists were at the intersection of different and often diverging
and contradictory power-points in post-apartheid discourses at the newspaper. On the one
hand, some arts journalists embraced a legacy of editorial independence at the arts desk and
sometimes created oppositional discourses to the official political view of the newspaper: for
instance on the issue of alleged “collective guilt” for Afrikaners and whether Naspers should appear before the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) to explain its role in
supporting the National Party (NP) during apartheid. On the other hand, many arts journalists
shared the editor’s apparent aversion to the international cultural boycott supported by the
ANC and harboured some of the same skepticism about the so-called Africanisation of society
and resultant attacks on Eurocentrism in the arts.
This study -- the first on this level to focus on Afrikaans arts journalism since 1994 --
represents a significant contribution to knowledge in the under-researched field of arts
journalism in South Africa. Its purpose and process has furthermore developed theoretical and
methodological innovations which can enrich the field of journalism studies.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die studie -- vanuit 'n kritiese kulturele paradigma -- ondersoek die diskursiewe posisionering
en rol van kunsjoernalistiek by Die Burger gedurende 'n periode van radikale transformasie in
die Suid-Afrikaanse samelewing. Kunsjoernaliste word beskryf as vervaardigers van kulturele
kapitaal, soos gekonsepsualiseer deur Pierre Bourdieu in sy omvattende raamwerk van veldteorie.
Terwyl Bourdieu die term kulturele kapitaal hoofsaaklik gebruik om die rol van
opvoeding en kultuur in die behoud van hierargieë van elite-mag te beskryf, ondersoek hierdie
studie hoe die aard van kulturele kapitaal by Die Burger beïnvloed is deur magsverskuiwings
waarin mededingende post-apartheid elite-groepe mekaar die stryd aangesê het.
Deur gebruik te maak van Michel Foucault se teorie van diskoers, val die fokus van navorsing
dus op die diskursiewe posisionering van kunsjoernaliste in hul dekking van kuns-en-kultuurgebeure
in the 1990’s. Die argument is dat kunsjoernalistiek by Die Burger binne
magsnetwerke geplaas kan word en bygedra het tot die strukturering van die post-apartheid
samelewing. In Antonio Gramsci se terme het kunsjoernaliste dus betrokke geraak in die stryd
om hegemonie te skep en teen te werk.
Uitvloeiend uit hierdie teoretiese vertrekpunte word kritiese diskoersanalise (KDA) as
navorsingsmetode vir die ontleding van joernalistieke tekste geïdentifiseer. Daarvolgens word 'n model met vyf stappe, voorgestel deur Teun van Dijk as deel van sy KDA-benadering,
aangepas vir gebruik. Die analise fokus dus om die beurt op die konteks van diskoers, die
diskursiewe stryd tussen kunsjoernaliste en politieke joernaliste, strategieë van klassifikasie
wat kunsjoernaliste gebruik het, temas van diskoers wat aan die lig gekom het in
kunsjoernalistiek, en hoe die seleksie en aanbieding van kuns-en-kultuur-nuus deur
verskillende faktore beïnvloed is, insluitend deur die persoonlike agtergrond en ondervinding
van kunsjoernaliste (“habitus” in Bourdieu se teorie). Om triangulasie te bewerkstelling en die
teks-analise te ondersteun, is semi-gestruktureerde in-diepte onderhoude met prominente
kunsjoernaliste aangelê.
Die studie het vasgestel dat kunsjoernaliste in post-apartheid diskoerse in die koerant hulself
op 'n kruispunt van verskillende, soms uiteenlopende en selfs opponerende strominge van mag
bevind het. Aan die een kant het sommige kunsjoernaliste 'n tradisie van redaksionele
onafhanklikheid omarm en soms opposisionele politieke diskoerse in vergelyking met die amptelike beleid van die koerant geskep, byvoorbeeld oor die kwessie van beweerde
“kollektiewe skuld” vir Afrikaners en of Naspers voor die Waarheid-en-
Versoeniningskommissie (WVK) moes verskyn om sy rol as ondersteuner van die Nasionale
Party (NP) gedurende apartheid te verduidelik. Maar aan die ander kant het talle
kunsjoernaliste die redakteur se klaarblyklike afkeer gedeel aan die internasionale kultuurboikot
wat deur die ANC ondersteun is. Kunsjoernaliste was ook skepties oor die sogenaamde
Afrikanisering van die samelewing en gevolglike aanvalle op Eurosentriese kuns.
Ten slotte maak hierdie studie -- die eerste op hierdie vlak oor Afrikaanse kunsjoernalistiek
sedert 1994 -- 'n belangrike bydrae tot die yl kennisveld van kunsjoernalistiek in Suid-Afrika.
In die proses het die studie ook teoretiese en metodologiese innovasies aangebring wat die
veld van joernalistiek-studies kan verryk.
39
Mufamadi, Azwihangwisi Eugene. "The media, Equal Education and school learners : an investigation of the possibility of 'political listening' in the South African education crisis." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1011874.
Full textAbstract:
This study sets out to investigate democratic participation in South Africa and the role that media play and can potentially play within this context. It considers a social movement, as one way in which citizens can organise themselves and make their voices heard to improve their chances of making a meaningful contribution to democracy. It employs Susan Bickford's theory of 'political listening', which offers a potential solution to the lack of political representativeness and inclusiveness, by focusing on the way citizens relate to each other through speaking, listening and dialogue. This study examines whether the interaction between learners and the social movement Equal Education could be considered 'political listening', and the current and possible role of the media within this context of participation. The study also attempts to develop and make a contribution to the language of description for the theory of political listening in order to map it onto the data. Using evidence or data gathered through observation of Equal Education's youth group meetings with learners and in-depth interviews with learners, youth group facilitators, Equal Education staff members and journalists, this study shows how the interaction amongst learners and between Equal Education and learners could be considered political listening and how the social movement works as a democratic project which offers learners an opportunity to exercise their citizenship. Furthermore, it also details the current role of the media and possible role of the media as perceived by Equal Education, learners and by journalists who report on Equal Education's activities. The study does not make conclusive claims about whether 'political listening' occurs between Equal Education and learners and the media because the study is exploratory in nature and involves a lot of trial and error when it comes to applying the theory of political listening to interview and textual data, which is a communication context that the theory is only beginning to chart.
40
King, Gabriel. "An ideological analysis of filter blogs : how Daily Kos and Powerline construct biased news : a thesis." Scholarly Commons, 2001. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/857.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis analyzes how the news blogs Daily Kos and Power line construct news presented from an ideological viewpoint. Specifically the types of evidence used by the blogs to assert their viewpoints and their intended audiences were analyzed. This thesis utilized theory from Jean Francois Lyotard to explain how images and text were used by the blogs to legitimate their ideological narrative. Edwin Black's theory of second . ' persona was used to analyze the intended audience of the blogs. The ideology of the two blogs was described by the political spectrum developed by Barry Clark.
The analysis of the two blogs found that both blogs utilized various sources to legitimize their narratives. The two blogs constructed news stories in stylistically similar manners. News constructed in this manner reinforces ideological viewpoints and manifests itself in a partisan electorate and partisan politicians unwilling to be flexible with their political positions. This inflexibility is not beneficial in a democracy that needs compromise in order to function.
41
King, Gabriel. "An ideological analysis of filter blogs : how Daily Kos and Powerline construct biased news." Scholarly Commons, 2013. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/857.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis analyzes how the news blogs Daily Kos and Power line construct news presented from an ideological viewpoint. Specifically the types of evidence used by the blogs to assert their viewpoints and their intended audiences were analyzed. This thesis utilized theory from Jean Francois Lyotard to explain how images and text were used by the blogs to legitimate their ideological narrative. Edwin Black's theory of second . ' persona was used to analyze the intended audience of the blogs. The ideology of the two blogs was described by the political spectrum developed by Barry Clark.
The analysis of the two blogs found that both blogs utilized various sources to legitimize their narratives. The two blogs constructed news stories in stylistically similar manners. News constructed in this manner reinforces ideological viewpoints and manifests itself in a partisan electorate and partisan politicians unwilling to be flexible with their political positions. This inflexibility is not beneficial in a democracy that needs compromise in order to function.
42
Lunga, Carolyne Mande. "Investigating at the grassroots: exploring the origins, purposes journalistic practices and outcomes in two award-winning Daily Dispatch editorial projects." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002906.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis explores the origins, purposes, journalistic practices and outcomes of two award-winning projects namely Broken Homes and Slumlords done by Daily Dispatch's Gcina Ntsaluba in 2009. The projects were described by the paper as investigative journalism but interestingly the original idea came from grassroots driven strategies and they were done by adopting alternative news gathering strategies and immersion in the ordinary people, inspired by public journalism. This thesis follows Christians et al's (2009) normative theoretical framework of press roles summarised as the monitorial, facilitative, collaborative and radical roles. It provides normative prescriptions of public and investigative journalism, development and radical journalism. It then draws on sociological theoretical critiques in order to provide an analytical overview of the complex matrix of political, economic and media contexts which influenced the origins, purposes, journalistic practices and outcomes of the two projects. Drawing on a critical realist case study design, the thesis goes on to provide a narrative account of the two projects based on the in-depth interviews exploring the editorial staffs ideas on the origins, purposes, journalistic practices and outcomes of the projects and a qualitative content/thematic analysis of the journalistic texts related to the projects. This primary data is then critically evaluated against normative theories of press performance, especially Nip's (2008) key practices and Haas's (2007) 'public philosophy' of public journalism. It is also evaluated against a normative framework of what constitutes "good investigative journalism" based on Ettema and Glasser (1998), Waisbord (2000) among others. Protess et al 1991's classic mobilisation model is used to interrogate the projects' outcomes. The thesis established that there was a close connection of the monitorial (investigative journalism), facilitative (public journalism) and radical (tabloid journalism) roles at the paper which shows that the roles are not mutually exclusive. The two projects however fell short of the collaborative role (development journalism) which can, partly, be attributed to the adversarial nature of the relationship between the state and the media. The Daily Dispatch also failed to activate a platform for deliberation and public problem solving. There might thus be more scope in adopting a 'facilitative monitorial role' which would not only expose those who violate other people's human rights, corrupt people and institutions that are not performing well. Instead it will also activate civic life and facilitate 'collaboration' between government and the publics in problem solving.
43
Holmqvist, Emanuelsson Gustaf. "Understanding Netflix’s establishment in Sweden : A study on how Swedish trade press and cultural journalism build up Netflix as powerful with regards to economic and cultural aspects." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, JMK, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-183189.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis expands an understanding of how Netflix has been established in Sweden’s media landscape. It seeks to investigate what effect the press has had, and more specifically, the study explores how the press builds up Netflix as powerful and how it imbues Netflix with legitimacy. Methodologically the thesis starts off with a usage of purposive sampling in order to find articles. The material is further handled with a critical discourse analysis, where writers’ language is explored, along with an investigation into how the world is represented with regards to identities, relationships and sociocultural aspects. Analysed articles with an economic focus come from Dagens Industri and those with cultural focus comes from Aftonbladet, Expressen, Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet. Moreover, the study is based on theories and earlier studies within political economy, with a pursuit to understand film and television industry; trade press, to interpret the economic articles; cultural journalism, to interpret the cultural articles from; and power, to distinguished different power aspects in Netflix. The analysis comes in two parts: the economic analysis, which is divided in three ways and a two-folded cultural analysis. When it comes to economic legitimacy, two major aspects are prominent: Netflix’s success in competition against other streaming services and a clear establishment on the global market. Some articles have also given reasons to understand Netflix’s situation as ambiguous, meaning its future is uncertain. With regards to cultural legitimacy, the question of quality is significant, along with a connection to other social contexts such as gender, politics and climate. Netflix is perceived as having a societal responsibility. As a result of this thesis, it can be noted that cultural articles tend to be more critical than economic. Cultural journalists appear to cover the subject with a more open approach, using personal opinions, often suggesting what Netflix can improve. Writers of economic articles demonstrate a stricter portrayal of Netflix, mainly focusing on developments and success.
44
Oelofsen, Heiletha. "More public and less experts : a normative framework for re-connecting the civic work of journalists with the civic work of citizens." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/5195.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MPhil (Journalism))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.<br>Bibliography<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT:In a system of representative government, the media is assumed as an important institution to
reflect public concerns and holding government accountable for the way in which it addresses
these public concerns. Not only is this role imposed by a paradigm which views the media as one
of the institutions that sustain and consolidate liberal democracy – the so-called fourth estate
alongside the legislative, executive and judicial pillars – but the media itself has conceptualised
its identity around the notion that journalists are a “vital part of political life” (Sparks, 1991:58).
This study explores the validity of this authority. It suggests that the authority of the media to
frame public concerns in a way that is useful for ordinary citizens to “bridge the gap between
the private, domestic world and the concerns and activities of the wider society (McQuail,
2005:432)” has been eroded because citizens feel that their concerns and priorities have become
secondary to the priorities of powerful state, economic and other “experts” who determine the
news agenda. At the same time, there is a general sense that representative government or what
is generally known as liberal democracy is losing its currency because citizens have developed a
“habit of seeing the political system as indifferent and unresponsive” to their problems and their
circumstances (Mathews, 1999:33).
This study explores the potential of a more productive relationship between the media
and citizens to rekindle and energise the role of citizens to contribute to the public work of
solving common problems that face the wider society.
This study proposes three theoretical frameworks – democratic professionalism, public
journalism and deliberative democracy – with the potential to re-conceptualise the way
journalists consider their professional role. This re-conceptualisation raises the possibility for reassessing
the political work of journalists and the political work of citizens and build new habits
of participation and discussion in the political process of communities.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In 'n stelsel van verteenwoordigende regering, word die media veronderstel as 'n belangrike
instelling om publieke kwessies te weërspieël en die regering verantwoordelik te hou vir die
wyse waarop dit hierdie publieke kwessies aanspreek. Hierdie rol word veronderstel in 'n
denkraamwerk wat die media beskou as een van die instellings wat liberale demokrasie
konsolideer as die sogenaamde “vierde pilaar” neffens die wetgewende, uitvoerende en
geregtelike gesag. Die role word verder deur die media self gekonseptualiseer as ‘n identiteit
rondom die idee dat joernaliste 'n "belangrike deel is van die politieke lewe" (Sparks, 1991:58).
Hierdie studie ondersoek die geldigheid van hierdie gesag. Die studie dui daarop dat die
media gesag het wat die moontlikheid bied om publieke kwessies aan te spreek op 'n manier wat
van nut kan wees vir gewone burgers om die kloof tussen die private, huishoudelike wêreld en
die sorg en die aktiwiteite van die breër gemeenskap te oorbrug (McQuail, 2005:432). Die gesag
word ondermyn omdat gewone burgers voel hulle belange en prioriteite word sekondêr geag aan
die magsbelang van die staat en ander "kenners" wat die nuus agenda bepaal. Terselfdertyd is
daar 'n algemene persepsie dat verteenwoordigende die regering, of wat algemeen bekend staan
as liberale demokrasie, geldigheid verloor omdat burgers voel dat die politieke stelsel
onverskillig reageer op die probleme wat hulle ervaar.
Hierdie studie ondersoek die potensiaal van 'n meer werkbare verhouding tussen die
media en die burgery om die energie wat burgers in die openbare sfeer kan bydra te ontgin.
Hierdie studie stel drie teoretiese raamwerke voor – demokratiese professionaliteit,
openbare joernalistiek en beraadslagende demokrasie – wat moontlikhede bied om opnuut oor
die professionele rol van joernaliste te besin. Hierdie “besinning” bied weer nuwe moontlikhede
vir die politieke werk van joernaliste en die politieke werk van die burgery. Dit veronderstel
nuwe gewoontes van deelname en gesprek in openbare politieke proses.
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Nanabawa, Sumaiya. "A discourse analysis of print media constructions of 'Muslim' people in British newspapers." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006767.
Full textAbstract:
This research study aimed to examine how the identity of ' Muslim' people is constructed in British print media today, and whether or not these constructions promote or undermine a xeno-racist project. The research draws on the idea that identity is partly constructed through representation, with an emphasis on how language can be used to construct and position people in different ways. Using a social constructionist paradigm, the study further considers the role that print media has in providing a discursive field within which the construction and reproduction of racist attitudes and ideologies in contemporary global society can take place. Sixty-five newspaper articles were selected from the online archives of British newspapers, The Guardian and The Daily Telegraph using systematic random sampling. These were analysed using the six stages of Foucauldian discourse analysis outlined by Carla Willig. To provide a more fruitful account, the analysis also incorporated the methods of Potter and Wetherell whose focus is on the function of discourse, as well as van Langenhove and Harre's focus on subject positioning, and Parker's use of Foucauldian analysis which looks at power distributions. The analysis revealed that Muslims are discursively constructed as a direct politicised or terror threat, often drawing on discourses of sharia law, and Muslim-Christian relationships. They are also constructed as a cultural threat, drawing on discourses of isolation, oppressed women, the veil/headscarf, identity, visibility and integration. The analysis also showed some variation in constructions, and these extended from the racialization of Muslims to showing the compatibility between Islamic and western values. This study discusses the form these different constructions take and the possible implications these constructions might have in contributing toward a prejudiced and largely negative image of Islam and Muslims.
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Nyathi, Sihle. "The Iindaba Ziyafika project: a new community of practice?" Thesis, Rhodes University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002932.
Full textAbstract:
This study sought to investigate the practices of citizen journalists in the Iindaba Ziyafika project. The objectives of the research were to explore the evolving practices of citizen journalism in Grahamstown and to extrapolate how citizen journalists are securing a discursive space in relationship to conventional journalism. The study investigated whether the citizen journalists based at Grocotts Mail and Radio Grahamstown are developing practices and patterns that can be distinguished from the practices of conventional journalism. It also evaluated whether the content that is produced by citizen journalists differs from the content that is produced by professional journalists, so that it can be understood as "alternative" and as promoting engaged citizenship. A sub goal was also to explore whether citizen journalism does enable the practice of citizenship through expanding the public sphere. The findings of the research are that in the Iindaba Ziyafika project, citizen journalists see news as a process and not as a series of news events. This is clear departure from event-based news conceptualisation associated with mainstream journalism. They view news as unfolding social processes, allowing citizen journalists to question the factors which would have precipitated the event and investigate the causal factors of particular phenomena. The research also reveals that citizen journalists in the project are engaging in pro-am journalism. Part of the practice of citizen journalists involves a very significant amount of collaboration between professional journalists and citizen journalists. The collaboration is in the production of content and in the presentation of radio broadcasts. Part of the findings of the study are that journalists in the Iindaba Ziyafika project work in different mediums and this calls for them to acquire the competencies of the different mediums. The same citizen journalists produce content for print, radio and for online media. The diction used in the stories published by citizen journalists is couched in struggle and revolutionary language which seems to pit the community against the authorities. The citizen journalists also make use of every daily language in their radio broadcasts and borrow from their cultural expression. This they do through populist methods. The citizen journalists have also integrated communication brokering as part and parcel of their practice. This is because the citizen journalists have also made it their mandate to enable the flow of information between the residents and the local authority. In terms of sourcing there is a deliberate stance to include those who are not ordinarily given a voice in the mainstream media. Women and the poor appear frequently in stories as sources and this is a different scenario from that prevalent in mainstream journalism which frequently covers the rich and the powerful. The citizen journalists in the Iindaba Ziyafika project have also borrowed practices from professional journalism and this has been integrated into their daily practice. This includes following strategic rituals of journalism objectivity and balance.
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Kisuke, Connie Syomiti. "An investigation of the role of news values in the selection of news sources in a contemporary third world newspaper: a case study of the Daily Nation newspaper." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002900.
Full textAbstract:
News in our contemporary newspapers has come to be associated more and more with what the elites do and say. Both their deeds and misdeeds are treated as newsworthy events and in the process they become newsmakers, both actors and sources of news. Even when they are not directly involved in news events they are sought out by journalists to validate those events and to interpret the social reality to the readers as news sources. This study is about the selection of news sources in the Daily Nation, a contemporary, independent newspaper based in Nairobi, Kenya. In this study, I set out to unravel the complex processes that underlie newsmaking and source selection. This study is informed by the theory of news values and the paradigm of the role of media in democracy. Based on qualitative interviews, observations and content analysis of the front-page stories, it investigates the process of news and source selection in front-page stories. Through these approaches, I established that news values are significant criteria that inform journalists in both the selection of front-page news stories and the sources of these stories. I also established that social values of the society in which this newspaper operates are heavily embedded in the news. For example, the journalists preferred male politicians as sources of news in the front-page stories to women, and the elites to ordinary people, and this reflected on the social structures and cultural norms that are prevalent in this society. This study, further, established that the news values of this newspaper share commonly with the Western news media in terms of journalistic conventions and ways of interpreting the social reality in the news. Ideally, the newspaper embraces the principles of democracy in news reporting, but in practice it does not satisfactorily adhere to the full requirements of its democratic role in terms of source selection. The democratic principles in news reporting require, among other things, that the newspaper should allow a diversity of views in the news, representing various groups that are found in real society including the elites, non-elites, women, ordinary people and minorities. In the case of the Daily Nation, a tiny group of elite male professional politicians made up the largest majority of its front-page news sources.
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Oyewo, Ayanfeoluwa Olutosin. "Tug of war : a critical discourse analysis of Punch and Daily Trust newspapers' coverage of polio eradication in Nigeria." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1017787.
Full textAbstract:
The resurgence of the polio virus in Nigeria following vaccine rejections poses a severe threat to the total worldwide eradication of polio. Vaccine refusals are a huge problem in Nigeria, especially in the North, which accounts for about 60 percent of polio cases in 2013. These refusals were informed by claims that polio vaccines contained anti-fertility properties that were designed by the ‘West’ to reduce the Muslim population. These claims and subsequent vaccine rejections culminated in the killing of health workers during an immunisation exercise in February 2013. This study is an analysis of the coverage of the polio eradication controversy by two newspapers- Punch and Daily Trust, following the killings of the health workers. Daily Trust is situated in Northern Nigeria, while Punch is situated in the South. The choice of these newspapers is based on the argument by Ayodele (1988) and Omenugha (2004) that the Nigerian press has been accused of escalating tension in the country because they view many aspects of the Nigerian reality from the lenses of religious, political and cultural prejudices. Because it is a text-based study, the chosen research method is Fairclough’s (1995) model of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), following a preliminary thematic content analysis. In addition to Fairclough’s model, the study employs textual analytic tools such as narrative analysis and rhetoric/argumentative analysis. The selected texts, which comprise editorials and news stories are analysed based on the themes identified during the thematic content analysis. The study concludes that while the two newspapers differ in their locations and stylistic approach to news, they are similar in their coverage of the polio eradication crisis. They both side with the Federal Government and help perpetuate the South versus North animosity thereby ignoring the intricacies involved in the polio eradication controversy.
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Robertson, Rogue Elliott. "A comparative case study of newspaper coverage of the Umatilla Chemical Weapons Depot/Incinerator from 1994 to 1998." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/315.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this case study was to compare the news coverage of The Umatilla chemical weapons by examining newspapers from different communities: The Oregonian and The Hermiston Herald. The author examines solution frames, pluralistic frames, episodic frames, and thematic frames and compares them across two newspapers. The study found the difference was not significant when comparing the use of solution frames between The Hermiston Herald and The Oregonian. In addition, there was not a significant difference in use of pluralistic framing by The Hermiston Herald and The Oregonian. However, there was a significant difference in the sources presented in the newspaper articles. There was also a significant presence of episodic frames compared to thematic frames in both the newspapers under examination.
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Mwale, Edna. "An investigation into the impact of the gender policy on journalistic practices at the Times of Zambia newspaper." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008303.
Full textAbstract:
This study investigates the impact of the Times of Zambia gender policy on journalistic practices. The policy was formulated to address issues of representation of women both in news coverage and at an institutional level. In spite of the implementation of the editorial gender policy, no change in gendered representation is evident. As a media practitioner and a Zambian woman concerned with social justice, I set out to investigate the impact of this policy on journalistic practices. The study is informed by a Cultural Studies approach to media studies, specifically drawing on the 'circuit of culture' (du Guy et ai, 1997) and focused on two specific 'moments', namely representation and production. Data was collected using two qualitative methods, namely document analysis and semi-structured in-depth interviews. The document analysis established that this policy is informed by a liberal feminist approach to media and identified the weaknesses in its formulation. The subsequent semi-structured in-depth interviews probed the practices and perceptions of male and female journalists and editors in relation to the degree of change in gendered representation in the news. This study finds that the editorial gender policy at the Times of Zambia has not had any significant impact on the journalistic practices and it probed the reason for this lack of effectiveness. It argues that this can be partially attributed to the orientation of the policy within a liberal feminist paradigm which neglects the internal and external factors that influence the representation of women and men in news production. Further, this position ignores the societal structures and power relations which impact, albeit unintentional, on the treatment of news. Inter-organisational factors such as profit maximisation, political interference, the use of news values and news beats are identified as leading to the exclusion of representations of women in hard news. At an intra-organisational level, lack of importance attached to the policy by senior staff and their attitudes to news production in general have meant that the policy was not enacted or ensured in any meaningful way. The study also established that the patriarchal values that characterise Zambian society influence journalists ' and editors' treatment of news, thus making the implementation of the policy ineffective.<br>KMBT_363<br>Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in