To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Journalism Public opinion and mass media.
Journal articles on the topic 'Journalism Public opinion and mass media'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Journalism Public opinion and mass media.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Syahputra, Iswandi, and Rajab Ritonga. "Citizen Journalism and Public Participation in the Era of New Media in Indonesia: From Street to Tweet." Media and Communication 7, no. 3 (August 6, 2019): 79–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v7i3.2094.
Full textAbstract:
Citizen journalism was initially practiced via mass media. This is because citizens trusted mass media as an independent information channel, and social media like Twitter was unavailable. Following mass media’s affiliation to political parties and the rise of social media, citizens began using Twitter for delivering news or information. We dub this as citizen journalism from street to tweet. This study found that such process indicates the waning of mass media and the intensification of social media. Yet, the process neither strengthened citizen journalism nor increased public participation as it resulted in netizens experiencing severe polarization between groups critical and in support of the government instead. We consider this as a new emerging phenomenon caused by the advent of new media in the post-truth era. In this context, post-truth refers to social and political conditions wherein citizens no longer respect the truth due to political polarization, fake-news-producing journalist, hate-mongering citizen journalism, and unregulated social media activities. Primary data were obtained through in-depth interviews with four informants. While conversation data of netizens on Twitter were acquired from a Twitter conversation reader operated by DEA (Drone Emprit Academic), a big data system capable of capturing and analyzing netizen’s conversations, particularly on Twitter in real time. This study may have implications on the shift of citizen journalism due to its presence in the era of new media. The most salient feature in this new period is the obscurity of news, information, and opinions conveyed by citizens via social media, like Twitter.
2
Kalsin, Berrin. "Use Of New Media In The Local Press: Comparative Analysis Of Local Newspapers Websites In İzmir, Adana and Bursa." International Journal of Research in Business and Social Science (2147-4478) 3, no. 4 (October 22, 2014): 14–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.20525/ijrbs.v3i4.114.
Full textAbstract:
Local press is defined as a press that serves to introduce and train the public and to provide the public opinion. Local press gives information about the cases happen around the region that it is published and it forms public opinion about the problems of that region. New communication technologies havehave an important role in the forming and enhancing the news contents in the media. Changeovers have occurred in the production, process and distributiondistribution of the news by developing the new media. On the other hand, Internet journalism used by many press institutions is occurredoccurred as a new concept in mass communication. National and local newspapers do not remain insensitive to this new mass communication and it attempts the Internet journalism. Firstly, pressed newspaper had been turned into Web sites as similar but later new application about the transferring the news to the reader have occurred when we look at this application about the transferring of the pressed newspaper to the Internet environment. In this study, the Internet websites if Adanaher from Adana, Olay from Bursa and Ege'nin Sesi from Izmir have been compared with each other. The form, content and interaction of these three newspapers have been discussed and the usage of social media and importance given to the local news have been analyzed.
3
Haris, Munawir. "Jurnalis Sebagai Dai di Media." TASAMUH: Jurnal Studi Islam 12, no. 1 (April 6, 2020): 149–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.47945/tasamuh.v12i1.241.
Full textAbstract:
In the current reformation era marked by the rise of mass media as a means of mass communication and a means of forming public opinion, preachers, missionary activists, and Muslims. A journalist should be able to use the mass media to do da'wah as a worship field. A journalist who utilizes the mass media, especially printed media, carries out his da'wah that can be called a preacher 'who preaches bil qalam. This da'wah is called the da'wah bil qalam which basically conveys information about God, about nature and about the hereafter, and the value of eternity of life. Da'wah bil qalam is da'wah through printed media. Given the advances in information technology that enable a person to communicate intensely and cause the message of preaching to spread as widely as possible, preaching through writing, absolutely makes use of advances in information technology. This is where the role of Muslim Journalists takes place of a preacher who spreads goodness to humans.
4
Bustinduy, Sara. "Gender violence news in British and American press." Multidisciplinary Journal for Education, Social and Technological Sciences 3, no. 1 (March 22, 2016): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/muse.2016.3688.
Full textAbstract:
<p>This study aims to prove which qualities, from the British and United States actual press, are more adequate for gender violence issues, comparing news on the same stories. It is evident the influence of mass media on public opinion and, therefore, the responsibility that written press has on gender violence messages, avoiding sensationalism. Psycholinguistic studies have established the relation language-thought, so language used in journalism is crucial.</p><p>Following the belief that newspapers considered more liberal and independent will lead to a better treatment than traditional ones considered to be more reluctant to change, journals have been selected. Furthermore, different cultures can be as objective and respectful but maybe less committed with the issue, as it may arise from the samples. There have been emerging ethic codes giving guidelines to journalists, including discrimination, and more specific on gender sensitive reporting.</p><p>Therefore, the objective to improve public opinion information, stepping away from stereotypes and oversimplifications, is substantial, and will undoubtedly result in a better understanding of equality.</p><p> </p>
5
Wallaschek, Stefan. "The Discursive Appeal to Solidarity and Partisan Journalism in Europe’s Migration Crisis." Social Inclusion 7, no. 2 (June 27, 2019): 187–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v7i2.1963.
Full textAbstract:
The article analyses the discursive appeal to solidarity in the mass media during the unfolding of Europe’s migration crisis. Solidarity was claimed by numerous actors in the public discourse to legitimise political decisions and mobilise public opinion. While it seems that the call for solidarity was shared by many actors, media studies show the ‘partisan journalism’ of media outlets. Thus, the political orientation of media outlets influences their coverage of public debates. Hence, to what extent do different quality newspapers cover the same solidarity claims in times of crisis? In order to answer this question, the crisis coverage of two German and two Irish newspapers with centre-left and centre-right political orientations is examined via the discourse network methodology. Germany is selected due to high political parallelism and a strong affectedness by the crisis, while Ireland is selected because of low political parallelism and a weak affectedness by the migration crisis. The findings demonstrate that partisan journalism persists during Europe’s migration crisis. Especially German party actors are present in both countries, underpinning the central position of Germany. Regarding the appeal to solidarity, political solidarity claims prevail in all four newspapers, indicating the political-institutional asymmetry in the Common European Asylum System. The study contributes to the strategic framing of concepts in public debates and demonstrates that the left-right distinction of media outlets is hardly affected by the migration crisis.
6
Mohammed, Adam Abdullahi, and Ali Inusa. "IMPACTS OF SOCIAL MEDIA IN INFLUENCING PUBLIC OPINION IN THE MUSLIM COMMUNITIES." International Journal of Heritage, Art and Multimedia 3, no. 8 (March 15, 2020): 28–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.35631/ijham.38004.
Full textAbstract:
The paper examined the impacts of social media in influencing public opinion in Muslim communities. Invariably, public opinion is a vital tool for government, politicians, and decision-makers in all communities, including Muslims’. Social media is a powerful and strong machine to mold, shape, and influence public opinion. In developing this paper data were obtained from a secondary source, meaning data were generated from several documentaries such as- books, journals, newspapers, magazines, archives, etc. From the available literature, the study found that the mass media in general, and the social media in particular, are very important in making and influencing public opinion in the society, especially the Muslim communities. To explain the topic under study the researchers adopted two theories; culturists and Class-dominant Theories. The theories claim that people interact with media to create their own meanings out of the images and messages they receive. This theory sees audiences as playing an active rather than a passive role in relation to social media. In addition, the assumption of these theories is that social media replicates and plans the view of a marginal elite, which controls the system to influence people's opinions. The researcher recommended that politicians, governments, and policymakers should pay much attention to social media and to use them wisely in a positive way, for their own good and for the benefit of their communities in particular and the society at large.
7
Rudenko, Natalia. "The role of suggestion in public opinion shaping of the audience of the Internet editions." Obraz 3, no. 32 (2019): 70–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/obraz.2019.3(32)-70-79.
Full textAbstract:
Introduction. Mass-and socially communicative technologies, that produce the content of modern mass media, are aimed at changing the beliefs, worldview, value orientations of the society, formation of certain behavioral patterns, and transformation of public opinion. Consumers of information, in particular, the audience of Internet editions, become an object of external influences and information aggression. Thus, a comprehensive study of the influence of semantic and structural organization of the content of the modern mass media on public opinion formation is really an actual and urgent task. The purpose of our research is to determine the role of such kind of manipulative technology as a suggestion in shaping the public opinion of the content consumers of the Internet editions (on the material of the electronic versions of the popular newspapers «The Guardian», «USA Today», «China Daily», «The Day», «Moscow Times»). In addition to theoretical, the basic methods of research were also empirical, in particular sociological research, for which the questionnaire was compiled. The respondents were offered to answer 13 questions, 10 of which were of a closed type and 3 questions on an assessment by a scale from 1 to 10. The questionnaire consisted of two blocks. The first block «Target Survey» contained 5 questions, the second block «Associative experiment» – 8 questions Anonymous survey was conducted in December 2018 – March 2019. The audience of the survey consisted of postgraduate students of different specialties, lecturers, and students of the departments of Germanic philology, journalism, and philology at Sumy State University (1st, 2nd, and 3d year students). According to the results of the survey, the most popular sources of information are social networks and electronic information portals, and newspapers. The level of confidence in the popular mass media is 75 %, while most consumers trust electronic information portals and newspapers. The level of influence on the personal opinion of the consumers of information is 60 %. The overall efficiency of the suggestion is 80 %. By the level of influence in its initial effect on the change and formation of reactions, the most effective instruments of suggestion at the lexical level are irony, emotionally-marked vocabulary, contrasts, set-expressions, metaphor-symbols, and also the instruments at the communicative-strategic level (emotionally-evaluative judgments). Keywords: public opinion, Internet editions, content, suggestion, survey.
8
Torpichsheva, Rufina Shamilyevna, and Valery Eduardovich Chernik. "International practices and Kazakhstan media education context." Bulletin of Toraighyrov University. Pedagogics series, no. 3.2020 (October 19, 2020): 506–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.48081/jaiu2811.
Full textAbstract:
The given paper considers international experience and the national model of media education, as well as the concepts of media literacy. In the course of the research work, it was determined that the permanent changes taking place in the media sphere combine the methodology and trends of several scientific areas: media pedagogy, media psychology, psychology of mass communications, sociology of journalism, etc. Some media-oriented educational technologies are based on UNESCO’s international media literacy standards, which expand the range of methods and forms of pedagogy in training journalists and media education, which serve as the basis for the integrated formation of basic media competencies. The article is given a theoretical analyzing of the media space development in Kazakhstan. It is concluded that systematic misinformation of the audience leads to discrediting of media workers, allows manipulating public consciousness, opinion, and also influencing geopolitical processes. The article is substantiated the importance of media education as a key area in the context of the increasing role of mass communication, the improvement of information technologies. The importance of media literacy, emphasized by UNESCO, is seen as an important aspect in the formation of worldview, critical analysis and thinking. Based on the above, the urgent need for the intensive development of media education and the study of foreign media pedagogical experience seems obvious.
9
Tedtoeva, Zinaida, and Madina Tsalikova. "Reflection of the Gender Problems of Society in Russian Journalism at the Turn of the 20th and 21st Centuries." Theoretical and Practical Issues of Journalism 7, no. 4 (October 15, 2018): 672–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-6203.2018.7(4).672-690.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of the research was to analyze the stylistic tonality of the texts of mass media devoted to gender issues at the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries. The article reveals the results of the research, which testify to the peculiarities of images of men and women in Russian mass media, and the data obtained during the analysis of journalistic texts published between 1990 and 2010 became indicators of the sample of the material. Some existing and emerging gender stereotypes are being established, namely cultural and socially conditioned ideas, opinions on the qualities, attributes and norms of behavior of men and women issued in journalistic texts. The linguistic means of expressing gender stereotypes in the mass media are analyzed. The article analyzes the linguistic tools used in the mass media to evaluate men and women. An attempt is made to compare the linguistic means used in the formation of images of women in the men's magazines. The research methodology is based on understanding the mass media mission as an effective means of forming public opinion; depending on the tasks to be solved, a set of methods used: synchronous-descriptive, synchronous-comparative, content-analysis. The method of textual and discursive analysis with the use of cognitive-pragmatic methodology and functional-stylistic analysis of the text are also used. Today it is the media that become a special agent of gender socialization, actively promoting gender stereotypes formed in society, exploiting them endlessly, often with their modification, which also contributes to the creation of new stereotypes. For modern mass media research, it is becoming increasingly important to take into account concepts, stereotypes as the basis for creating ideology in the modern media space. The latter ones presuppose a targeted influence on the recipient's consciousness from the addressee's side with the help of a pre-defined idea that has a generalized character that orient mass consciousness in the given direction through stereotyped nominations. The conclusions, which were made with the help of this research, are reduced to the statement of the tendentiousness of presenting gender issues in modern Russian mass media. The publications are mainly conducted in a key, far from respectful for both men and women. Moreover, in the mass media, stereotypes of men and women that do not correspond to the true state of affairs in Russia and are not capable of creating tolerant relations between the sexes that are not capable of asserting the idea of equal rights and equal responsibility to the society of all Russian citizens outside the public are exploited, generated and replicated in the mass media depending on their gender. A well-thought-out media policy in covering gender issues is needed, aimed at the formation of healthy humane relations in the society.
10
Abioye, Lukman Adegboyega. "Implication of Brown Envelope Syndrome on Hate Speech and Fake News in Nigerian Media." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 89 (December 2020): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.89.1.
Full textAbstract:
This study discusses brown envelope syndrome as it is used to promote hate speech and fake news with negative effect on the practice of journalism in Nigeria. Various reasons were advanced from the study why the menace of brown envelope syndrome on hate speech and fake news persists and solutions to it were also explored. Two theories were used in putting the study in proper perspectives. The theories are Agenda Setting and Dependency Theory. The two theories recognize the role of mass media in mobilizing, educating and entertaining the public on vital, social economic and political issues. The study recognizes the role of journalists in promoting hate speech and fake news in order to advance the interest of certain political class. Hate speech and fake news consists of lies and vulgar languages against a particular section of the society. The study found out that journalists use both print and electronic media to spread fake news and hate speech which however has significant effect on the political development of the country. The study recognizes that poor remuneration, inadequate training, job insecurity as well as general economic down turn in Nigeria have been responsible for brown envelope syndrome. Media researchers are of the opinion that proprietors of media houses, and the government should take the welfare of journalists’ very important if journalistic code of ethics and practice would be applied on any erring journalist. The study recommends regular training and staff motivation as necessary for eradicating the menace of brown envelope syndrome, fake news and hate speech among practicing journalists in Nigeria. Appropriate legislation must be put in place by the legislatures to discourage hate speech and fake news in the country. Erring journalist(s) and the media house(s) he or she represents must be sanctioned accordingly to serve as deterrent to others.
11
Slaček Brlek, Sašo, and Jernej Amon Prodnik. ""The intention was to democratise the sphere of communication." An Interview with Bogdan Osolnik." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 15, no. 1 (March 27, 2017): 231–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v15i1.859.
Full textAbstract:
Interview with Bogdan Osolnik, active member of the Yugoslav liberation front during World War II, member of the International Commission for the Study of Communication Problems under the leadership of Sean MacBride (commonly known as the MacBride Commission), former vice-president of International Association for Mass Communication Research (IAMCR), one of the pioneers of theoretical and practical research of public opinion in the Yugoslav socialist society and one of the co-founders of the first journalism program in Yugoslavia. Osolnik was an engaged critical researcher of media and communication in the international environment and combined theoretical work with political activity.
12
Sukhodolov, Alexander, and Anna Bychkova. "Theoretical and Legal Direction of Researches of Freedom of Speech and Media Security." Theoretical and Practical Issues of Journalism 9, no. 2 (May 27, 2020): 396–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-6203.2020.9(2).396-407.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of the article is to provide a review on the monograph. The authors point out a high theoretical level of the research presented in the monograph and its complex character. The object of the research is the system of normative-institutional and interactive political-legal technologies of interaction between the state authorities and mass media. These technologies include political means of mobilizing public and private media used by the state in order to prevent real threats to the national safety of the country. The review contains a structural analysis of the monograph and evaluates its content. It also gives an overview of the authors’ doctrine perception of freedom of speech and mediasecurity, as well as their vision of the forms of nowadays’ journalism, guarantees of Russia’s national interests security in the information environment, and problems of assessing the efficiency of informational impact on public opinion and national safety.
13
Nesterov, Fedor. "One Man Show: TV and Russian Internet Observation Diary of Russian Presidential Elections 2018." American Behavioral Scientist 63, no. 7 (December 19, 2018): 1029–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764218814355.
Full textAbstract:
Three weeks before the 2018 Russian Presidential elections, Fedor Nesterov, media manager, analyst, and journalist compiled a journal focusing on the pre-election race on local electronic media, TV, and the Internet. Most of these media are controlled in direct or hidden ways by the government, and they present candidates in a biased manner, giving preference to one particular candidate. This diary offers insights from a journalist on how public opinion is shaped in Russia by mass media.
14
Kastrati, Rovena. "Mass Media and Their Relationship with Criminal Law in Albania." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 1, no. 1 (April 30, 2016): 309. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v1i1.p309-314.
Full textAbstract:
Information is the currency of democracy. (Thomas Jefferson), Freedom of expression is part of the so-called "negative liberty" that imply their guarantee by the Constitution as inviolable and for their realization require non-interference by the state or by private entities. Media uses this freedom, to achieve its objectives where not rarely goes beyond violating the other rights and freedoms prescribed in the Constitution. The power that people gave to media has made it a powerful pressure weapon, but often also a victim of its "sacred" mission, that of informing public about everything that happens. The aim of this paper is to present media reports with criminal law, which are dualistic reports: approaching and contradictory. It will also be presented an overview of the situation in Albania, where the media and its influence play a significant role in people's opinion and in the progress of criminal proceedings. In the first part of the paper I have mentioned the central role of the media in democracy and the benefits that community and society receives from media's freedom. Furthermore, in the second part l have been focusing on the other side of the coin addressing key points in which the media is presented as violating the human rights and interfering in criminal proceedings. In the third and last part I have submitted the role of investigative journalism as an important link in the media but in Albania is still unconsolidated.
15
Soegiarto, Asep. "REALITAS MASYARAKAT INDONESIA DALAM MEDIA MASSA." Communicology: Jurnal Ilmu Komunikasi 1, no. 1 (December 30, 2013): 69–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.21009/communicology.011.06.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract
The mass media, not just serve as the grantor information, the amusement and social control or fourth power as a nation ( the four estate ), but also as a form of public opinion who directs and public opinion in the issues developing world. Reporters when covering an event and writing it has a tendency to subjective and biased. The problem of bias in the press is not a matter of who, or of what system, is supported. The problem is that the bias exists, and the system through which our media operates seems guaranteed to ensure that bias will continue. Journalistic product in the media is not the whole of the reality of the society but only parts of reality that described as realities. In a so-called media image. The news media in a determined by its media ownership, and other factors it has a very significant role aside from bias a journalist
Key Word: Objectivity, Media Biased, Media Image
16
Issers, O. S. "Communicative Strategies of an Interviewer Yury Dud: A Linguist’s View of the Media Phenomenon in Mass Culture." Vestnik NSU. Series: History and Philology 20, no. 6 (August 11, 2021): 263–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2021-20-6-263-277.
Full textAbstract:
Purpose. The article examines the methods of building dialogue in interviews conducted by the popular video blogger and journalist Yury Dud, who is named the main hero of Russian cultural life in 2020 by Forbes Life. To determine his individual style, the author analyzes strategies of communicative behavior. The following parameters are the most significant for the description of interviewing strategies: thematic repertoire and thematic dominants of the conversation; methods of requesting/extracting information; methods of interpreting and evaluating what the interlocutor said; the choice of language code. The empirical basis of the study contains interviews by Yu. Dud with various interlocutors – journalists, TV presenters, cultural and show business figures, politicians, and other public figures, uploaded on the YouTube video hosting service in the period of 2017–2020. The analysis of more than 40 programs allows observing a wide range of techniques of a journalist, depending on the “addressee factor”.Results. The key topics that are regularly discussed in interviews are identified, including those that violate ethical taboos (about sex, bad behavior, and bad habits, judgments and hot takes on colleagues and senior officials, etc.). The thematic repertoire is considered as a deliberate communicative choice of a journalist, conditioned by the dramaturgy of public dialogue addressed to a mass audience and the tasks of portrayal.The author reveals the distinctive methods of requesting information and eliciting facts, which is inherent to the journalistic style of Yu. Dud: illocutionary forcing reasoning (“why-questions”), clarifying questions, reformulating, role modeling of relations with a guest, where the journalist often pretends being dilettante. Interpretation and evaluation of the interlocutor's statements are based on the clearest identification of their position for the mass addressee by an explication of ideas expressed by the guest implicitly, “delegation of opinion”, and the effects of “insight”.The choice of the language code indicates the “discursive adaptation” of the journalist to his interlocutor and allows the journalist to reveal to the mass audience their personality, including their speech characteristics. The dynamism of the dialogue is due to the setting to dramatize the conversation scenario: this is manifested not only in the choice of somewhat unexpected topics of conversation, but also in the expression of one's attitude to the statements of the interlocutor, explicit/implicit assessments, and the choice of the speech code.Conclusion. It is concluded that Dud’s interviews are a vivid example of the trends of modern Internet journalism, and the communicative strategies he implements allow us to see the prospects for the development of the genre. Given the popularity of the genre in traditional and new media, the author notices that the interview not only reflects the features of social communications of the 21st century but is also a powerful factor of shaping modern mass culture.
17
Gilbert, Gregory. "View Magazine and the Mass Visual Culture of World War II." Arts 9, no. 2 (March 26, 2020): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts9020041.
Full textAbstract:
Shortly after the bombing of Pearl Harbor in December of 1941, the American government impressed upon the media industry and corporate advertising the cooperative need to boost morale and enlist nationalist support for the war effort. Public opinion was shaped through an active campaign of visual propaganda and media censorship in which the social trauma of war, in particular, representations of death and destructive disorder, was erased from official news reports. However, avant-garde art and writing in View magazine during the early 1940s can be analyzed as a radical form of counter-discourse that challenged the media’s representation of the war. View had been founded in 1940 by the poet Charles Henri Ford, who vowed to create a magazine devoted to what he called the “new journalism”, a form of international reporting by poets and visual artists that would provide visionary critical insight on the forthcoming political catastrophe in Europe. Lacking their own publishing forum, a number of Surrealist émigrés and American adherents of Surrealism gravitated towards View. As this article will examine, Surrealist imagery and prose in View evoked a profound sense of the bodily trauma and physical destruction omitted from mass media, subverting the government’s highly sanitized and ideologically manipulated representations of World War II.
18
Beletska, Alevtyna, and Valeriya Rozhdestvenska. "Emotional Content in the News Product of Online Media of Ukraine in the Post-Truth Era." Scientific notes of the Institute of Journalism, no. 2 (75) (2019): 11–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2522-1272.2019.75.1.
Full textAbstract:
The objective of the article is to find out the social and scientific problems of the phenomenon of mass emotions dissemination in social communications through mass media in order to lead public opinion. The article studies the emotional component in the news products of Ukrainian media in the run-up to the 2019 election campaign, the quality of audience feedback received through social media pages of the researched domestic media and the pragmatic intent of news communication with the audience. The methods used by the author to achieve the objective are functional-pragmatic analysis, media monitoring, content analysis and identification: the distinction between neutral and emotionally colored vocabulary is made on the basis of intuition and identification by the hedonic method of B.Dodonov. The main results and conclusions of the study: the interrelation between emotionality in the information product of Ukrainian news media and the pragmatic nature of social communications in which these mass media have been involved (taking into account the interests of media owners). It has been established that in the provision of communication services, some subjects of media communications in Ukraine consider this process as shaping public opinion rather than providing information that is contrary to journalistic standards in the world and in Ukraine. The article may be of interest to media experts, media managers, and journalists-practitioners in improving their activities, because it outlines the current trends in development of social communications and the factors of pragmatic emotionality in mass media.
19
Sumskaya, Anna, and Pavel Sumskoy. "Modeling of TV News in the Context of Information Policy of a Television Channel." Theoretical and Practical Issues of Journalism 7, no. 4 (October 15, 2018): 581–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-6203.2018.7(4).581-598.
Full textAbstract:
TV viewers build relationships with the outside world, focusing on the news, which is a television interpretation of reality. Media reality is created on the basis of the information policy of TV channels and determines the agenda of the audience. This paper uses M. McCombs' agenda-setting theory, N. Luhmann's cognitive system communication, W. Lippmann's public opinion concept, J. Baudrillard's simulacrum, J. Fiske's code structure, G. Deborah's Performance Society to study television news of Russian TV channels. Based on the systemic, structural-functional, and semiotic approaches, the application of models of communication, information, the cognitive model of the impact of the media on the mass audience and the model of Russian journalism, a TV news projection model was developed in the context of a television channel's information policy. The model was tested on the basis of analysis of 130 news stories of the final weekly news releases of two federal and two regional Russian TV channels. As a result, we have seen that the media reality is constructed as a result of a selection of facts, modeling of meanings and forms of submission of news. The differences in the themes and forms of the news delivery are due to the territorial affiliation and technological development of the channels. In the production process, the journalist acts as an informer, communicator and manipulator, and the news represent a socially constructed and thoroughly edited reality. The media create a similar media reality, a different level of fiction, intended, albeit for the post-Soviet, but still society of centralized spectacle (according to G. Deborah). Translated meanings correspond to the symbolically-oriented mentality of Russians (according to M. Zagidullina). The media reality formed by the TV channels proves that the domestic journalists follow the special Russian way.
20
Rusakova, Olga, and Ekaterina Gribovod. "Mediatization of Anti-Corruption Policy: a Theoretical Analysis." Theoretical and Practical Issues of Journalism 9, no. 1 (March 23, 2020): 123–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-6203.2020.9(1).123-135.
Full textAbstract:
The article deals with the phenomenon of mediatization of anti-corruption policies. The authors study theoretical treatment of the role of the mass media in anti-corruption practices and analyze methodological approaches to interpretation of the mediatization. These include discourse-linguistic, cratologic, and resource-communication approaches. The discourse-linguistic approach involves mainly an analysis of the contents of media texts and images that generate a required public opinion and form stable cognitive matrices of peoples anti-corruption thinking. The cratologic approach regards mediacracy as both government institution and a subject of an anti-corruption policy. It also helps to find a number of information techniques (like agenda-setting, priming, framing, etc.) aimed at forming a legal anti-corruption culture. The resource-communication approach describes mediatization of anti-corruption policies by means of citizen journalism, new media and a vast range of mass communication media. The authors make an attempt to identify key features of the process of mediatization of anti-corruption policy at different stages of its development. The term «mediatization of anti-corruption policy» is defined as a system of measures to provide information support for anti-corruption activities. It is inferred that, overall, the contemporary mass media are successfully accumulating a required technological, organizational and communicative potential for information warfare against corruption. However, extra efforts and the national will would sufficiently add to the efficiency of this potential.
21
Matonytė, Irmina. "From liberal to predatory mass media in post-communist Lithuania." Žurnalistikos Tyrimai 2 (January 1, 2009): 159–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/zt/jr.2009.2.79.
Full textAbstract:
Referring to the concepts, communicative democracy is defined as free, open and democratic communication organized around three equally legitimate public sphere actors – politicians, journalists and public opinion, and populism is understood as good, entertaining and effective communication with people, eroding basic functions of the political parties (institutionalization of ideological conflicts) and politicians (representation), the paper provides insights about the dangers to quality of democracy if the free mass media gets utterly away from political parallelism. Special attention is placed on the tendencies of media personnel to be active in the political life. The paper conceptualizes a tremendous decrease (by one third) in public trust in mass media in Lithuania, observed from 1998 to 2009 and interprets this change as a cumulative result of the post-communist illstructured political field under pressing liberalization and democratization coupled with specific patterns of the Lithuanian political culture and public sphere. In the conditions of a still relatively high public trust in mass-media and scarce foreign ownership of the mass-media outlets in Lithuania, the local media barons are able to produce and impose their own public-agenda. The Lithuanian massmedia and government relations evolve along the lines of the zero-sum game: they seek to control each other, and at the same time try to avoid being controlled by the other, while any other pattern of inter-relations does not appear as viable and appropriate. INTUNE project survey (2009) shows that the media elite’s influence in the national decision making process is significantly higher in Lithuania than, for instance, in Germany or Hungary.Key words: populism, communicative democracy, mass-media ownership, public sphere, public trust.
22
Čábelková, Inna, Wadim Strielkowski, Irina Firsova, and Marina Korovushkina. "Public Acceptance of Renewable Energy Sources: a Case Study from the Czech Republic." Energies 13, no. 7 (April 5, 2020): 1742. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en13071742.
Full textAbstract:
The substitution of traditional energy production with renewable energy sources (RES) in the European Union (EU) represents a multidimensional issue with its pros and cons viewed differently by governments, technology companies, markets, as well as the general public. There are significant public doubts in expediency of investments in renewables in place. Our paper studies the factors related to the public opinion on renewables using a reasonable and representative sample of respondents (N = 1026) from one of the EU Member States, the Czech Republic, via a set of ordinal regression analyses with spline correction for ordinal predictors. Our results suggest that the population of the Czech Republic is split in half in its trust in renewables as a substitute to traditional energy sources. In addition, our results show that the opinions on renewables in the Czech Republic are significantly related to personal concerns on environmental protection and worries about use of nuclear energy. Moreover, we find that traditional mass media is not statistically significant, even though internet news channels and social media were statistically related to the opinions (negatively and positively, respectively). The comparison of the responses with respect to the frequency of following social media support the hypothesis of the media bubble. The empirical results indicate that public opinions on renewables are likely to be built on the information sources vulnerable to hoaxes, bubbles, and misinformation. We conclude that more media presentation on RES is needed and make some practical suggestions for the stakeholders, journalists, and relevant policymakers.
23
Radnitz, Scott. "Look Who's Talking! Islamic Discourse in the Chechen Wars." Nationalities Papers 34, no. 2 (May 2006): 237–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990600720328.
Full textAbstract:
In any contemporary conflict, the war of ideas may be just as important as the war on the battlefield. Throughout history, propaganda has been used as a tool of psychological warfare. The prevalence of technology makes the mass media an ever more vital tool in spreading one's message, both to combatants and throughout the world. The case of the Chechen wars demonstrates the importance both sides placed on publicity in the course of fighting. In addition to the use of print journalism, the Chechen wars witnessed the employment of television news broadcasts, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty and the Internet as a means to spread messages. Given the importance of the media, the public and private discourse by the combatants has been seen as crucial to their cause. The language of Islam carries a set of widely shared symbols, many related to war, that can be used to manipulate public opinion. This article will analyze how Islamic language was used in the two Russian invasions of Chechnya in the 1990s (1994–1996, 1999–2002). It analyzes three pairs of variables: Russian and Chechen public discourse, especially regarding the language of Islam; Chechen public and Chechen private discourse; and the discourse of both sides in the first war compared to the second war.
24
Noviar, Angga, and Achmad Lutfi. "Implementasi Kebijakan Program Monitoring Dan Aspirasi Publik Melalui Media Massa Di Lingkungan Pemerintah Provinsi DKI Jakarta (Studi Kasus Dinas Komunikasi, Informatika dan Statistik DKI Periode Januari-Desember 2019)." Reformasi Administrasi 7, no. 2 (September 30, 2020): 80–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.31334/reformasi.v7i2.1057.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this paper is to find out the implementation of monitoring program and media news analysis within the Jakarta Capital City Government managed by Department of Communication, Information and Statistics for Jakarta through the Public Opinion and Aspirations Management Unit. Every aspiration conveyed by the public through the reader letter in the mass media will be analyzed, managed and followed up by the relevant instruments. Furthermore, these public aspirations will be utilized by local governments to determine the direction of development policies. In its implementation, 85% of public aspirations were not responded by related instruments. To find solutions to existing problems the author uses theories from Replay and Franklyn. Data collection from the management unit of public opinion and aspirations in the form of activity documents, reference books and journals on public policy implementation and mass media communication, as well as interviews with stakeholders. In this study, the data obtained were analyzed qualitatively. In the research process found several obstacles in the internal unit so that the targets and objectives have not been achieved, including: there are still implementers who do not carry out standard operational procedures and officers that un-routinely forward and reply emails of analyzed aspirations to the relevant regional. This paper concludes that the implementation of the media news monitoring and analysis program in the Jakarta Capital City Government is not yet on target because of the low level of compliance and smooth implementation.
25
Zollmann, Florian. "Bringing Propaganda Back into News Media Studies." Critical Sociology 45, no. 3 (September 23, 2017): 329–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920517731134.
Full textAbstract:
With the ascendance of liberal democracy, propaganda activities have vastly increased. The main aim of propaganda has been to protect state-corporate power from the threat of public understanding and participation. Because of its societal importance for public opinion formation, the news media constitutes an obvious channel for the dissemination of propaganda. However, contemporary communication, media and journalism studies have mostly neglected to critically assess the news media’s role in producing and distributing propaganda. In fact, despite of the news media’s integration into the state-corporate nexus, the term propaganda is rarely used in academic treatises on the news media. Furthermore, only a small number of scholars have engaged in elaborating a systematic understanding of the manifold propaganda techniques that are currently applied in liberal democracies. To fill these research gaps, this article maps out various concepts of propaganda and relates them to the process and content of the news media. On the basis of theoretical and empirical studies, the article demonstrates how different forms of propaganda can manifest in news media content. Based on an integration with, as well as a development of, existing literature, the essay aims to build a tool box that can be applied and refined in future studies in order to detect propaganda in news media texts.
26
Yatchuk, O., and N. Kodatska. "ТЕЛЕВІЗІЙНА КОМУНІКАЦІЯ В КОНТЕКСТІ РОЗВИТКУ СУСПІЛЬСТВА." State and Regions. Series: Social Communications, no. 1(41) (March 10, 2020): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.32840/cpu2219-8741/2020.1(41).10.
Full textAbstract:
<div><p><em>The article presents the dynamics of the main factors for the development of modern television, the transition from traditional technologies of television broadcasting to the latest technologies. The process of developing digital television and broadband has been technically determined to address the challenge of integrating new technologies into traditional TV content. Ways of expanding the possibilities of interaction between the viewer and the television producer in the context of overcoming the crisis of traditional technologies are analyzed. It is determined that integration, development of mobile communications and Internet technologies are a hallmark of the modern world media space and have a significant influence on the formation of public opinion. The analysis of actual media researches concerning problems of the theory of mass communication is carried out. The phenomenon of «social television», which combines watching TV with simultaneous communication in social networks, is considered. The author draws attention to the disclosure of the determining factors of media communication, the study of the process of feedback from viewers on television. It is stated that the development of modern technologies, namely digital broadcasting and introduction of broadband Internet access to create a multimedia platform that combines Internet communication services and television content, contributes to improving the mechanism of interaction between the TV and the viewer. The theory of the conceptualization of journalism based on identity construction is examined: journalists understand their audience and, as members of that audience, connect with their communities. An analysis of integrated journalistic activity is conducted, which consists of three stages: gathering, editing and disseminating information. It is determined that the influence of the Internet allows the consumer to play his or her role at each stage, thus helping the journalist determine the degree of relevance of the story to himself and to the potential audience. The common features of modern telecontent were singled out and a comparative analysis of the trend of development of interactive TV programs of the USA, UK and Ukraine was made.</em></p></div><p><strong><em>Key words:</em></strong><em> public opinion, two-vector communication, feedback, communication methods, television audience, country telephony.</em></p>
27
Poronnik, Philip, and Roger W. Moni. "The Opinion Editorial: teaching physiology outside the box." Advances in Physiology Education 30, no. 2 (June 2006): 73–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1152/advan.00075.2005.
Full textAbstract:
Improving the public understanding of science is an important challenge for the future professional scientists who are our current undergraduates. In this paper, we present a conceptual model that explores the role of mass media as community gatekeepers of new scientific findings. This model frames the benefits for undergraduate science students to learn about media genres so that they can learn to communicate science more effectively to nonprofessional audiences. Informed by this Media Role model, we then detail a novel writing task for undergraduate physiology students, the Opinion Editorial (Op-Ed), and an accompanying Peer Review. The Op-Ed genre was directly taught to the students by a professional journalist. As an assessment task, students presented a recent, highly technical paper as an Op-Ed. This was assessed by both faculty members and peers using a detailed assessment rubric. Most students were able to replicate the features of Op-Eds and attained high grades on their writing tasks. Survey data from final-year physiology students ( n = 230) were collected before and after the implementation of the Op-Ed/Peer Review. These indicated that most students were aware of the importance of scientists to effectively communicate their knowledge to nonprofessional audiences, that the Op-Ed writing task was challenging, and that they believed that their ability to write to nonprofessional audiences was improved after explicit teaching and feedback.
28
Khroul, Victor. "Religious Impact on Media Co-regulation: a Case Study of Russia." Žurnalistikos Tyrimai 6 (January 1, 2015): 90–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/zt/jr.2013.6.7403.
Full textAbstract:
The proposed paper is focused on media co-regulation and civic accountability from the perspective of religious ethos. The author analyses the process of religion mediatization in the Russian public sphere and presents the findings of a case study of the project entitled “Public Council on Morality for TV”. Classifying different situations when religions face the media and vice versa, the paper presents some empirically fixed facts and trends of dysfunction and corruption in the religious life coverage in Russia. Drawing attention to several particular features of the Russian context (public opinion, autonomy of journalists, agenda-setting and management problem, etc.), the author puts forward a set of significant obstacles for the moral control of the media: the axiological problem (the lack of value consensus in the Russian society), the evaluative problem (absence of a moral monitoring in the mass media and the public sphere), and the communicative problem (the absence of a well-articulated dialogue of value systems).
29
Aryusmar, Aryusmar. "Karakteristik Bahasa Jurnalistik dan Penerapannya pada Media Cetak." Humaniora 2, no. 2 (October 31, 2011): 1209. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/humaniora.v2i2.3172.
Full textAbstract:
Journalistic language is one kind of language used by mass media and had different characteristic with literature, scientific or conventional language in general. In journalistic language, the journalists should write according to facts and should not include their opinion; but the writing should also include informative, persuasive, and understandable meanings as general, brief, and clear. Journalistic language is a language used in public media written by considering some characteristics in order to be easily understood by the reader in general. Therefore, this article is intended to explore those characteristics and their implementation. The result shows that there are six characteristics of Journalistic language namely: brief, dense, simple, straightforward, interesting and clear. It is also found that some printed media in Indonesia haven’t met those characteristics yet.
30
Fenger, Livia, and Helena Lindemann. "The FRAPORT Case of the First Senate of the German Federal Constitutional Court and its Public Forum Doctrine: Case Note." German Law Journal 15, no. 6 (October 1, 2014): 1105–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200019283.
Full textAbstract:
The application of constitutionally granted communication-related rights assumes the existence of public space as a basic requirement for human encounters. Mass media, such as television, internet, radio, or journals, does not completely satisfy people's general communicative needs. Instead, people need actual places where they have the opportunity to confront other individuals face to face with their opinion. Indeed, some forms of communication require a more spacious area than is owned by individuals, or can only fulfill their purpose at specific locations. Protest marches or rallies, for example, are important in raising public awareness and encouraging a broader exchange of opinions with a wider circle of recipients. Public space is the site to exchange ideas and opinions and thus the location for individuals to confront the public with political disputes, societal conflicts, and other matters. Traditionally, market places, pedestrian areas, public streets, and squares offered such sites. They are not only seen as places for consumption and means of transportation, but also as places of communication and human encounters. Hence, in this capacity, public space is the prerequisite for the actualization of the freedom of assembly and general communication-related rights, which on their part—and thereby also the existence of public forums—are the foundations of democratic decision-making and can be seen as a constituting element of a free democratic basic order.
31
Kozyryatska, Svetlana. "Hate speech in Ukrainian internet space: religious context." Obraz 3, no. 32 (2019): 87–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/obraz.2019.3(32)-87-97.
Full textAbstract:
Introduction. Recently in the Ukrainian media space, there are a lot of info texts on religious topics; however, special attention should be given to the problem of hate speech used in such texts, as a repetition of certain messages that employ negatively colored or offensive lexis in relation to denominations is an indicator of influence on public opinion which can provoke the aggressive public mood. The relevance of the study. The aim of this paper is to study the peculiarities of using hate speech in info texts on religious topics represented in the Ukrainian online space. It includes, in particular, monitoring of the Internet in order to detect those secular and denominational resources that employ expressive means of hate speech in headlines or info texts on religious topics, as well as the study of lexical, stylistic, structural, and other peculiarities of hate speech and discovery of reasons for using it. Research methods. The research is grounded on the information approach; the method of academic literature analysis was used for general exploration of the subject, for defining the level of the theoretical study of such aspect of religious journalism as the use of hate speech by secular and denominational mass-media in reports on religious topics; methods of analysis and generalization – to distinguish the expressive means of hate speech that are used in the religious segment of the Internet space, and to determine the causes of their application. Results. The following reasons for hate speech use have been defined: 1) with the aim of influencing public opinion, i.e. forming a negative image of a confession, and humiliating its status; 2) with the aim of making web headlines more ardent by means of expressive lexis use, which, in its turn, is capable of provoking readers’ interest and attracting new visitors to the website. There are such particularly the appeal to political stereotypes, as well as the use of politically-marked words and political slang, jargonisms, vulgarisms, dysphemisms, stylistic lowering that secure the desired expressive effect. The importance of a communicator’s status, which gives more value to a message, has been highlighted. Usually, the use of hate speech is grounded on binary opposition ‘friend-or-foe’. Conclusions. The academic novelty of this research is determined by singling out the peculiarities (lexical, stylistic, structural, etc.) of hate speech in the religious segment of the Ukrainian online space and by discovering the reasons for using it. A prospect for further research is the study of communication between church and state in the Ukrainian media. Keywords: mass media, religious topics, Internet resources, hate speech, information confrontation, stereotypes.
32
Lavenia, Lavenia, and Lusia Savitri Setyo Utami. "Pemberitaan Kasus PT PLN (Persero) di Media Siber dan Penerapan Kode Etik Jurnalistik (Analisis Framing Pemberitaan Blackout Listrik 4 Agustus 2019 di Okezone.Com)." Koneksi 3, no. 2 (February 8, 2020): 506. http://dx.doi.org/10.24912/kn.v3i2.6493.
Full textAbstract:
The power blackout on 4th August 2019 in Banten, Jakarta, West Java, few areas of Central Java caused lots of impacts to citizens. This case is directly related to the public interest, so that the majority of mass media including cyber media reported related information. The purpose of this study is to describe how Okezone.com constructs controversial facts or issues to frame a story into news and to discuss how to apply the Journalistic Code of Ethics (KEJ) in framing the news. The theory used is news as media content as well as online media and journalism. This research is approaching qualitative descriptive with Zhongdang Pan and Gerald M. Kosicki framing model analysis method, the author then examines the application of KEJ clause 1 to 4 in the framing data of the related news. The results showed that Okezone.com framed the coverage of the August 4th, 2019 power blackout using the principle of covering both sides. Okezone.com packed controversial issues related to the point of view that cornered and lended negative public opinion to PLN. Then, Okezone.com was still quite good in applying KEJ clause 1 to 4, because only the rules of clause 2 are indicated to be ignored in the reporting of electricity blackout on August 4th, 2019. Peristiwa blackout listrik pada 4 Agustus 2019 di daerah Banten, Jakarta, Jawa Barat, hingga sebagian Jawa Tengah, menimbulkan banyak dampak yang dirasakan oleh warga. Kasus ini berkaitan langsung dengan kepentingan publik, sehingga sebagian besar media massa termasuk media siber memberitakan informasi terkait. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mendeskripsikan bagaimana Okezone.com mengkonstruksikan fakta atau isu yang kontroversial untuk membingkai suatu peristiwa menjadi berita serta untuk menggambarkan bagaimana aplikasi Kode Etik Jurnalistik (KEJ) dalam pembingkaian beritanya. Teori yang digunakan adalah berita sebagai konten media serta media dan jurnalistik online. Pendekatan dalam penelitian ini adalah deskriptif kualitatif dengan metode analisis framing model Zhongdang Pan dan Gerald M. Kosicki, lalu penulis mengkaji penerapan KEJ pasal 1 sampai dengan pasal 4 dalam data kerangka framing pemberitaan terkait. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Okezone.com membingkai pemberitaan mengenai blackout listrik 4 Agustus 2019 dengan menerapkan prinsip cover both side. Okezone.com mengemas isu-isu kontroversial terkait dengan menonjolkan sudut pandang yang cenderung menyudutkan dan berpotensi menggiring opini publik negatif terhadap pihak PLN. Kemudian, Okezone.com masih cukup baik dalam menerapkan KEJ pasal 1 hingga pasal 4, karena hanya kaidah pasal 2 yang beberapa terindikasi diabaikan dalam pemberitaan blackout listrik 4 Agustus 2019.
33
Iuksel, Gaiana. "Crimean Journalistic Migration: Nature of Phenomenon and Characteristics (Survey Results)." Scientific notes of the Institute of Journalism, no. 1 (78) (2021): 86–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2522-1272.2021.78.7.
Full textAbstract:
The main objective of the study is to reveal the essence and characteristics of the Crimean journalistic migration process as a social phenomenon, that emerged after the occupation of Crimea in 2014 (the term “occupation” is used in accordance with the UN General Assembly Resolution 71/205 of December 19, 2016, which indicates “temporary occupation” of Crimea – ed.). The methodology of the study is based on the principles of studying the processes in the field of mass media as an integral part of general political and social life. The study was conducted using a variety of disciplinary methods of scientific knowledge of reality. A sociological questionnaire as general scientific method of empirical research was chosen as the main method. The methods of classification, generalization, observation, statistical calculation were used at different stages of the study. Since 2014 after occupation of Crimea the data on violations of the rights of Crimean journalists, activists, free authors, and bloggers have been introduced into scientific circulation. The survey was conducted among 49 Crimean journalists and media representatives, among whom 43 participants lived in mainland Ukraine and 6 – in Crimea. For security reasons and to prevent pressure on journalists, the survey was anonymous and the journalist had the right not to provide personal data at his/her own request. The study represents the opinion and position of a separate group of Crimean journalists who performed professional duties in Crimea during the events of 2014. Due to objective reasons, it is currently impossible to conduct a comprehensive sociological survey to determine the position of Crimean journalists. Results of the study. The results of the survey form an idea of the Crimean professional media circle, which representatives, being the people with active life and civic position, unbreakable principles in civic position and professional activity – were forced to leave Crimea, because they rejected de facto the changed Crimean statehood. The study of their individual “cases” provides a general idea of the process of Crimean forced journalistic migration that emerged after 2014. Due to systematization of information, a portrait of a modern Crimean journalist was created, who could not stay on the territory of the peninsula because of external forced circumstances. The answers received in the survey form an idea of the nature of persecution in the Crimea, focus on the forced transformation of the media landscape of the Crimea, changes in the journalistic environment, the destruction of the current information order. In our opinion, it is important that the survey results prove the existence of informational resistance from journalists and public circles in 2014, disagreement with the results of so-called “referendum” of March 16, 2014, refute the Russian propaganda messages about alleged expression of will and full agreement of the people of Crimea with a forced change of authorities.
34
Fadli, A. Muh, and Risma Niswaty. "Analysis of Political Broadcasting and Application Of P3SPS Broadcasting In Local Television and Network Station Systems an Makassar City." Jurnal Ad'ministrare 6, no. 2 (February 4, 2020): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.26858/ja.v6i2.12066.
Full textAbstract:
In mass communication, one of the most influential media in forming public opinion is television. This study aims to determine and analyze: the form of political broadcasts on local television and network station systems in Makassar City; and the application of P3SPS in political broadcasts on local television and network systems in Makassar City. The assessment approach uses media studies, research studies focus more on the phenomenon of online media with a focus on the application of values and ethics of journalists, also related to the process of making news, disseminating news and performance, access to news and practice in dismissing hoax news. Informants involved in this study, such as: Television Media workers in Makassar City; Experts or Media Practitioners in Makassar City; and government authorities such as the KPID of Makassar City. The form of political broadcasts on local television and the network station system in Makassar City consists of three, namely political news, political dialogue and political advertising. The application of P3SPS in political broadcasts on local television and network systems in Makassar City is carried out according to procedure. During the open campaign process in broadcasting, there were violations that were violated by broadcasters.
35
Ghassemi, Rouhollah, and Zahra Hemmatgosha. "Language in Media: A Tool for Expressing Political Views." Advances in Language and Literary Studies 10, no. 5 (October 30, 2019): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.alls.v.10n.5p.28.
Full textAbstract:
In any society there is a link between social-intellectual (ideological) views and discursive structures in media. Therefore, it is possible to discover this relationship by clarifying appropriate discursive remedies in text analysis and eventually determining how it is and its application. Some journalists are very skillful in literature, their discussion talent and their ability to manipulate the language result in complexity in language form and also in semantic features. Many fundamental factors are involved in production and comprehension of the press texts. The main objective of the current study is to investigate some of these factors such as powers relations in the society and also political and ideological institutions in press texts. Applying a discourse analysis approach and considering news theories, this study tries to analyze French press texts and explore the ways information is transferred to the addressees through word selection. The findings of this study indicate that mass media (and newspapers) are tools for expanding the ideology in the society because, facing the same issue, they take different positions according to their interests. The investigation of how this information is transferred is possible through discourse analysis. We try to show how French express media manipulate public opinion by using different vocabularies.
36
Garland, Ruth. "The unseen power of creative news management in government." Journal of Communication Management 22, no. 4 (November 5, 2018): 416–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jcom-01-2018-0001.
Full textAbstract:
Purpose Labour came to power in 1997 and immediately transferred many features of its party political news management style into government, overseeing the departure of most of the civil service communications leadership within two years, and developing the media management role of politically appointed special advisers. The purpose of this paper is to empirically examine the changes in custom and practice that operated behind the scenes in government communications between 1997 and 2015, asking to what extent such changes challenge public trust in government in a liberal democracy. Design/methodology/approach This study takes a longitudinal, qualitative approach through in-depth interviews with former civil servants, journalists and special advisers, together with documentary and archival evidence. The data were analysed thematically through the text-processing software, NVivo. Findings The paper finds that although the controversy over the 2002 dossier on Iraq’s Weapons of Mass Destruction was an extraordinary episode, the creative approach to news management that characterised this case still operates within UK Government communications: the bypassing of civil servants, a partial approach to the facts, selective briefing of favoured journalists, a lack of due process in the management of information and a disregard for the letter and spirit of propriety codes. This has implications for public trust and confidence in the workings of liberal democracy. Originality/value The study adopts a mediatisation approach to the study of public relations, using the concept of the “cross field” to demonstrate how PR professionals share media management responsibilities with a number of different promotional actors. PR professionals in government must therefore navigate between the hidden, competitive and demanding worlds of politics, the media and bureaucracy, working with journalists, politicians and political operatives to craft the narratives that seek to drive public opinion.
37
Siemens, Daniel. "Explaining crime." Journal of European Studies 39, no. 3 (September 2009): 336–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047244109106686.
Full textAbstract:
In the turbulent years of the Weimar Republic, well-known journalists working for leading newspapers regularly covered the proceedings of the criminal court in Berlin-Moabit. In seeking sensational news as well as stories about everyday life in the metropolis, the court provided them with insights into contemporary urban problems such as unemployment, political struggle, gender-based conflict, and crimes of passion. The court and the journalistic coverage of its activities are historically important because they were a locus of legal and social conflicts intermingled with popular entertainment and mass media. This article sheds light on the engagement of the press with criminal trials in Weimar Berlin. By examining material never previously discussed, it claims that, contrary to what is generally believed today, German public opinion did not on the whole accept the idea that criminals could be categorized as a genetically inferior social class. In fact, most crime reporters — who reflected and formed public opinion — argued that the psychological problems of overstrained individuals and inferior living conditions were responsible for most crimes. Offenders were therefore considered as unfortunate ‘ordinary men’, or, more generally, as ‘victims of society’. Some journalists even claimed that crimes passionelles were the result of society’s oppression. This article goes on to argue that the extreme popularity of these reports shows that the journalists’ perspective on criminality met with the approval of contemporary readers and accorded with common views on crime. As part of the larger discourse on ‘victimization’ so important to the Weimar period, this journalistic coverage of the court can help us understand the unique role the criminal played as a central symbol of the German press and public.
38
Drdová, Lucie, and Steven Saxonberg. "Dilemmas of a subculture: An analysis of BDSM blogs about Fifty Shades of Grey." Sexualities 23, no. 5-6 (October 22, 2019): 987–1008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1363460719876813.
Full textAbstract:
Recently, much has been written in the mass media about the novel and film Fifty Shades of Grey. It was widely portrayed as an example of BDSM (a common abbreviation for the terms bondage, discipline, dominance, submissivity, sadism and masochism) subculture and used as a symbol of sadomasochistic identity. But is this public view based on the self image of BDSM subcultural members or is it a figment of the imagination of writers and journalists? This article presents the voice of BDSM activists, who are silenced and excluded from the public debate. Using a virtual ethnographic method, we analyse the BDSM blogosphere as a platform for subcultural expressions of opinion. We combine this with a documentary analysis. In doing so, we examine how BDSM subculture members perceive themselves in contrast to the mainstream view of them pictured in the book Fifty Shades of Grey. This article investigates to what extent the subcultural conception of BDSM corresponds to the book's depiction and where it differs fundamentally.
39
Jastramskis, Deimantas. "Žiniasklaidos laisvės ribojimo aplinkybės Lietuvoje." Informacijos mokslai 67 (January 1, 2014): 120–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/im.2014.0.3100.
Full textAbstract:
Straipsnyje nagrinėjami teisinės, politinės ir ekonominės aplinkos veiksniai, ribojantys žiniasklaidos laisvę Lietuvoje. Analizuojama 2012–2013 m. situacija, įvertinant ankstesnių metų teisines, politines ir ekonomines aplinkybes, turinčias įtaką analizuojamo laikotarpio žiniasklaidos laisvės padėčiai Lietuvoje.Straipsnyje teigiama, kad žiniasklaidos laisvę Lietuvoje riboja teisės aktuose numatytos teisės laisvai gauti ir skleisti informaciją neužtikrinimas žiniasklaidos veikloje, perdėtai griežtos teisės aktų (ypač Baudžiamojo kodekso) normos, reglamentuojančios atsakomybę už netinkamą raišką viešojoje erdvėje, nepakankamas informacijos šaltinio atskleidimo reglamentavimo apibrėžtumas. Pagrindiniai politiniai veiksniai, ribojantys žiniasklaidos laisvę, yra susiję su politiniu žiniasklaidos pajungimu, naudojant žiniasklaidos nuosavybės bei finansavimo svertus. Ekonominiai veiksniai, turintys didžiausią įtaką žiniasklaidos laisvės varžymui: nepakankamas žiniasklaidos organizacijų ekonominis pajėgumas, valstybės finansinė politika žiniasklaidos subjektų atžvilgiu, žiniasklaidos organizacijų nuosavybės ir rinkos dalies koncentracija, žiniasklaidos organizacijų nuosavybės ir veiklos skaidrumo stoka, menkos žurnalistų ir redaktorių socialinės garantijos.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: žiniasklaida, laisvė, teisinė aplinka, politinė aplinka, ekonominė aplinkaFactors of limitation of media freedom in LithuaniaDeimantas Jastramskis SummaryThe analysis presented in this article reveals what factors of legal, political and economic environment reduce the media freedom in Lithuania.The Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania stipulates that everyone has a right to hold opinions and freely express those, to obtain and disseminate information, whereas censorship of mass information is prohibited. The right to collect, obtain and publish information is stipulated by laws. However, journalists not always are able to access public records through clear administrative procedures in a timely manner.There are articles determining libel and defamation in the Lithuanian Penal Code (journalists and other citizens can be punished by fines or become imprisoned for up to two years). Although penalties for „irresponsible journalism” are applied only in exceptional cases, libel and defamation articles in the Penal Code stimulate self-censorship of some journalists.There are no special legal acts in Lithuania that would restrict the ownership concentration of the media organisations or the parts of the market that they occupy. Due to insufficient restriction on the property concentration in media, the legal environment (in relation to the independent media variety) is not assessed as very favourable.In Lithuania some editorial office owners (as well as editors) may support some political forces and consequently, the media administered by them disseminate quite biased political content. This is very obvious in the regional municipalities, where a large part of the local media is financially dependent on politicians and the main shareholders of the local media are also politicians. In connection to the political-financial influence on editorial offices self-censorship of journalists is a part of daily routine in some media organizations.There is an excessive concentration of media ownership in the hands of private interests that can be linked to the powerful societal actors. Highly concentrated groups that control organizations both in the media market and other fields of economy limit the variety of the media content on the national, regional and local levels.Since the property relations of the Lithuanian media subjects are only partially publicised and internal norms of behaviour and rules of the editorial offices are usually not developed, the management transparency of the media organisations is quite low.The economic pressure on the journalists is huge. Also one of the measures of reducing the journalist social benefits is a widespread practise not to enter into labour or authorship contracts, but rather to force them to work as freelancers on the basis of certificates issued by the State Tax Inspectorate.The analysed legal, political and economic factors of intervention in the media work process shows that the media independence from external actors is not ensured but the situation cannot be assessed as extremely critical from this point of view.
40
Grube, Norbert. "A “New Republic”? The debate between John Dewey and Walter Lippmann and its reception in pre- and postwar Germany." Encounters in Theory and History of Education 10 (October 27, 2009): 187–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/eoe-ese-rse.v10i0.2137.
Full textAbstract:
This article tackles the historical context, the genesis and the German reception of two different concepts of elitist governmental people’s instruction and public education drafted by two main intellectuals in the era of American progressivism – Walter Lippmann (1889–1974), journalist and former spin doctor of US-President Wilson (1856–1924), and the pragmatist philosopher John Dewey (1859–1952). The examination of Lippmann’s books Public Opinion (1922) and The Phantom Public (1925) and Dewey’s studies The Public and its Problems (1927) and Freedom and Culture (1939) reveals that both concepts are based on different notions of democracy, but on similar perceptions of modernity. Accelerated sequences of economic boom and depression, technological innovation, rapid social change and the seduction of mass media were seen as threats of public participation and of nationwide mobilization. These pessimistic notions of modernity as well as their implicit interactive perceptions of European socialism, nationalism and fascism facilitated the reception of Dewey and Lippmann in Germany. In doing so, German communication scientists, intellectuals, and pedagogues transformed terms like political leadership, community, action and creativity into the German context of nationalism and holistic community. But is this adoption a misreading or is this interpretation injected in the concept of both, Dewey and Lippmann? The comparison and reconstruction of these two concepts will show that their reception in Germany after 1945 was an amalgamation by intermingling different aspects of both models instead of a clear takeover of one model.
41
Khorob, S. S. "OPINION JOURNALISM: THE GENRE OF LITERATURE OR JOURNALISM?" PRECARPATHIAN BULLETIN OF THE SHEVCHENKO SCIENTIFIC SOCIETY Word, no. 2(54) (January 22, 2019): 364–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31471/2304-7402-2019-2(54)-364-370.
Full textAbstract:
The article raises the problem of genre and type definition of opinion journalism, its belonging to fiction and journalism. It proves that this creation, coming out of laws of creative work, characterizes activities of both writers and journalists to an equal extent, being on the border in works of belles-lettres and mass media. In addition, the analysis of manifestations of opinion journalism gives grounds to affirm that opinion journalism is not a separate type of literature and not a separate genre of journalism. It is rather the system of genres among major forms that are inherent in literary-fictional and journalistic creative work.
42
Seoane, Julio. "Opinion pública : Public opinion." EUNOMÍA. Revista en Cultura de la Legalidad, no. 17 (September 27, 2019): 235. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/eunomia.2019.5028.
Full textAbstract:
Resumen: Se recorre la historia de la noción de opinión pública en cinco etapas que van desde su presentación en el XVIII con la Ilustración a los nuevos modos de los social media, pasando por la institución de la opinión pública en la prensa liberal del XIX, las cuestiones de la manipulación de finales del XIX y principios del XX y su condición de lugar de la democracia en la segunda mitad del XX. Palabras clave: público, prensa, mass media, sondeos. Abstract: This work try to show the history of public opinion in five stages ranging from its presentation in the XVIII with the Enlightenment to its new configuration with our social media, through the institution of public opinion in the liberal press of the nineteenth century, the issues of manipulation of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and its status as a place of democracy in the second half of the twentieth. Keywords: public, press, mass media, polls.
43
Goward, Pru. "Gender and journalism." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 12, no. 1 (April 1, 2006): 15–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v12i1.842.
Full textAbstract:
The media is an important cultural gatekeeper, but not a disinterested one. Inevitably journalists, their interests, backgrounds, intellectual capacity and prejudices shape what they consider we need to know. Even unconsciously they filter what they want us to know about ourselves, each other and the world. This makes the media a major vehicle, although curiously not the only vehicle, for the shaping of public opinion and in particular for the management of our responses to change. The media is also one of four so-called pillars of democracy, ensuring electors are able to make informed choices as well as engage in public policy debate. Accordingly an effective media represents a diversity ogf opinion and a range of interests which include the rights and interests and real lives of women as well as the contribution they make to the life of the nation. That's why gender counts in journalism. It is part of diversity.
44
Rusek, Benjamin, and Charles Ingrao. "The “Mortar Massacres”: A Controversy Revisited." Nationalities Papers 32, no. 4 (December 2004): 827–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599042000296140.
Full textAbstract:
One of the many controversies that survived the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina concerns the responsibility for several of the most deadly artillery attacks against civilians during the three-year siege of Sarajevo. Although indiscriminate artillery fire accounted for a small fraction of the total civilian deaths during the war, graphic video footage of the mass slaughter exercised a disproportionate effect on world public opinion and, therefore, on Western policymakers who felt constrained to “do something.” On at least three occasions, individual artillery explosions in the Bosnian capital prompted immediate international intervention that substantially determined the course and resolution of the conflict. The persistence of controversy is informed by a combination of factors, including the substantial consequences of the Western response, the inconclusiveness of some of the forensic data, and the conflicting statements of civilian survivors, journalists, spokesmen for the belligerents, and U.N. officials—all of whom have been accused of some degree of bias by one side or another. Nearly a decade later, testimony and forensic evidence presented at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) has shed new light on these incidents, presenting a more comprehensive and authoritative historical baseline account of the “mortar massacres,” much as it has for a plethora of criminal acts committed by all sides during the wars of Yugoslav succession. The Tribunal recently released documentation detailing some of the mortar attacks that occurred in the city of Sarajevo, including forensic reports compiled by the U.N. Protection Force (UNPROFOR) which had not been previously made public. The bulk of this information is contained in the Tribunal Judgment and corresponding Dissenting Opinion of the former commander of the Sarajevo Romanija Corps (SRK), Major General Stanislav Galić. Although the reliability of judicial testimony and other evidence is invariably limited by the abilities and resources of both the prosecution and defense, the trial transcript has cleared away at least some of the fog of war, making it somewhat less difficult to apportion responsibility for the disputed attacks. This article integrates the Galić transcript with earlier, wartime U.N. documentation, press releases, and media reports, supplemented by interviews conducted by the authors with military experts familiar with the characteristics of the weaponry employed by the besiegers. It also endeavors to place the most notorious incidents in the broader context presented by the multiplicity of artillery attacks that took place in urban areas across Bosnia between 1992 and 1995.
45
Kolokoltseva, E. V. "Mass Media As Forming Public Opinion Tool." Contemporary problems of social work 3, no. 3 (June 27, 2017): 74–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.17922/2412-5466-2017-3-3-74-81.
Full text
46
Odigbo, Ben, Felix Eze, and Rose Odigbo. "COVID-19 lockdown controls and human rights abuses: the social marketing implications." Emerald Open Research 2 (July 17, 2020): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.35241/emeraldopenres.13810.1.
Full textAbstract:
Background: This work is a situation analysis of reported human rights abuses that have characterized the COVID-19 controls and lockdown in some countries of the world. This is as documented by reliable mass media sources, relevant international organizations and human rights non-governmental organizations between January 2020 to April 2020. Methods: A combined content analysis, critical analysis, and doctrinal method is applied in this study in line with the reproducible research process. It is a secondary-data-based situation analysis study, conducted through a qualitative research approach. Findings: The findings revealed among other things that: COVID-19 lockdowns and curfews’ enforcement by law enforcement officers contravened some peoples’ fundamental human rights within the first month. Security forces employed overt and immoderate forces to implement the orders. The lockdown and curfew enforcements were not significantly respectful of human life and human dignity. The COVID-19 emergency declarations in some countries were discriminatory against minorities and vulnerable groups in some countries. Research limitations/implications: This report is based on data from investigative journalism and opinions of the United Nations and international human rights organizations, and not on police investigations or reports. The implication of the study is that if social marketing orientations and risk communication and community engagement attitudes were given to the law enforcement officers implementing the COVID-19 lockdowns and or curfews, the human rights and humanitarian rights breaches witnessed would have been avoided or drastically minimized. Originality: The originality of this review is that it is the first to undertake a situation analysis of the COVID-19 lockdowns and curfews human rights abuses in some countries. The study portrayed the poor level of social marketing orientations and risk communication and community engagement attitudes amongst law enforcement officers, culminating in the frosty police-public relationships.
47
Odigbo, Ben, Felix Eze, Rose Odigbo, and Joshua Kajang. "COVID-19 lockdown controls and human rights abuses: the socioeconomic and social marketing implications." Emerald Open Research 2 (June 11, 2021): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.35241/emeraldopenres.13810.2.
Full textAbstract:
Background: This work is a situation analysis of reported human rights abuses that have characterized the COVID-19 controls and lockdown in some countries of the world. This is as documented by reliable mass media sources, relevant international organizations and human rights non-governmental organizations between January 2020 to April 2020. Methods: A combined content analysis, critical analysis, and doctrinal method is applied in this study in line with the reproducible research process. It is a secondary-data-based situation analysis study, conducted through a qualitative research approach. Findings: The findings revealed among other things that: COVID-19 lockdowns and curfews’ enforcement by law enforcement officers contravened some peoples’ fundamental human rights within the first month. Security forces employed overt and immoderate forces to implement the orders. The lockdown and curfew enforcements were not significantly respectful of human life and human dignity. The COVID-19 emergency declarations in some countries were discriminatory against minorities and vulnerable groups in some countries. Research limitations/implications: This report is based on data from investigative journalism and opinions of the United Nations and international human rights organizations, and not on police investigations or reports. The implication of the study is that if social marketing orientations and risk communication and community engagement attitudes were given to the law enforcement officers implementing the COVID-19 lockdowns and or curfews, the human rights and humanitarian rights breaches witnessed would have been avoided or drastically minimized. Originality: The originality of this review is that it is the first to undertake a situation analysis of the COVID-19 lockdowns and curfews human rights abuses in some countries. The study portrayed the poor level of social marketing orientations and risk communication and community engagement attitudes amongst law enforcement officers, culminating in the frosty police-public relationships.
48
Rahkonen, Juho. "Public Opinion, Journalism and the Question of Finland’s Membership of NATO." Nordicom Review 28, no. 2 (November 1, 2007): 81–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/nor-2017-0211.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The big question behind the research on media and democracy is: do media influence public opinion and the actual policy? The discussion about Finland’s NATO membership is a case in point. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, there has been a continuous public debate about whether Finland should join NATO. In the last 16 years, however, public opinion on NATO membership has not changed much. Despite the changes in world politics, such as NATO enlargement and new weapons technology, Finns still rely on military non-alliance and want to keep their own army strong. During the last ten years, there seems to be no correlation between media coverage and public opinion: pro-NATO media content has not been able to make Finns’ attitudes towards NATO more positive. The information provided by most of the Finnish newspapers is different from the way ordinary people see NATO. In the papers’ view, joining the alliance would be a natural step in Finland’s integration into Western democratic organizations. Ordinary people on the contrary consider NATO more as a (U.S. led) military alliance which is not something Finland should be a part of. Historical experiences also discourage military alignment. In the light of data drawn from newspaper articles and opinion polls, the article suggests that journalism has had only a slight effect on public opinion about Finland’s NATO membership. The NATO issue does not count for much in any measurements that have been made regarding the preferences of Finnish voters. As the NATO issue is not considered to be important, most people do not have enough motivation to learn about NATO. Thus, the journalistic interpretation of NATO has not reached the general public, leaving the impact of the media limited.
49
Szwed, Robert. "Funkcje mediów w demokracjach." Roczniki Nauk Społecznych 12(48), no. 4 (2020): 5–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rns20484-1.
Full textAbstract:
The belief in the effectiveness and power of media influence causes politicians, media communication specialists, and democracy theorists to use the media for promotional activities aimed at shaping and persuading public opinion and improving it through education and empowerment. It turns out, however, that reading numerous conceptualizations of media functions depends on the way democracy is understood, how politics is perceived, and what is the role of public opinion in the system. The article places various concepts of media missions (from the Hutchins Commission social responsibility trend, through the conceptualizations of Gurevitch, Blumler, Zaller, to participatory journalism and public journalism) in the context of three basic types of democracy: liberal, elitist and participatory, deliberative. Such consideration of democracies and the functions of the media allows for a better understanding of the observed tendencies to appropriate media by politicians and transnational corporations, media concentration processes, and hopes for the revival of journalism and the public sphere in social media.
50
Quiroga, Sergio Ricardo. "Digital Journalism and Public Mass Media: The Bad News." Brazilian Journalism Research 12, no. 1 (July 27, 2016): 194. http://dx.doi.org/10.25200/bjr.v12n1.2016.781.
Full text