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Journal articles on the topic 'Judaisme'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 12 April 2025

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1

Haberman, Jacob. "Bergson and Judaism." European Journal of Jewish Studies 12, no. 1 (April 12, 2018): 56–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1872471x-11121014.

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Abstract Bergson’s troublesome relation to Judaism has been examined briefly by Aimé Pallière in Bergson et le Judaisme (Paris: F. Alcan, 1933) and his ambivalent attraction to Roman Catholicism by the learned Dominican philosopher-theologian Antonin Sertillanges in Henri Bergson et le catholicisme (Paris: Flammarion, 1941). Vladimir Jankélevitch, in his study Henri Bergson (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1959), has an appendix entitled “Bergson et le Judaisme,” However, he is concerned with the affinity between Bergsonism and Judaism rather than with Bergson’s adverse criticism of the Jewish religion. I mention these studies without discussing them further in appreciation of their pioneering work and to acknowledge that I have taken cognizance of their opinions. The belief that one can ignore the work of previous scholars leaves no basis for the expectation that our own work will prove of any value to others, but I do believe that Bergson’s strictures on Judaism deserve an examination of Jewish and Christian texts as well as an analysis of time by Jewish thinkers.

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2

Bright, Martin. "L’Esprit du Judaisme." Jewish Quarterly 63, no. 2 (April 2, 2016): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0449010x.2016.1202511.

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3

Finney, Paul Corby, and Pierre Prigent. "Le Judaisme et l'image." Journal of Biblical Literature 111, no. 4 (1992): 712. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3267452.

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4

Eguiarte, Enrique A. "Common Judaism. Explorations in Second-Temple Judaisme by Adele Reinhartz and Wayne O. McCready." Mayéutica 38, no. 85 (2012): 162–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/mayeutica2012388523.

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5

NEUSNER, Jacob. "Méthode philosophique de la Mishna: Le judaisme hiérarchique." Revue des Études Juives 150, no. 1 (January 1, 1991): 283–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/rej.150.1.2012732.

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6

DUPONCHEELE, JOSEPH. "QUELLE PHILOSOPHIE POUR LE JUDAISME ET LE CHRISTIANISME?" Bijdragen 52, no. 1 (January 1991): 37–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/bij.52.1.2015366.

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7

Debrauwere-Miller, N. "Bernard Lazare: Du franco-judaisme au prophetisme romantique." French Historical Studies 37, no. 1 (January 1, 2014): 89–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-2376528.

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8

Cortès Minguella, Enric. "Sobre el llenguatge legal de la "ketubah" (contracte matrimonial jueu)." Revista de Llengua i Dret, no. 80 (December 13, 2023): 234–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.58992/rld.i80.2023.3990.

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En aquest article volem sintetitzar les expressions jurídiques de dret matrimonial que apareixen al llarg de la història expressades en el document principal anomenat ketubah (escrit) que el marit lliura a l’esposa per a comprar-la en matrimoni. Per això farem prèviament un breu recorregut per les pàgines del Primer Testament. Assenyalarem especialment els primers segles dC perquè en aquests el rabinisme fixa amb detall les qüestions jurídiques més definitives que serviran fins a l’edat mitjana i encara als nostres dies, almenys en el judaisme ortodox. Volem mostrar l’evolució que els diversos elements jurídics han tingut al llarg dels temps. No tindrem en compte els elements jurídics que en l’antigor han usat i usen tant els caraïtes (s. VIII-XX)* com els sabateus (s. XVII-XIX) i les diverses formes de judaisme modern com ara el Reformat, el Conservador o el Reconstruccionista, el que no impedirà que aquí i allí hi puguem fer alguna referència. Ens hem servit sobretot de l’obra cabdal en aquesta matèria: Epstein, Louis M., “The Jewish Marriage Contract A Study in the Status of Woman in Jewish Law” (Jewish Theological Seminary of America 1927), tenint en compte és clar el que posteriorment s’ha escrit sobre el tema degut a les troballes a Naḥal Ḥeber i a Qumran, junt amb els estudis sobretot de Elon, Menahem, Safrai, Shmuel i la mateixa Encyclopaedia Judaica (2a ed. Keter Publishing House).

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9

van Winden, J. C. M., Gilles Dorival, Marguerite Harl, and Olivier Munnich. "La Bible grecque des Septante. Du judaisme hellenistique au christianisme ancien." Vigiliae Christianae 43, no. 2 (June 1989): 203. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1584147.

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10

Bramon, Dolors. "Dossier: Vida privada i judaisme. Les relacions socioreligioses a l'època medieval." Mot so razo 12 (February 1, 2013): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.33115/udg_bib/msr.v12i0.1500.

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11

Toron, Yosef Masan. "Menyimak Figurrabbi Dalam Judaisme Dan Relevansinya Bagi Formasi Guru Agama Milenial." Jurnal Alternatif Wacana Ilmiah Interkultural 1, no. 1 (April 11, 2021): 91–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.60130/ja.v1i1.34.

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Rabbi among the Jews was the very important group. They had the most strategic and central roles among the Jewish community, not only in the religious field, but also in differents fields of life. Shmuel Kogan, a Jewsih Scholar, responding the question about the Rabbi, testified clearly that “rabbi was the servant of community ”. The Rabbis in the past offered their whole life to teach the Torah, the most fundamental law among the Jews. Based on the Torah, all the Jews in the past were able to struggle in responding different challanges and difficulties. Based on this experience, we could say that the Bible, the word of God written by human being and inspired by the High Being can be used as the inspiration to build a sustainable community. Reflecting on our millennial communities, especially among the Christian youth, we find out that most of our chiristians millennial youth are less interested to the religion. The word of God, written in the Bible is only a kind of strange stories that has no relationship to their millennial experiences and needs. Facing a such challenging condition, the experience of the rabbis in the past could be a good model and example for the teachers who are responsible to teach the Religion and the Bible to the millennial christen student. Using the experiences of the Rabbis among the Jews in the past, the teachers of religion can develop a best way of teaching religion for the millenials christian.

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Blasco, Meritxell. "Dossier: Vida privada i judaisme. La dona jueva en la medicina medieval." Mot so razo 12 (February 1, 2013): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.33115/udg_bib/msr.v12i0.1501.

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13

Du Toit, A. B. "Joodse religieuse uitbreiding in die Nuwe-Testamentiese tydvak: Was die Judaisme 'n missionêre godsdiens? (Deel 1)." Verbum et Ecclesia 17, no. 2 (April 21, 1996): 307–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v17i2.519.

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Jewish religious expansion in the New Testament era: Was Judaism a missionary religion? (part I) The dramatic increase in the Jewish population towards the end of the Second Temple period has prompted the theory that Judaism at that stage was an energetic missionary religion. But this phenomenon should rather be ascribed to a variety of factors. In this first article five of these factors are discussed: the Jewish attitude towards procreation, the fact of the Diaspora, forced proselytizing, intermarriage and the "conversion" of non-Jewish slaves.

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14

Marcinkowski, Roman. "Biografia uczonego." Biografistyka Pedagogiczna 9, no. 2 (December 27, 2024): 65–85. https://doi.org/10.36578/bp.2024.09.36.

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Celem publikacji jest przedstawienie sylwetki ks. prof. Luigiego Chiariniego (1789-1832), włoskiego duchownego, hebraisty i judaisty, który zapoczątkował przekład Talmudu na język francuski i miał zamiar przeprowadzić reformę judaizmu. Artykuł składa się z dwóch głównych części. W pierwszej z nich nakreślono rys biograficzny uwzględniający lata młodości ze szczególnym zwróceniem uwagi na edukację w Toskanii, pozyskanie pracy w Uniwersytecie Warszawskim, skuteczne starania o profesurę, działalność ekspercką w Towarzystwie Warszawskim Przyjaciół Nauk oraz osiągnięcia naukowe. Część druga ukazuje zaangażowanie Ks. Chiariniego w prace związane z planowaną przez niego reformą judaizmu, wydanie w tym celu dwutomowego dzieła Théorie du Judaïsme oraz rozpoczęcie prac nad przekładem na język francuski Talmudu, który uważał za źródło zła i zepsucia w judaizmie. Artykuł przedstawia również reakcję środowisk żydowskich i ostrą krytykę poczynań Ks. Chiariniego.

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15

Martín Pons, Jordi. "La còpia aramea de la inscripció de Bisitun revisitada: una narració de l'ascens de Dàrius des d'Elefantina." Anuari de Filologia. Antiqua et Mediaeualia, no. 14 (December 20, 2024): 111–40. https://doi.org/10.1344/afam2024.14.6.

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Amb aquest article fem una aproximació a la versió aramea de la Inscripció de Bisitun, tot proposant-ne una traducció en llengua catalana i analitzant la seva importància i la seva història. Aquesta versió, que es compta entre els papirs arameus d’Elefantina, datats en l’època aquemènida d’Egipte, i en el context d’aquella comunitat jueva al Nil, ens permetran accedir a un conjunt d’informacions molt valuoses sobre el judaisme pre-exílic i pre-bíblic. Podrem analitzar una comunitat jueva a Egipte a través de la seva realitat filològica, cultural i religiosa i capir la manera en la qual van entendre el seu paper dintre del nou esquema aquemènida creat a partir de la mort de Cambises i el tumultuós ascens de Darios I.

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16

Yosef, Hery Budi. "Mengkonfirmasi Ulang Kemesiasan Judaisme di Era Antar Testament (Sebuah Pengenalan ke dalam Perjanjian Lama)." Ritornera - Jurnal Teologi Pentakosta Indonesia 2, no. 2 (October 27, 2022): 56–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.54403/rjtpi.v2i2.44.

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This article presents some of the messianic thoughts that fall within the range of the Inter-Testament especially on the apocryphal books. The author begins with some important terms about the "messiah" that are often used in the Israelite tradition, even in this modern era, of course with a new hermeneutical version of the modern rabbinic version. The discussion is based on a search for sources about the messiah in the Apocryphal books, related to the Messiah contained in additional stories that are also in the additional canon (read: deuterocanonical, and equivalent). It also includes the "Messiah" which describes a strong character contained in the "hero" who is brave and has the spirit to defend his nationalism. And to this day especially after the Temple was torn down, rabbinic speculates about the Messiah, even rebuilding a new qualification (read: worldview) connected with the prophet's sayings throughout the Tanakh. The methodology used by the author is to collect some literature that explains the messiahship in the apocryphal books, along with the meanings implied in the thoughts of the authors of the book. According to Subagyo, qualitative methods in religious contexts, especially those related to texts or scriptures, of course prioritize assessment in the form of comparisons to the object under study. Of course, this refers to interpretation, especially the dynamic assumptions about messiahship in some selected Apocryphal booksArtikel ini menghadirkankan beberapa pemikiran mesianik yang berada di dalam kisaran Antar Testament khususnya pada kitab-kitab apokrifa. Penulis mengawalinya dengan beberapa istilah penting tentang “mesias” yang sering digunakan dalam tradisi Israel, bahkan di era modern ini, tentunya dengan hermeneutis yang baru versi para rabinik modern. Pembahasannya berdasarkan penelusuran sumber tentang mesias di kitab-kitab Apokrif, terkait dengan Mesias yang tertuang pada cerita-cerita tambahan yang juga di kanon tambahan (baca: deuterokanonika, dan setaranya). Di dalamnya juga telah hadir “Mesias” yang menggambarkan sebuah karakter kuat yang terdapat di dalam diri sang “pahlawan” yang berani dan semangat untuk mempertahankan nasionalismenya. Dan hingga sekarang ini khususnya setelah Bait Suci diruntuhkan, para rabinik berspekulasi tentang sosok Mesias, bahkan membangun kembali kualifikasi baru (baca: worldview) yang terhubung dengan ucapan-ucapan nabi di seluruh kitab Tanakh. Metodologi yang digunakan oleh penulis yakni mengumpulkan beberapa literatur yang menjelaskan tentang kemesiasan dalam kitab-kitab apokrifa, berikut dengan pemaknaan yang tersirat dalam pemikiran penulis kitab tersebut. Menurut Subagyo metode kualitatif dalam konteks keagamaan, khususnya terkait dengan teks atau kekitaban, tentunya mengedapankan penilaian berupa perbandingan terhadap obyek yang diteliti. Tentunya disini mengacu kepada penafsiran, khususnya asumsi-asumsi yang dinamis mengenai kemesiasan di beberapa kitab Apokrifa terpilih

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17

Schwartz, Seth. "How Many Judaisms Were There?" Journal of Ancient Judaism 2, no. 2 (May 6, 2011): 208–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00202004.

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This article assesses two hypotheses connected with ancient Judaism: the view that Judaism was so diverse in antiquity that it is best understood as a multiple phenomenon (“Judaisms”), and the view that “Judaism” itself is a problematic concept for antiquity, in that there was no disembedded category for religion in antiquity, and thus ancient Jewishness can be understood only in ethnic, and not religious, terms. The dual concepts of “Judaisms” and “Judaismlessness” reflect larger assumptions with respect to definition, treatment of ancient sources, and scholarly commitments. Attention to the contributions of Jacob Neusner, Jonathan Z. Smith, Steve Mason, and Daniel Boyarin provide a context for analysis and critique, culminating in the argument for a radical narrowing of the scholarly definition of “religion.”

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18

Debel, Hans. "Eenheid en verscheidenheid in het vroege jodendom: De ‘jodendommen’ uit de Tweede Tempeltijd." NTT Journal for Theology and the Study of Religion 67, no. 4 (November 18, 2013): 257–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/ntt2013.67.257.debe.

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Elaborating upon the ‘Groningen Hypothesis’ on the origins of the Qumran community, Gabriele Boccaccini has developed a typology of different ‘Judaisms’ in Early Judaism. After presenting this hypothesis of a distinct ‘Enochic’ Judaism and its relationship to ‘Zadokite’ and ‘Sapiental’ Judaism, this contribution seeks to briefly evaluate the merits and limitations of this approach. More specifically, it points out that texts should be distinguished from socio-religious realities, and maintains that Early Judaism should be understood in terms of an orthopraxy rather than as a normative ideology.

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19

Favret-Saada, Jeanne, and Clara Flaksman. "Uma distinção imprecisa: Anti-Judaísmo e anti-Semitismo (Um excerto de Le Judaisme et ses Juifs)." Cadernos de Campo (São Paulo - 1991) 31, no. 2 (December 29, 2022): e204444. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2316-9133.v31i2pe204444.

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Contribuições acadêmicas sobre a responsabilidade das Igrejas no extermínio dos Judeus durante a Segunda Guerra Mundial contrastam o “anti-Semitismo” Nazista (a aversão pelos Judeus como um grupo racial) com o “anti-Judaísmo” Cristão (a aversão cristã pela religião judaica), da mesma forma que poderíamos opor o novo ao antigo, o moderno ao tradicional, o político ao religioso, ciência à tecnologia. A autora mostra, usando quatro exemplos (León Poliakov, Hannah Arendt, Colette Guillaumin, Thomas Nipperdey & Reinhard Rürup), que essa discussão nos leva a ignorar as ações das igrejas no processo que levou da invenção do termo anti-Semita em 1879 à destruição dos Judeus pelos Nazistas.

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20

García-Moreno, A. "Frédéric MANNS, L'Evangile de Jean à la lumière du judaisme, Jerusalem, 1991, 548 pp., 23 x 16." Scripta Theologica 25, no. 1 (February 20, 2018): 292–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/006.25.16699.

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21

BERNAL, M. "Review. Judaisme et Christianisme. Textes choisis par Alain de Benoist. Preface de Jean Gaulmier. Renan. Ernest Renan." French Studies 39, no. 1 (January 1, 1985): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/39.1.90-a.

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22

Tollet, Daniel. "S.A. Goldberg Les deux rives du Yabbok: la maladie et la mort dans le Judaisme ashkenze." Polin: Studies in Polish Jewry 5, no. 1 (January 1990): 397–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/polin.1990.5.397.

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23

Al Shawish, Iman Mahmoud. "اليهوديّة في الفكر الروائي العربي رواية سفر الاختفاء لـلروائية ابتسام عازم نموذجاً / Judaism in the Arabic narrative: The novel “Sifr al-Ikhtifa” by the novelist Ibtisām ʽAzīm as example." مجلة الدراسات اللغوية والأدبية (Journal of Linguistic and Literary Studies) 9, no. 1 (April 29, 2018): 108–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/jlls.v9i1.613.

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ملخص البحث: يتناول هذا البحث الأيديولوجيا اليهودية في نموذج من الرواية العربية ممثلا برواية سفر الاختفاء للكاتبة الفلسطينية ابتسام عازم، وتبيّن موقف رواية سفر الاختفاء من الأيديولوجيا اليهودية. تكمن أهمية البحث بارتباطه بإحدى القضايا المهمة التي تخص العالم العربي والإسلامي في صراعه مع المحتل، كما تهتم الدراسة ببيان صورة اليهودي في الرواية المدروسة، ودلالة تلك الصورة. وقد حللت الباحثة الرواية من خلال عناصرها وشكلها الفني رابطة ذلك بمضمونها للكشف عن الرؤية التي تجسدها الرواية، وقد استطاعت الباحثة الكشف عن التفاعلات الفنية بين العناصر الروائية وبين الرؤية والتشكيل الفني التي تجسد مقولة الرواية الكلية وتبرز مسوغ وجود هذا العمل الفني. ومن أهم النتائج التي توصلت إليها الدراسة تفريق رواية سفر الاختفاء بين اليهودية دينا واليهودية سياسة، فالصراع مع الآخر صراع سياسي محض، كما بيّنت بعض التناقضات والصدوع في سردية الآخر. الكلمات الدالة: الأيديولوجيا -اليهودية – الصراع- الصورة- العمل الفني . Abstract The study discusses the Jewish ideology in the novel entitled “Sifr al-Ikhtifa” for the Palestinian novelist Ibtisām ‘Azim. The content made clear its stand of the Jewish ideology. The significance of the study lies in its treatment of an issue closely related with the Arab and Islamic world in their conflict with the occupation. They study tries to uncover the picture of a Jewish in the novel and its significance. As the elements of the novel and the stylistic form were analyzed in relation to the content of the novel to identify the perception of the Jewish character in it, the interaction between the style and the perception of the character was traced to justify the reason for writing the novel. Among the most important conclusions of the study are: the differentiation in the novel between the religious and political character of a Jewish; the conflict with the other is merely political; as there are other paradoxes as well discovered in the narrative on the others. Keywords: Ideology, Jewish, conflict, perception, literary work Abstrak Kajian ini membicarakan tentand Judaisme dalam novel yang bertajuk “Sifr al-Ikhtifa” yang ditulis oleh Ibtisām ‘Azīm. Kandungannya menjelaskan pendiriannya terhadap Judaisme. Kepentingan kajian ini ialah pada percubaannya untuk menangani satu isu yang amat berkait dengan Arab dan dunia Islam terhadap isu pendudukan bumi Palestian oleh Israel. Kajian ini cuba untuk menyingkap gambaran terhadap watak Yahudi di dalam novel tersebut dan kepentingannya. Apabila unsur-unsur novel tersebut dan bentuk-bentuk olahan gaya bahasanya di analisa menurut kaitannya kepada kandungan novel tersebut untuk mengenal pasti persepsi terhadap watak tersebut untuk mendekati tujuan ia ditulis. Di antara kesimpulan kajian ini ialah: perbezaan di dalam novel tersebut di antara watak ugama dan politik Yahudi; konflik dengan ‘pihak lain’ itu sentiasa berbaur politik; terdapat juga beberapa paradoks lain yang ditemukan dalam novel tersebut berkenaan dengan naratif tentang “pihak yang lain”. Kata kunci: Ideologi, Yahudi, konflik, persepsi, kerja sasterawi

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LIEU, JUDITH. "‘Impregnable Ramparts and Walls Of Iron’: Boundary and Identity in Early ‘Judaism’ and ‘Christianity’." New Testament Studies 48, no. 3 (July 2002): 297–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002868850200019x.

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The metaphor of a boundary as that which separates ‘us’ from ‘the other’ is central in modern discussion of identity as constructed, yet it is also recognized that such boundaries both articulate power and are permeable. The model is readily applicable to the Greco-Roman world where kinship, history, language, customs, and the gods supposedly separated ‘us’ from barbarians, but also enabled interaction; Jews and Christians engaged in the same strategies. At the textual level it is the different ways in which boundaries are constructed, particularly using diet and sexuality, that invite attention. This may offer a way of addressing questions of unity and diversity, of Judaism versus Judaisms, and of how ‘Christianity’ emerges as separate from ‘Judaism’.

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25

Planas Marcé, Sílvia. "Dossier: Vida privada i judaisme. Béns de dones, llegats d'amor: el segon dot de Constança, jueva conversa de Girona (1391-1394)." Mot so razo 12 (February 1, 2013): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.33115/udg_bib/msr.v12i0.1502.

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26

Lupovitch, Howard. "Neolog: Reforming Judaism in a Hungarian Milieu." Modern Judaism - A Journal of Jewish Ideas and Experience 40, no. 3 (September 12, 2020): 327–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/mj/kjaa012.

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Abstract This article explores the mentality of Neolog Judaism and how its early proponents fashioned a centrist, non-ideological alternative to both Orthodoxy and German-Jewish style Reform Judaism, an alternative that emphasized Judaism’s inherent compatibility with and adaptability to the demands of citizenship. Early proponents of this Neolog mentality, such as Aron Chorin and Leopold Löw, argued that adapting Jewish practice within the framework and systemic rules of Jewish law, precedent, and custom would not undermine a commitment to traditional Judaism in any way, as Orthodox jeremiads predicted; nor would it require the sort of re-definition of Judaism that Reform Jews advocated. Four aspects of Neolog mentality, in particular, laid the foundation for this outlook: a belief that Judaism has always been inherently malleable and diverse; a willingness to see leniency as no less authentic an option than stringency (in contrast to the “humra culture” that has defined Orthodox Judaism for the last two centuries); a preference for unity over schism (contra the secession of Orthodox communities in Germany and Hungary); and the use of halachic precedent and argumentation as a mandatory part of the rationale for innovation.

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Lassner, Jacob. "Jews and Muslims Competing for Sacred Space." Bustan The Middle East Book Review 14, no. 2 (December 2023): 142–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/bustan.14.2.0142.

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ABSTRACT While Judaism and Islam are Abrahamic faiths with a shared tradition and common ground for belief and practice, this has not always or even primarily translated into a greater acceptance or appreciation of the other in Islamic history. This essay examines two new books that explore related themes about Jews and Judaism. The first book explores how different Muslim traditions have come to view Jews and Judaism based on interpretations of the Islamic sources and history. The second book seeks to explain how contemporary Muslim societies have come to understand Judaism’s attachment to the Jewish religious sites of the Holy Land, with a particular focus on Jerusalem. Perhaps by examining these themes together, one can hope that Jews and Muslims will come to appreciate what they share as much as what is disputed.

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Kindiy, Oleh. "Transformation of education as the precondition of the establishment of episcopal see in Alexandria in second and third century." Vox Patrum 58 (December 15, 2012): 35–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4067.

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Starożytna Aleksandria to kosmopolityczna metropolia, swoiste skrzyżowanie kultur i religii Cesarstwa Rzymskiego oraz uznane centrum naukowe świata antycznego. Tę pozycję miasto zawdzięczało Ptolemeuszom. Owa wyrosła w okresie hellenistycznym stolica wschodniego basenu Morzy Śródziemnego stała się w II i III wieku po Chr. miejscem spotkania trzech najwyżniejszych nurtów religijno-społecznych epoki: hellenizmu, judaizmu i chrystianizmu. Chrześcijanie aleksandryjscy, aby uniezależnić się od silnych wpływów kwitnącego w mieście życia intelektualnego hellenizmu i judaizmu, zostali niejako zmuszeni do stworzenia własnego środowiska intelektualnego, którego podstawą stał się autonomiczny system edukacji. Przy jego tworzeniu szczególne miejsce przypadło judaizmowi. Funkcja nauczyciela, rabbi, niezwykle ważna w judaizmie, została przejęta przez młode chrześcijaństwo aleksandryjskie i zmodyfikowana w duchu grecko-rzymskiej paidei. W konsekwencji powstał swego rodzaju nowy typ chrześcijańskiego nauczyciela-pedagoga. To właśnie hellenistyczny model edukacji, paideia, dopomógł prawdopodobnie chrystianizmowi uniezależnić się od modelu edukacji proponowanej przez judaizm. Było to również ściśle związane z napływem prozelitów helleńskich do młodej wspólnoty aleksandryjskich wyznawców Chrystusa. W konsekwecji nastąpiło w tamtejszym chrześcijaństwie przejście od modelu edukacji judaistycznej do modelu autonomicznego, w którym silna pozycja przypadła „pedagogice” grecko-rzymskiej. Transfomacja ta miała m.in. na celu podniesienie rangi szkolnictwa chrześcijańskiego i uczynienia go atrakcyjnym dla helleńskich prozelitów. Klasyczna paideia pozwoliła chrześcijanom wejść do grona wykształconej społeczność metropolii nad Nilem, a biskupom Aleksandrii – następcom św. Marka – odgrywać ważną rolę w życiu miasta. Owo skrzyżowanie wpływów judaizmu i hellenizmu widać dobrze w twórczości Klemensa Aleksandryjskiego i Orygenesa, których dokonania wzmacniały (mimo wszystko) pozycję lokalnego biskupa. Drugim dowodem krzyżowania się rzeczonych wpływów jest powstanie gnozy chrześcijańskiej. W ten sposób Aleksandria stała się miejscem koegzystencji ortodoksji i heterodoksji w łonie chrystianizmu. Ów system edukacji chrześcijańskiej oparty na gruncie dziedzictwa wielokulturowej metropolii znajdował się zatem niejako z konieczności pod kontrolą hierarchii kościelnej. Tak stworzono podwaliny pod przyszłą teologiczną hegemonię starożytnego patriarchatu aleksandryjskiego.

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Boyarin, Daniel. "Beyond Judaisms: Metatron and the Divine Polymorphy of Ancient Judaism." Journal for the Study of Judaism 41, no. 3 (2010): 323–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006310x503612.

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AbstractMy specific project in this paper is to combine several related and notorious questions in the history of Judaism into one: What is the nexus among the semi-divine (or high angel) figure known in the Talmud as Metatron, the figure of the exalted Enoch in the Enoch books (1-3 Enoch!), "The One Like a Son of Man" of Daniel, Jesus, the Son of Man, and the rabbinically named heresy of "Two Powers/Sovereignties in Heaven?" I believe that in order to move towards some kind of an answer to this question, we need to develop a somewhat different approach to the study of ancient Judaism, as I hope to show here. I claim that late-ancient rabbinic literature when read in the context of all contemporary and earlier texts of Judaism—those defined as rabbinic as well as those defined as non-, para-, or even anti-rabbinic—affords us a fair amount of evidence for and information about a belief in (and perhaps cult of) a second divine person within, or very close to, so-called "orthodox" rabbinic circles long after the advent of Christianity. Part of the evidence for this very cult will come from efforts at its suppression on the part of rabbinic texts. I believe, moreover, that a reasonable chain of inference links this late cult figure back through the late-antique Book of 3 Enoch to the Enoch of the first-century Parables of Enoch—also known in the scholarly literature as the Similitudes of Enoch—and thus to the Son of Man of that text and further back to the One Like a Son of Man of Daniel 7.

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Vulakh, Gennady, Rona Miles, Alla Chavarga, Estee Hirsch, and Pesach Eisen. "Attributions of LGBTQ+ Identity and Religious Views on Homosexuality to Disaffiliation from Orthodox Judaism." Religions 14, no. 3 (March 13, 2023): 381. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14030381.

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Religious disaffiliation has been found to occur at higher rates in LGBTQ+ individuals than in heterosexual individuals and in the general population. In this brief report, we explore whether LGBTQ+ people who disaffiliated from Orthodox Judaism attributed sexual identity and/or Orthodox Judaism’s lack of acceptance of homosexuality to their disaffiliation. This analysis focuses on 117 individuals who identified as LGBTQ+ who were drawn from a larger study that included 387 participants across all sexual orientations who disaffiliated from Orthodox Judaism. Unexpectedly, only 18 of the respondents reported that their sexual identity and/or religious views on homosexuality were causes for their disaffiliation. A lack of education and language around LGBTQ+ concepts in ultra-Orthodox Jewish communities may have contributed to this finding. We suggest that additional research be conducted to explore the complex relationship between LGBTQ+ identity and disaffiliation from Orthodox Judaism.

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Pažėraitė, Aušra Kristina. "Dieviška prievarta, įstatymas ir teisingumas judaizme žvelgiant iš Walterio Benjamino perspektyvos." Religija ir kultūra 14, no. 14-15 (September 8, 2017): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/relig.2014.14-15.10825.

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Straipsnyje analizuojamas dieviškos prievartos klausimas. „Dieviškos prievartos“ sąvoka buvo pradėta vartoti Walterio Benjamino, priešinant ją „mitinei prievartai“. Benjamino formuluota priešprieša rėmėsi (tarp kitų pavyzdžių) nuorodomis į biblinę istoriją ir judaizmo teisę, tačiau nebuvo pakankamai išskleista ir problemiška. Kaip turėtume suprasti tai, ką Benjaminas vadina dieviška prievarta, jei neitume į politinės filosofijos ar teologijos sritį, bet liktume religinėje plotmėje? Kaip įmanoma, ir ar įmanoma, Benjamino nurodytoje priešpriešoje aptikti religinės žydų tradicijos nuostatų ir idėjų? Straipsnyje pasirinkta svarstymo perspektyva išeities tašku ima ortodoksinio judaizmo tradiciją, kokia ji egzistuoja rabiniškuose rašytiniuose ir nerašytiniuose komentaruose. Analizuojant dieviškos prievartos sampratos ortodoksiniame judaizme peripetijas, tyrimo metu pavyko prieiti prie išvadų, kad yra visas kompleksas taškų, siejančių rabinišką dieviškos teisės, teisingumo ir prievartos sampratą su Benjamino dieviškos prievartos sąvoka. Ją pasitelkus, galima analizuoti rabiniškos teisės nuostatas ir perspektyvą, konstruojamą dualistinių priešpriešų – universalizmo ir partikuliarizmo (istoriškumo, pasak Jacques’o Derrida) bei Toros absoliutaus pobūdžio ir žemiškos (istoriškos, žmogiškos) praktikos – pagrindu. Šios priešpriešos straipsnyje aptariamos pasitelkus dieviškos prievartos (karet), rabiniško teismo pobūdžio, dieviško teisingumo sampratas ortodoksiniame judaizme. Tyrimas veda prie išvadų, kad Benjamino formuluota priešprieša subtiliai atspindi rabiniškame mąstyme ir teisės sampratoje egzistuojančias priešpriešas.

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Szczerbiński, Waldemar. "Mordecai Kaplan’s Understanding of Holiness." Verbum Vitae 40, no. 2 (June 10, 2022): 387–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vv.13399.

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The Reconstructionist category of holiness, reflecting the essence of God in traditional Judaism, is a challenge both to contemporary Jewish thought and to theological thought in general. This paper attempts to explain why and how Mordecai Kaplan - the forerunner of the most liberal trend in Judaism - embarked on a reconstruction of the biblical concept of holiness and demonstrated the consequences of his transformations. First, Kaplan’s concept of holiness is discussed, followed by his description of the notion of “sancta” as advanced by the Reconstructionists. Next, Kaplan’s understanding of holiness, which denotes the fullness of humanity rather than the essence of the personal God, as in traditional Judaism, has been presented. Thus, according to Kaplan, holiness is an anthropological and not a theological category because he understood it as a “transcendental validity” on the path to attain human self-fulfillment in this world. From the perspective of tradition, the Reconstructionist concept of holiness results in Judaism’s desacralization, which can primarily be seen in the desacralization of God, the Torah, the Chosen People, and the Sabbath. Even allowing for Judaism’s diversity of views and positions, Kaplan’s concept of holiness is truly revolutionary in modern Jewish thought.

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Morales, J. "Gershom SCHOLEM, De la Création du monde jusqu'à Varsovie, Les éd. du Cerf, («Patrimoines, Judaisme», 14), Paris 1990, 259 pp., 14,5 x 23,5." Scripta Theologica 23, no. 3 (February 27, 2018): 1060. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/006.23.18207.

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Brinner, William M. "Le commentaire biblique: Mordekhai Komtino ou l’herméneutique du dialogue, by Jean Christophe Attias. (Patrimoine judaisme.) 204 pages, bibliography. Les Editions du Cerf, Paris1991." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 26, no. 1 (July 1992): 99–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002631840002530x.

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Neusner, Jacob. "Is The God of Judaism Incarnate?" Religious Studies 24, no. 2 (June 1988): 213–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034412500019272.

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The issue of incarnation in the formative centuries of the Judaism of the dual Torah concerns not the invention of an essentially new conception of God but the recovery of what was among other Judaisms an entirely conventional one. What concerns us is not so much why in light of the prior Judaic systems and their statements, the Judaism of the dual Torah represented God inincarnate form. It is how the incarnation of God attained realization. For in the earlier stages of the unfolding of the canon of the Judaism of the dual Torah, e.g. in the Mishnah, Tosefta, and related exegetical writings, we have no hint of an incarnation of God, and it is only in the final and complete statement of that Judaism that we confront, in full and whole realization, the notion of God with an individuality, a personality, a corporeal character. The answer to that question requires us to pursue two distinct lines of inquiry. The first concerns incarnation – treating as human and fleshly and corporeal what is to begin with either an object or an abstraction – as a mode of thought, not with special reference to God. Here we want to know the point at which, in the unfolding of the canon of the Judaism of the dual Torah, the conception of incarnation serves as a mode of presenting as a human person or personality some thing or some idea. Within this inquiry, further, we want to know precisely how the conception of incarnation comes to expression. The second addresses the issue why is it that in the pages of the Bavli in particular the process of incarnation reaches the person of God?

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DaDon, Kotel. "Uloga žene u židovskom braku u starozavjetnim spisima Biblije, u židovskome pravu i u rabinskoj literaturi." Kairos 12, no. 2 (November 15, 2018): 141–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.32862/k1.12.2.1.

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Članak je podijeljen u tri glavna dijela: prvi analizira ulogu žene u židovskom braku i razna pitanja koja su nerazdvojno vezana uz njezin status u judaizmu, kao što je društveni život, jednakost i poligamija. Drugi dio bavi se institucijom braka u judaizmu, samom ceremonijom sklapanja braka te raznim praktičnim pitanjima koja mogu izniknuti tijekom sklapanja braka i kasnije, primjerice ketubom i razvodom. U posljednjem dijelu ovoga članka autor nastoji prikazati stav judaizma prema nasilju nad ženama, posebno prema premlaćivanju i silovanju, te završava pogledom judaizma na to kako bismo trebali postupati sa suprugama i kako su se poznati rabini ponašali prema svojim ženama. Autor analizira navedene teme u starozavjetnim spisima Biblije, u židovskome pravu i rabinskoj literaturi od talmudskih vremena do danas. Ova pitanja autor raščlanjuje na temelju niza izvora iz rabinske literature, od talmudskih vremena preko srednjega vijeka sve do suveremenih rabina, literature koja je sada prvi put prevedena na hrvatski jezik. Tekstove je s hebrejskog i aramejskog preveo sam autor.

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Brody, Samuel. "Political Economy as a Test of Modern Judaism." Religions 10, no. 2 (January 24, 2019): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10020078.

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According to a common narrative, Jews entered the modern world at a steep price. From an autonomous corporation, ruling themselves internally according to their own standards and law, Judaism became a “religion,” divested of political power and responsible only for the internal sphere of “faith” or belief. The failure of this project, in turn, gave rise to the sharp split between Jewish nationalism and religion-based conceptions of Judaism. Many modern Jewish thinkers sought to resolve this antinomy by imagining ways for Judaism to once again form the basis of a “complete life”. This essay seeks to challenge this narrative by examining the extent to which economics, another one of the “spheres” emerging together with modernity and often considered under the same broadly Weberian process of rationalization, ever truly formed part of the holistic, self-contained Jewish autonomous life for which modern thinkers expressed so much nostalgia. It will argue that rather than forming part of the internal world of Judaism and then being fragmented outward into a separate sphere under the pressure of modernity, the “economic sphere” was imagined and defined for the first time in modernity, and projected backwards into earlier eras. This projection was then taken as proof of Judaism’s ability to “be about everything,” whether in a religious or nationalist idiom.

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Youde, Fu, and Wang Qiangwei. "A Comparison of Filial Piety in Ancient Judaism and Early Confucianism." Journal of Chinese Humanities 1, no. 2 (May 27, 2015): 280–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23521341-01010016.

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Filial piety is one of the most comparable ethical elements in the Jewish and Confucian traditions, both of which possess a clear overall ethical orientation. Ancient Judaism and early Confucianism advocate extremely similar expressions of filial piety, such as providing for and respecting one’s parents, inheriting their legacy, properly burying and mourning them, and tactful remonstration of elders. However, ancient Judaism and early Confucianism differ on the degree to which one should be filial, the scope of filial piety, and its status within each respective ethical system. Confucianism advocates a more comprehensive and nuanced version of respect for parents than Judaism, while both systems hold distinctive views regarding the extent and scope of filial piety. Both traditions advocate similar kinds of filial piety primarily because they are based on bonds of familial affection and gratitude, and their differences are cultural in nature. Two such decisive cultural factors are Judaism’s theocentrism and Confucianism’s humanism. Furthermore, the different social institutions and systems of governance brought about by these cultural differences account for the dissimilarities in Jewish and Confucian filial piety. The transcendent nature and emphasis on equality between individuals inherent in Judaism can play an informative role in the revival and reestablishment of Confucian ethics.

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Taylor, Lev. "Why Were the Founders of Liberal Judaism in Britain Opposed to Zionism?" European Judaism 53, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 109–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2020.530210.

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Until recently, scholars have assumed that Liberal Judaism’s pre-war stance against Zionism was motivated primarily by a desire to assimilate into bourgeois English cultural mores. This article argues to the contrary: that the founders of Liberal Judaism were expressly trying to combat secular assimilation. Focusing on speeches and writings from Liberal Judaism’s three primary founders, Lily Montagu, Claude Montefiore and Rabbi Israel Mattuck, I find they took a nuanced and principled approach to opposing Jewish nationalism. Their opposition to Zionism stemmed, instead, from a desire to contest definitions of Jewishness. In particular, they were concerned that national conceptions of Jewishness undermined their ethical and spiritual project. I conclude that many of their concerns anticipate problems in modern-day Israel, so that their arguments are worth revisiting.

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Krzyszczuk, Łukasz. "Animalia dubia vel fabulosa jako przyczynek do polemiki antyheretyckiej w Komentarzu do Księgi Izajasza (VI 13, 19 - 14, 1) św. Hieronima." Vox Patrum 68 (December 16, 2018): 409–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3367.

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The article presents the way of using paradoxographical information regarding the matter of animals with doubtful identification in leading anti-heretical and Anti-Judaist polemic on the example of the sixth book Commentary on Isaiah by Jerome of Stridon. In the allegoric explanation of Is 13:19 - 14:1 Bethlehem monk juxtaposed widely known information about mythological creatures with the well-known story from the Book of Genesis about the conflict of Esau with Jacob. This let him explain why the followers of Judaism and heretics are the allies when it comes to fighting with the Church. Anti-Judaism and anti-heretic polemic was one of the most important topic brought up by alexandrine exegesis that Jerome was influenced by during his whole life.

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Kowalska, Katarzyna. "Dialog jako droga przemiany." Perspektywy Kultury 46, no. 3 (September 29, 2024): 51–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.35765/pk.2024.4603.04.

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Historia relacji pomiędzy judaizmem i chrześcijaństwem, symbolizowana figurami Synagogi i Eklezji, to dzieje naznaczone często trudnościami i napięciami. To również historia o radykalnej przemianie, która rozpoczęła się od czasów Holokaustu – szczególnie po opublikowaniu dokumentu Soboru Watykańskiego II Nostra aetate w 1965 r. Doświadczenie Zgromadzenia Sióstr Matki Bożej z Syjonu (zwanego również siostry Syjonu lub Syjon) stanowi pewien paradygmat zmiany, która dokonuje się w Kościele do dzisiaj. Zgromadzenie to zostało założone w połowie XIX w. przez Teodora Ratisbonne’a w celu nawracania Żydów. Z biegiem czasu, pod wpływem ruchów biblijnych, ekumenicznych i teologicznych oraz doświadczeniu Shoah, cel zgromadzenia całkowicie się zmienił. Pamiętając o inspiracji założyciela i pierwszych sióstr, że w Kościele rzymskokatolickim istniała potrzeba zgromadzenia, które przypominałoby chrześcijanom o ich zakorzenieniu w judaizmie, siostry odeszły od nawracania Żydów na rzecz szerzenia nowego zrozumienia trwałego wybrania narodu żydowskiego i ważności judaizmu, zarówno w przeszłości, teraźniejszości, jak i przyszłości. Artykuł pokazuje, jak stopniowa transformacja, która dokonała się w zgromadzeniu, wymagała radykalnej reorientacji w postrzeganiu własnej tożsamości, głęboko zakorzenionych przekonań, tradycji i modlitw oraz podjęcia w tym kierunku pracy i studiów. Przedstawiając historię i doświadczenie Syjonu, nawiązałam do tego, jak wyglądały początki zgromadzenia i w jaki sposób ów proces się dokonał, przechodząc na końcu również do niektórych nowych wyzwań i zadań, które w ostatnich latach pojawiły się w dialogu i relacjach żydowsko-chrześcijańskich.

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Takács, László, Tibor Grüll, Tamás Adamik, and Erzsébet Kiss. "Könyvszemle." Antik Tanulmányok 50, no. 1 (June 1, 2006): 113–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/anttan.50.2006.1.9.

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Anneo Cornuto: Compendio di Teologia Greca. (Testo greco a fronte.) Saggio introduttivo e integrativo, traduzione e apparati di Ilaria Ramelli. Milano 2003.; Commentum Cornuti in Persium. Recognoverunt et adnotatione critica instruxerunt W. V. Clausen et J. E. G. Zetzel. Monachii et Lipsiae in aedibus K. G. Saur, Bibliotheca Scriptorum Graecorum et Romanorum Teubneriana MMIV.; David Noy-Alexander Panayotov-Hanswulf Bloedhorn: Inscriptiones Judaicae Orientis. vol. I. Eastern Europe. (Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism 101.) Tübingen, Mohr Siebeck 2004.; David Noy-Hanswulf Bloedhorn: Inscriptiones Judaicae Orientis. vol. III. Syria und Cyprus. (TSAJ 102.) Tübingen, Mohr Siebeck 2004.; Walter Ameling: Inscriptiones Judaicae Orientis. Bd. II. Kleinasien. (TSAJ 99.) Tübingen, Mohr Siebeck 2004. Edward Champlin: Nero. The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, Cambridge (Massachusetts) - London (England) 2003.; Pesthy Monika: A csábítás teológiája. A kísértés fogalmának története az ókorban. Kairosz Kiadó, Budapest 2005.; Szakrális képzőművészet a keresztény ókorban I-II. Összeállította, fordította, a jegyzeteket és a bevezető tanulmányt írta Bugár M. István. Catena, a Pécsi Tudományegyetem Patrisztika Központja, a Paulus Hungarus és a Kairosz Kiadó közös sorozata. Budapest 2004.

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Cohen, Richard A. "MENAS, SAKRALIZUOTA ERDVĖ IR UTOPIJA." Religija ir kultūra 5, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/relig.2008.1.2795.

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Monoteistinės religijos oponuoja erdvę sakralizuojančiai stabmeldystei, taip pat mitologinam pasauliui, kurio dalis visa stabmeldystė yra. Menas, tiek monoteizme, tiek mitologijose, yra neutralus šios opozicijos atžvilgiu. Judaizmo pavyzdys pasitelkiamas parodyti, kaip dvi „sakralizuotos erdvės“ – antikinė šventykla Jezuralėje ir vedybinis guolis namuose – reprezentuoja ne vietos sakralizavimą, o etiškumo sustiprinimo būdu įvykdytą vietos pakeitimą ekstrateritoriniu u-topos.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: Levinas, menas, sakralumas, judaizmas, seksualumas, utopia.“ART, SACRED SPACE AND UTOPIA”Richard A. Cohen SummaryMonotheist religions oppose the idolatry which makes space sacred and the mythological world upon which all idolatry depends. Art, used by monotheisms and mythologies, is neutral in this opposition. The example of Judaism is invoked to show how two apparently “sacred spaces,” the ancient Temple in Jerusalem and the conjugal bed of the home, represent not sacralizations of places but displacements through the intensification of an ethical extra-territorial u-topos.Keywords: Levinas, Art, sacred, Judaism, sexuality, utopia.

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Fel, Stanisław, and Magdalena Zdun. "JUDAIZM I EKONOMIA. ZWIĄZEK JUDAIZMU Z ŻYCIEM GOSPODARCZYM." Zeszyty Naukowe KUL 60, no. 2 (November 3, 2020): 253–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/zn.2017.60.2.253-264.

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Artykuł podejmuje tematykę związku judaizmu z szeroko rozumianą aktywnością gospodarczą. Przedmiotem rozważań jest typowe dla etyki żydowskiej rozumienie pieniądza, bogactwa, pracy i gospodarczych inicjatyw. Fundamentalne dla życia gospodarczego kwestie ujęte zostają w odniesieniu do ksiąg uznanych za święte i szczególnie ważne w tej religii (Stary Testament, Talmud). Równie ważne są referencje do kulturowych interpretacji judaizmu, w tym do dzieł klasyków tematyki – Jacquessa Attaliego czy Wernera Sombarta. Kluczowym dla tematyki pojęciem jest „bogactwo”, którego znaczenie zostaje wyprowadzone kolejno z Biblii (Księga Wyjścia) i Talmudu. Ostatecznie ekonomika żydowska daje się przedstawić jako wytwór kultury osadzonej i ufundowanej na religii, a majątek zyskuje etyczną legitymizację. Wywód wieńczą historyczne przykłady aktywności gospodarczej Żydów, będące jednocześnie dowodem na wzajemne powiązania bogactwa i religii.

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HEISER, MICHAEL S. "Co-regency in Ancient Israel’s Divine Council as the Conceptual Backdrop to Ancient Jewish Binitarian Monotheism." Bulletin for Biblical Research 26, no. 2 (January 1, 2016): 195–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26371649.

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Abstract Scholars have long wondered what theological and hermeneutical trajectories allowed committed monotheistic Jews to embrace Christianity’s high Christology. How exactly could devoted followers of Yhwh convert to Christianity and still consider themselves innocent of the charge of worshiping another deity? Alan Segal’s seminal work on the “two powers in heaven” doctrine of ancient Judaism demonstrated that Judaism allowed a second deity figure identified with, but distinct from, Yhwh prior to the rise of Christianity. But Segal never succeeded in articulating the roots of this theology in the Hebrew Bible. This essay seeks to bridge this gap by proposing a Godhead framework put forth by the biblical writers in adaptation of the earlier Canaanite (Ugaritic) divine council involving a co-regency of El and Baʿal. The essay suggests that Judaism’s two powers theology had its roots in an ancient Israelite co-regency notion whereby Yhwh and a second, visible Yhwh figure occupied both roles of the co-regency in the biblical writers’ conception of the divine council.

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46

Dorff, Elliot N. "Judaism, Business and Privacy." Business Ethics Quarterly 7, no. 2 (March 1997): 31–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3857296.

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Abstract:This article first describes some of the chief contrasts between Judaism and American secularism in their underlying convictions about the business environment and the expectations which all involved in business can have of each other—namely, duties vs. rights, communitarianism vs. individualism, and ties to God and to the environment based on our inherent status as God’s creatures rather than on our pragmatic choice. Conservative Judaism’s methodology for plumbing the Jewish tradition for guidance is described and contrasted to those of Orthodox and Reform Judaism.One example of how Conservative Judaism can inform us on a current matter is developed at some length—namely, privacy in the workplace. That section discusses (1) the reasons for protecting privacy; (2) protection from intrusion, including employer spying; (3) protection from disclosure of that intended to remain private; (4) individualistic vs. communitarian approaches to grounding the concern for privacy; and (5) contemporary implications for insuring privacy in business.

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Marcinkowski, Roman. "Religia w społecznym kontekście na przykładzie judaizmu talmudycznego." Humanistyka i Przyrodoznawstwo, no. 24 (December 20, 2018): 229–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/hip.2606.

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Starożytne teksty judaizmu jasno opisują rozwarstwienie społeczne Izraela i wynikające z tego uwarunkowania religijne. Sposoby i możliwości realizacji religijnej w zależności od pochodzenia określa szczególnie wyraźnie judaizm rabiniczny. Wyższy status społeczny zapewniał większe możliwości samorealizacji religijnej, ale zobowiązywał też do większej odpowiedzialności wobec Boga i społeczności, nakładał również inne obowiązki w zależności od pochodzenia społecznego. Istotę judaizmu rabinicznego, zwanego także talmudycznym od głównego jego dzieła – Talmudu, określa Miszna, stanowiąca obok Gemary, jego zasadniczą i pierwszą część. Miszna zgodnie z jej przeznaczeniem wskazuje sposób życia, który można by ogólnie określić mianem religijnego. Opisuje zarazem życie społeczno-religijne starożytnego Izraela sprzed czasu jej spisania, sięgając niekiedy nawet kilka wieków wstecz.

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Hug, P. "Discours ordinaires et identites juives: La representation des Juifs et du judaisme dans les dictionnaires et les encyclopedies de langue francaise, du Moyen Age au XXe siecle." Poetics Today 23, no. 3 (September 1, 2002): 578. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/03335372-23-3-578.

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Seidler, Meir. "The Rehabilitation of Philosophy via Hermeneutics. Maimonides’ Diverging Scriptural Evidence Regarding the Quest for the Rationale of the Commandments." European Journal of Jewish Studies 13, no. 2 (September 2, 2019): 167–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1872471x-11321078.

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Abstract This article focuses on one of the central issues in Moses Maimonides’ Jewish philosophy: the quest for the rationale of the commandments. Maimonides regards this quest as religiously obligatory. However, on two occasions he points to diverging scriptural evidence to underline his claim. By juxtaposing the two different scriptural proofs adduced by Maimonides, his use of hermeneutics in the service of philosophy is exposed in the inner precincts of Judaism: in regard to Judaism’s particularistic law. In terms of spiritual leadership, Maimonides’ dual scriptural approach enables him to bring his philosophical message home to different audiences.

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Novick, Tzvi. "Charity and Reciprocity: Structures of Benevolence in Rabbinic Literature." Harvard Theological Review 105, no. 1 (December 21, 2011): 33–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816011000526.

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In his recent book, Seth Schwartz explores “[t]he tension between egalitarian solidarity and competitive reciprocity” in the late Second Temple period and in rabbinic Judaism.1 As Schwartz's characterization of reciprocity implies, it stands at odds with egalitarianism because exchange, outside the boundaries of the market, is ordinarily structured by asymmetry, and thus by the hierarchical relationships of patronage and dependence.2 For Schwartz, Judaism's “natural” proclivity, at least as enshrined in the Torah, is toward egalitarian solidarity. To obviate the need for the “dependence-generating gift,” the Torah mandates wealth transfer to the poor through charitable donation (leaving unharvested the corner of one's field, etc.). Charity, unlike the gift, does not generate the obligation to reciprocate: “[t]he pauper, like the priest, is meant to feel no gratitude—at least not toward the donor.”3 Given this innate preference for solidarity, the problem for late antique Judaism in a patronage-dominated Mediterranean society lay specifically in “how to come to terms, Jewishly, with the practical inevitability of social institutions founded on reciprocal exchange.”4

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