Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Judicial branch'

My dissertation examines chief justice leadership of the United States Supreme Court during the judicial decision-making process. With the office steeped in secrecy, I borrow seminal concepts from the leadership literature such as autocratic, laissez-faire, and democratic leadership and adapt them to the office in order to systematically identify dominant patterns of leadership. While chief justices use different styles, the office is chiefly democratic in both structure and operation, which makes the chief justice a “first among equals” and requires him to be just as good of a political negotiator as he is a competent legal judge. This is a unique, but under appreciated, feature of the chief justice when compared to the associate justices.<br>10000-01-01

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Nevada, Reno, 2008.<br>"May, 2008." Includes bibliographical references (leaves vi-xi). Library also has microfilm. Ann Arbor, Mich. : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [2009]. 1 microfilm reel ; 35 mm. Online version available on the World Wide Web.

Submitted by JOSIANE SANTOS DE OLIVEIRA (josianeso) on 2017-07-03T17:03:35Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Clarissa Tassinari_.pdf: 2195126 bytes, checksum: 338613a5ca3556d91ebca2bf1513c78d (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-03T17:03:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Clarissa Tassinari_.pdf: 2195126 bytes, checksum: 338613a5ca3556d91ebca2bf1513c78d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-12-19<br>Nenhuma<br>Nos últimos dez anos, começa a ser difundida no Brasil uma hipótese teórica que torna supremacia judicial um conceito naturalizado, ou seja, algo inerente às prerrogativas funcionais do Supremo Tribunal Federal – um modo específico de compreender sua atuação, que é extraído do argumento constitucional (daquilo que se afirma estar previsto pela constituição). O objetivo da tese é desconstruir esse imaginário, demonstrando que não existe um vínculo pressuposto (natural) entre supremacia judicial e controle de constitucionalidade. Para alcançar tal objetivo, observa-se que a supremacia judicial do STF é fruto de um contexto político, que emerge da incorporação da leitura que é feita no Brasil sobre o papel do judiciário em duas tradições: do constitucionalismo norte-americano (em especial, da dimensão política da atuação da Suprema Corte dos Estados Unidos) e da experiência constitucional alemã (que atribui ao Tribunal Constitucional Federal o dever de concretização de direitos). Conjugando esses dois elementos, observa-se que a supremacia judicial se manifesta no contexto brasileiro através da concessão de três autoridades ao STF – interpretativa, política e simbólica –, o que está ligado à criação dos seguintes pressupostos: de que o Tribunal possui a última palavra na construção do direito, de que sua atuação sobrepõe-se a das instâncias majoritárias e de que ele é o poder mais habilitado (capaz) de traduzir os anseios sociais. A tese contesta a possibilidade de dar amparo constitucional a esse tríplice modo de visualizar a o exercício da jurisdição constitucional, problematizando a relação entre os poderes do estado sob os aportes da relação direito e política, o que significa a imersão na diferença existente entre a esfera jurídica e o campo político, na análise da interação entre os três poderes do estado, bem como na distinção entre decisão judicial e escolha política. Chega-se, assim, à conclusão da existência de uma supremacia judicial consentida (não decorrente do texto constitucional), isto é, construída teoricamente (através do reconhecimento da supremacia judicial pelos juristas) e institucionalmente (pelos incentivos dos poderes eleitos ou pela auto-investidura do STF). A tese foi desenvolvida através do método hermenêutico-fenomenológico, estando inserida no eixo temático que a Crítica Hermenêutica do Direito de Lenio Streck proporcionou ao direito.<br>From the last tens years on, a theoretical hypothesis that naturalises judicial supremacy began to be disseminated in Brazil, or, that it is something inherent to the functional prerogatives of the Federal Supreme Court – a specific way of understanding its role, which is extracted from a constitutional argument (that is claimed to be provided by the Constitution). The purpose of the thesis is to deconstruct this idea, demonstrating that there is no presupposed (natural) relationship between judicial supremacy and constitutionality control. In order to do so, it has been observed that the judicial supremacy of the STF is the result of a political context, which emerges from the incorporation of the reading made in Brazil on the role of the judiciary from two traditions: American constitutionalism (in particular, the political dimension of the role of the Supreme Court of the United States) and the constitutional experience of Germany (which gives the Federal Constitutional Court the duty to enforce rights). Combining these two elements, it has been observed that the judicial supremacy manifests itself in the Brazilian context through the granting of three authorities to the STF – interpretative, political and symbolic –, which is then linked to the creation of the following assumptions: that the Court has the last word on the construction of law, that its duty overlaps with those of the majority bodies, and that it is the most enabled (able) branch to translate social desires. The thesis disputes the possibility of granting constitutional protection to this triple way of visualising the exercise of constitutional jurisdiction, problematising the relationship between the branches of government under the contributions of the relationships between law and politics, which means an immersion in the existing difference between the legal sphere and the political field in the analysis of the interaction between the three branches of government, as well as in the distinction between judicial decision and political choice. This leads to the conclusion of the existence of a consented judicial supremacy (not derived from the constitutional text), that is, theoretically (through the recognition of the judicial supremacy by lawyers) and institutionally (by the incentives of elected officials or self- investiture of the STF) constructed. The thesis was developed through the hermeneutic-phenomenological method, being inserted in the thematic axis that Lenio Streck's Hermeneutic Critique of Law provided to Law.

This study introduces an arrangement and description proposal for lawsuits of custody from the collection of the Archive of the Judicial Court of Rio Grande do Sul. This collection consists of documentary resources that enable social studies, cultural, legal and historical. For organizing and accessing information, the cases were arranged and described by applying the archival functions according to the needs and specificities of the court files. Considering the Brazilian Standard of Archival Description, were defined and described the description levels base, section, subsection, series and process, which were described as the evidence presented by the Standard. Contemplated, in the arrangement, the deep Judicial Power of Rio Grande do Sul, the 1st and 2nd degree sections, the subsections as document producer Counties all over the State and the series used in the classification procedure of the National Council of Justice. For the process level, was established a model considering the elements the Standard and basic procedural information to the monitoring and location of the files. The proposed description is being applied along the lawsuits representatives of the First Republic (1889- 1930). Among the processes initiated in this period, were randomly selected from statistical calculations, those being described. Analysis of the information described allows relations with facts and social, political and cultural aspects from the historical period considered, providing the scholars with numerous opportunities for research. The paper presents some of these possibilities of analysis, in addition to the proposed adoption of the model describing the processes in the computerized file from the Judicial Archive. In this regard, the objectives of defining and implementing the arrangement and description have been achieved, allowing access and research to relevant information contained in court documents.<br>Este trabalho apresenta uma proposta de arranjo e descrição para processos judiciais de guarda permanente do acervo do Arquivo Judicial do Tribunal de Justiça do Rio Grande do Sul. Este acervo é composto por fontes documentais que permitem estudos sociais, culturais, jurídicos e históricos. Para organização e acesso às informações, os processos foram arranjados e descritos, aplicando as funções arquivísticas de acordo com as necessidades e especificidades dos arquivos judiciais. Considerando a Norma Brasileira de Descrição Arquivística, definiu-se o arranjo dos documentos nos níveis fundo, seção, subseção, série e processo, os quais foram descritos conforme os elementos apresentados pela Norma. Contemplou-se, no arranjo, o fundo Poder Judiciário do Rio Grande do Sul, as seções 1º e 2º Graus, as subseções como Comarcas produtoras de documentos em todo o Estado, e as séries utilizadas na classificação processual do Conselho Nacional de Justiça. Para o nível processo, estabeleceu-se um modelo considerando os elementos da Norma e as informações processuais fundamentais ao acompanhamento e localização dos autos. A descrição proposta está sendo aplicada em conjunto de processos judiciais representativos da Primeira República (1889-1930). Entre os processos iniciados nesse período, foram selecionados aleatoriamente, a partir de cálculo estatístico, aqueles que estão sendo descritos. A análise das informações descritas permite relações com fatos e aspectos sociais, políticos e culturais do período histórico considerado, fornecendo aos estudiosos inúmeras possibilidades de pesquisas. O trabalho apresenta algumas dessas possibilidades de análises, além da proposta de adoção do modelo de descrição dos processos no sistema informatizado do Arquivo Judicial. Nesse sentido, os objetivos de definição e realização do arranjo e descrição foram alcançados, permitindo o acesso e pesquisa a relevantes informações constantes nos documentos judiciais.

Одним із актуальних питань раціоналізації в адмініструванні судової діяльності необхідно відмітити важливість прозорості судової влади, налагодження дієвої системи інформування громадян, створення комунікаційних механізмів та каналів для поширення інформації про діяльність судів та інших органів судової гілки влади. Основною метою в даному питанні є забезпечення довіри громадян до суду. Головним допоміжним елементом в процесі реалізації цієї ідеї можна визначити широке використання комунікаційних або інформаційних технологій: телебачення, радіо, преси.

Defence date: 22 January 2007<br>Examining board: Prof. Pilar Domingo (Universidad de Salamanca) ; Prof. Carlo Guarnieri (Università di Bologna) ; Prof. Donatella Della Porta (European University Institute) ; Prof. Philippe C. Schmitter (European University Institute)(Supervisor)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses<br>Until recently, Courts were not an important component of political science research on Latin America. The quantity of research on the judiciary does not compare even remotely to the vast literature on others institutions. However, despite the relative inattention to their role, courts are institutions whose performance has concrete and relevant effects on the socio-political system. Indeed, Courts have currently emerged as active participants in the political process offering new opportunities to citizens, social movements, interest groups, and politicians. Focusing on three countries of Central America (Costa Rica, Nicaragua and Guatemala), this dissertation illustrates how far the political system in these countries is shaped in significant ways by the role of Courts as political institutions. Throughout a comparative approach, this study offers what may be the first cross-national analysis explicitly designed to serve as a comprehensive measure of the political role of High Courts.

Esse trabalho pretende contribuir para a compreensão do papel desempenhado pela justiça comum no contexto das políticas de saúde do município de São Paulo. Para tanto, ele propõe-se a estudar o processo de utilização do Tribunal de Justiça de São Paulo para garantia do direito à saúde e identificar os mecanismos institucionais que permitem que este processo ocorra. Realizou-se um levantamento das decisões proferidas por tal Tribunal em ações que questionavam políticas municipais de saúde e, posteriormente, analisou-se tais decisões com o objetivo de mapear os padrões de resposta que o Poder Judiciário tem dado a tais demandas. Finalmente, também buscou-se investigar em que medida tais respostas exercem influência sobre políticas de saúde do Poder Executivo e identificar quais foram as formas de acionamento e os atores envolvidos. A pesquisa teve como resultado a delineação de certas especificidades do processo de questionamento de políticas de saúde no Tribunal de Justiça do Estado de São Paulo, tais como a predominância de ações individuais, o alto índice de condenações do Poder Executivo, a significativa utilização de assistência jurídica gratuita e os efeitos das condenações nas políticas de saúde, tanto na forma de alterações substantivas em seu conteúdo, como na de acordos institucionais firmados entre os atores demandantes e o Poder Executivo.<br>This research aims at understanding the role played by the common courts in the context of health policy in São Paulo. Therefore, it is proposed to study the process of using the São Paulo State Court of Justice to guarantee the right to health and identify institutional mechanisms that allow this process to occur. We accomplished a survey of this Court decisions in lawsuits that contestate municipal health policies, and then examined such decisions in order to map the patterns of response that the judiciary has given to such demands. Finally, we also sought to investigate to what extent such responses influence on executive branch health policies and to identify what were the ways of demanding and the actors involved. The research resulted in a delineation of certain specific characteristics of health policy contestation at the São Paulo State Court, such as the predominance of individual lawsuits, the high rate of the executive branch convictions, the significant use of free legal assistance and the effects of conviction in health policies, both as substantive changes in its content, as institutional arrangements between the actors applicants and the Executive.

Серед численних статистичних досліджень, що проводяться в Україні, центральну увагу привертає вивчення ставлення громадян до судової гілки влади. Як свідчать дані об‘єктивної статистики, отримані з різних джерел, населення демонструє критично низький рівень довіри до українських судів.<br>Among the numerous statistical surveys conducted in Ukraine, the focus is on the study of citizens' attitudes toward the judiciary. According to objective statistics obtained from various sources, the population demonstrates a critical level of trust in Ukrainian courts.

This dissertation deals with court-executive relations in post-authoritarian Argentina (1983-2006). Specifically, I analyse Supreme Court behaviour in highly sensitive cases to determine whether the tribunal has cooperated with or obstructed the government’s policy preferences in three key policy areas: human rights, economic emergency and pensions. This innovative type of approach – i.e., focusing on a small number of highly sensitive decisions – allows me to concentrate on cases that are genuinely important for the government or, more precisely, for the country’s political administration. There are cases that are significant for the State apparatus but irrelevant for the president (thinking of politicians as self-interested actors). My research uses a rational choice approach to courts, underscoring the strategic nature of judicial behaviour. This vision of judges provides a more accurate account of judicial-executive relations by bringing politics into the study of courts. By focusing exclusively on attitudes and apolitical jurisprudence, other visions take for granted the institutional context. Political stability, for example, cannot be assumed in many developing democracies. My findings indicate that the Argentine Supreme Court has consistently avoided obstructing the president’s policy preferences. Such behaviour is motivated by strategic considerations: judges are risk-averse actors that avoid clashing with the executive. For most of the time, the Supreme Court has operated under unified government, which increases the chances of being punished for anti-government decisions. Two other factors also account for the court’s risk-averse behaviour. First, procedural rules grant the Supreme Court wide discretion over its docket. The tribunal has used such discretion to strategically select the timing of its decisions. Second, recurrent democratic breakdowns have repeatedly led to attacks against the court, such as impeachment, irregular dismissals, and/or enlargements. Third, politicians exert broad control of judicial promotions, allowing them to block the careers of independent, courageous judges that act as a check on political power.

Si la science politique et l’histoire ont su montrer les effets de l’expansion de la bureaucratie sur la présidence et le Congrès en assez grands détails, la vision du pouvoir judiciaire dans sa relation avec l’État américain moderne reste singulièrement appauvrie. Un examen de l’historiographie de l’État et du pouvoir judiciaire montre que la question de l’impact du fait administratif sur le fonctionnement de ce dernier n’a finalement jamais été clairement posée. Cette thèse entend démontrer que les relations entre le judiciaire et l’État fédéral se sont jouées non sur un conflit de principe quand au rôle et à la place de la bureaucratie fédérale dans le schéma constitutionnel américain mais plutôt dans le cadre du processus de reconstruction du judiciaire fédéral initié à la fin du dix- neuvième siècle avec le Evarts Act de 1891<br>Even though political scientists and historians have been able to make sense of the impact of bureaucracy on the Congress and the Presidency, the question of the relation of the federal judiciary with the federal state remains largely untouched, as if the constitutional confrontation of 1937 had settled the issue once and for all, with the traditional narrative of judicial restraint and executive triumph firmly in place. This work aims to suggest and explore another avenue for research, by underlining the importance of earlier, turn-of-the-century developments regarding the institutional evolution of the federal judiciary itself and the development of early administrative law. By shifting the focus of attention away from the New Deal crisis, we show that the complicated relation between the federal judiciary and the federal state did not primarily concern the place of administrative power in the constitutional structure, but rather the institutional identity of a federal judiciary which underwent profound changes before the New Deal. In other words, the federal judiciary has a history, and this has to count for something

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:27:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gabriel Ciriaco Lira.pdf: 502367 bytes, checksum: a47d2b727feecffe11c3530f15ce34aa (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-06-18<br>In Brazil, after the Constitution of 1988 was enacted, we have the increasing of judicial branch activities. These growing of his activities can be tributed to more constiency of citizenship. Brazilian people came each more often to the Courts. It must be recalled that brazilian Judiciary branch is very conservative. Many times judges argued that the have no competency to decide, and these results in a non liquet decision itself. By the other side, we faced a society who officials arrived to their positions as we have been at monarchy system, by inheritage. Judiciary branch must be changed by those who have the judiciary skills lawyers, judges, procecuters, - law actors-. It is not easy change mentalities. Since French Revolution, the law search for legality, who is misunderstanding as legal security. Legality today have constitutional sources. Judicial branch have this important duty beyond the rule of law. Separation of powers was an important theory to stop dictators and ditactorships. However, these theory cannot be applied in Brazil as it was in France, or in any other country. Each people, each Nation, has their own different historic reality who has different remedies and solutions. This dissertation aims to contribute how must be the role of Judicial branch, his mission under constitutional system. Any construction of constitutional system must considered the view of rule of law<br>No Brasil, especialmente, após a Constituição de 1988, vem crescendo cada vez mais a atuação do Poder Judiciário. Este crescimento deste poder não ocorre de maneira aleatória. A complexidade das relações sociais, a maior consciência de cidadania levam cada vez mais a população brasileira a buscar os seus direitos nos tribunais. Sem embargo disso, nosso Judiciário adota um grande viés conservador (tal qual nossa sociedade). Muitas vezes sobre o argumento de que não tem competência para decidir, acaba promovendo uma não decisão de conseqüências desastrosas. De outro lado, como estamos diante de uma sociedade em que aqueles que chegam aos postos-chave da república são privilegiados. A mudança pelo poder judiciário requer uma intensa modificação da consciência jurídica dos operadores do Direito. Não é fácil essa mudança. Desde a Revolução Francesa o Direito se pautou pela busca da legalidade, confundida com literalidade como pressuposto para segurança jurídica. A legalidade hoje ela tem um viés constitucional. Ao Judiciário deve ser dado cumprir esta missão. A Teoria das Separações dos Poderes teve um grande mérito de barrar o autoritarismo. No entanto esta não pode ser aplicada no Brasil, da mesma forma que na França, ou em qualquer outro país. Cada povo, cada País, tem sua realidade histórica diferente que exige soluções diferentes. Este trabalho tem como objetivo estabelecer como esta Teoria deve ser aplicada no Brasil, qual deve ser o papel do Judiciário sobre o prisma constitucional. Tendo como premissa que uma visão constitucional não pode ser abandonada por qualquer interpretação jurídica

While there has been a substantial body of research on interest group activity in U.S. federal courts, there has been comparatively little analysis of interest group engagement with state courts. Given that state courts adjudicate the vast majority of cases in the American legal system and very few cases are appealed to the Supreme Court, understanding why organized interests participate in these courts is of great importance. The present study analyzes interest group involvement as amicus curiae in all state courts of last resort from 1995-1999 to examine what factors motivate organized interests to turn to the courts. The results indicate that interest groups are primarily motivated by their policy goals in deciding which cases to file amicus briefs in, but that they are limited in their ability to file by institutional constraints unique to state courts of last resort. This research provides insight into interest group behavior, state courts and the role organized interests play in influencing legal outcomes in the American states.

Submitted by Morgana Silva (morgana_linhares@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-07-01T17:33:14Z No. of bitstreams: 2 arquivototal.pdf: 1583427 bytes, checksum: bc183668b13d534d7f29cbcbbbbd6bf3 (MD5) anexo.pdf: 303451 bytes, checksum: 968dcb2df3ee80cafee2a58de13116a7 (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-01T17:33:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 arquivototal.pdf: 1583427 bytes, checksum: bc183668b13d534d7f29cbcbbbbd6bf3 (MD5) anexo.pdf: 303451 bytes, checksum: 968dcb2df3ee80cafee2a58de13116a7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-12-22<br>The inclusion of the right to universal and comprehensive care to health in the text of the 1988’s Federal Constitution innovated in relation to the Constitutions prevailing in Brazil previously. This is because in previous normative situation not dispensed to public health due attention, leaving to the discretion of public officials the implementation of health policies they deemed relevant. Thus, in most of Brazilian history, they are circumscribed to the supply of a poor service, especially for the large portion of the population that was not affiliated to the social security system and also does not have the financial resources to pay for private care. However, the constitutionalization of the right to full and universal health care in the 1988 Constitution brought important challenges in implementing this right, mainly due to the significant amount of financial resources necessary for satisfactory service. Within a context of limited budget resources and growing aspirations of people around the realization of the right to health, the Judiciary has assumed an increasingly participatory role, granting, in place of individual demands, deliverables involving the right to health. But the growing interference of the Judicial Branch in managing public health policies has caused some difficulties in managing the budget portion allocated to the financing of health care, interfering in the planning of public health policies outlined by managers. In this context, the present work is sought by the adoption of a methodological basis backed by literature searches and evaluation of jurisprudential and doctrinal context related to the theme, analyzing how research problem is the interference of the judiciary - which has been increasing to over time and leaning to recognize the right to health as a supply of absolute nature, to have an intimate relationship with the right to life - is legitimate and if it brings or no benefits for the realization of the right in question, starting from the assumption, that the end is confirmed, that it is actually more an instrument that deepens inequalities, far making the constitutional objective of ensuring everyone access to public health care universal and equitable manner.<br>A inclusão do direito à assistência universal e integral à saúde no texto da Constituição Federal de 1988 inovou em relação aos sistemas constitucionais que vigoraram no Brasil anteriormente. Isso porque, na conjuntura normativa antecedente, não se dispensava à saúde pública a devida atenção, deixando ao critério dos gestores públicos a implementação das políticas sanitárias que julgassem relevantes. Com isso, na maior parte da história brasileira, essas políticas se circunscreveram à dispensa de um atendimento precário, em especial para a grande parcela da população que não se encontrava filiada ao sistema previdenciário e também não dispunha de recursos financeiros para custear o atendimento privado. No entanto, a constitucionalização do direito à assistência integral e universal à saúde na Carta de 1988 trouxe importantes desafios na implementação desse direito, principalmente em decorrência do importante volume de recursos financeiros necessário para um atendimento satisfatório. Dentro de um contexto de recursos orçamentários limitados e anseios crescentes da população em torno da concretização do direito à saúde, o Poder Judiciário vem assumindo um papel cada vez mais participativo, outorgando, em sede de demandas individuais, prestações concretas envolvendo o direito à saúde. Mas, a crescente interferência do Poder Judiciário no gerenciamento de políticas públicas de saúde tem provocado algumas dificuldades na gestão da parcela orçamentária destinada ao custeio da assistência sanitária, interferindo no planejamento das políticas públicas de saúde delineadas pelos gestores. Diante desse contexto, no presente trabalho se busca, mediante a adoção de uma base metodológica lastreada em pesquisas bibliográficas e na avaliação da conjuntura jurisprudencial e doutrinária relacionada ao tema, analisar como problema de pesquisa se a interferência do Poder Judiciário - que vem se acentuando ao longo do tempo e se inclinando a reconhecer o direito à saúde como uma prestação de natureza absoluta, por ter uma íntima relação com o direito à vida - é legítima e se ela traz ou não benefícios para a concretização do direito em análise, partindo-se da hipótese, que ao final se confirma, de que ela se constitui, na verdade, em mais um instrumento que aprofunda iniquidades, tornando distante o objetivo constitucional de assegurar a todos um acesso à saúde pública de forma universal e igualitária.

A presente tese de doutorado apresenta um estudo sociológico comparativo de culturas democráticas e do funcionamento judiciário, baseado em tipos ideais, com enfoque nas culturas cívicas, jurídicas e judiciais dos Estados Unidos, do Brasil e da França. O objetivo principal é compreender o funcionamento do Poder Judiciário no Brasil, a partir de sua cultura democrático-constitucional oficial, problematizando-a em face da hipótese da persistência de habitus patrimonialistas subjacentes à forma jurídica. O primeiro capítulo constrói e compara os tipos ideais da cultura democrática (aspectos sociais e políticos) nos Estados Unidos, na França e no Brasil. Os pensamentos e valores marcantes em torno das coisas públicas e privadas são organizados na forma dos tipos comparáveis do individualista liberal, do coletivista social e do patrimonialista pessoal. As elites típicas são esboçadas em torno das noções de um advogado burguês, um nobre de Estado e um burocrata estamental. Por último, o problema dos mitos fundantes das democracias é elaborado através do contraponto dos racionalismos contratualistas (pragmático nos Estados Unidos e utópico na França) com o ranço pré-moderno das raízes culturais brasileiras. O segundo capítulo constrói e compara os arranjos institucionais e o funcionamento do poder judiciário nos três países. Descreve-se e sistematiza-se, para utilização eficaz, a ferramenta conceitual das magistraturas “burocráticas” e “profissionais”, tal como já “pré-concebida” por Garapon, Guarnieri e Pederzoli. O aspecto burocrático bloqué, excessivamente apegado ao Código, da magistratura judicial francesa, é explicado pelo temor do retorno da barbárie e do arbítrio pessoal, que são como memórias reprimidas, do Ancien Régime e da Revolução, no inconsciente cultural francês. A formação da alta magistratura administrativa como uma forma de noblesse d’État é explicada como a modernização, pela legitimação escolar, das reminiscências cortesãs latentes de uma sociedade afeita à distinção social. Por sua vez, o ativismo judicial característico do judiciário americano é explicado pela retumbante interpenetração entre o direito e a política em sua cultura; imbricamento este que explica os métodos de recrutamento que privilegiam a accountability em detrimento da independência judicial; bem como a licenciosidade com que os juízes americanos se imiscuem no universo das ideologias políticas, inclusive as partidárias. Por último, o fato de os magistrados brasileiros pensarem-se como grupo distinto e superior, com ares de nobreza, é explicado através da ideia de “nobreza concursada”, como sendo a feição contemporânea do estamento burocrático. O desembaraço de seu jogo duplo, em ora apresentarem-se como medalhões, que dão carteiraços, ora como técnicos (ou paladinos) da ordem jurídica democrática, é explicado pela ambiguidade essencial da modernização da cultura brasileira: o ethos patrimonialista contemporâneo é interpretado como modernização da cordialidade idílica; o “indivíduo contratualista”, formal e burocrata, e a “pessoa estamental”, favorita do paço, encontram sua síntese perfeita no magistrado-concursado-medalhão contemporâneo.<br>This PhD dissertation presents a comparative sociological study of the democratic cultures and the judicial functioning, based on ideal types; focusing on the civic, legal, judicial cultures of the United States, Brazil and France. The main goal is to understand the functioning of the Judiciary in Brazil, from its official constitutional democratic culture, rendering it problematic before the hypothesis of a steady habitus of patrimonialism, underlying the legal formalities. The first chapter constructs and compares the ideal types of the democratic culture (social and political features) in the United States, in France and in Brazil. The remarkable thoughts and the values, on public and private issues, are shaped as comparable types, like the “liberal individualist”, the “social collectivist”, the “person of the patrimonialism”. Typical elites are drafted based on the notions of the bourgeois-lawyer, the State noble, and the status-group-bureaucrat. Finally, the issue of the democratic founding myths is constructed by opposing the contractual rationalisms (pragmatic in the US and utopic in France) and the pre-modern rancidity of Brazilian cultural roots. The second chapter constructs and compares the judicial institutional setting and its functioning in the three countries. It effectively describes and systematizes the conceptual tool of “bureaucratic” and “professional” magistracies, first conceived by Garapon, Guarnieri and Pederzoli. The character of bureaucratie bloquée, obsessed by the Code of the French judicial magistracy, is explained by the fear of the French people of facing backlashes of barbarism and tyrannies, reminding the time of the Old Regime and the Revolution, based on unconscious repressed cultural memories. The making of the high administrative magistracy, shaped as a noblesse d’État, is explained as a modernization of courtier reminiscence, by means of scholar legitimization, which are latent in a society with taste for social distinctiveness. In turn, the characteristic judicial activism of the American judiciary is explained by the sounding interpenetration between law and politics in their culture. This imbrication explains the methods of recruitment that privilege accountability rather than judicial independence. This also explains the cultural permissiveness for American judges to meddle with the universe of political, even partisan ideologies. At last, the fact that the Brazilian magistrates think of themselves as a distinct and superior group, with their ways of nobility, is explained by the idea of "examined nobility", meaning the contemporary feature of the bureaucratic status group. They play double-games with resourcefulness, sometimes playing the role of big-wigs, throwing their weights around; other times playing the technicians (or the warriors) of the democratic legal system. This is explained by the essential ambiguity in the modernization of the Brazilian culture: the ethos of a contemporary patrimonialism is interpreted as the modernization of the idyllic cordiality. The contemporary “examined big-wig” is the perfect synthesis of the associative formal-bureaucratic individual and the status-group person, “favorite of the prince”.

Об'єкт дослідження - процес модернізації публічного управління в органах судової влади України. Метою роботи є дослідження особливостей впровадження вітчизняного та європейського досвіду у роботу Кременецького районного суду Тернопільської області. Предметом дослідження є теоретичні та прикладні засади модернізації публічного управління в органах судової влади. Наукова новизна роботи полягає у дослідження теоретичних засад, розробленні практичних рекомендацій та пропозицій щодо модернізації судових процесів із врахуванням прогресивного вітчизняного та європейського досвіду. Практичне значення результатів роботи полягає в розробленні проектних пропозицій щодо підвищення ефективності використання інформаційно-комунікаційних технологій у діяльності Кременецького районного суду Тернопільської області, дослідження доцільності та обґрунтування ефективності імплементації суду присяжних у діяльність судової установи, підвищення ефективності стратегічних комунікацій суду. Методи дослідження – анкетування, наукової абстракції та математичного прогнозування. The object of research is the process of modernization of public administration in the judiciary of Ukraine. The aim of the work is to study the peculiarities of the introduction of domestic and European experience in the work of the Kremenets District Court of Ternopil region. The subject of the study is the theoretical and applied principles of modernization of public administration in the judiciary. The scientific novelty of the work is to study the theoretical foundations, develop practical recommendations and proposals for the modernization of litigation, taking into account the progressive domestic and European experience. The practical significance of the results is to develop project proposals to improve the use of information and communication technologies in the Kremenets district court of Ternopil region, study the feasibility and justification of the implementation of the jury trial in the judiciary, increase the effectiveness of strategic communications of the court. Research methods - questionnaires, scientific abstraction and mathematical forecasting.<br>Вступ…5. Розділ 1. Теоретичні засади процесів реформування та модернізації органів судової влади в Україні та за кордоном…8. 1.1. Місце судової гілки влади у системі публічної влади України…8. 1.2 Діалектика та особливості реформування судової системи в Україні…18. 1.3. Дослідження зарубіжного досвіду реформування органів судової влади…24. Розділ 2. Аналіз особливостей діяльності Кременецького районного суду Тернопільської області…28. 2.1 Загальна характеристика публічної установи, її завдань, принципів та місії…28. 2.2 Дослідження процесів електронного урядування обліково-статистичної діяльності Кременецького районного суду Тернопільської області…30. 2.3 Аналіз використання європейських тенденцій кадрового забезпечення діяльності судового органу…37. Розділ 3. Розроблення пропозицій щодо модернізації публічного управління в органах судової влади України…50. 3.1 Підвищення ефективності використання інформаційно-комунікаційних технологій у діяльності Кременецького районного суду Тернопільської області…50. 3.2 Дослідження доцільності та обґрунтування ефективності імплементації суду присяжних у діяльність Кременецького районного суду…65. 3.3 Удосконалення стратегічних комунікацій суду як елемента модернізації судових процесів… Розділ 4. Охорона праці та безпека в надзвичайних ситуаціях…71. 4.1 Організація охорони праці у Кременецькому районному суді Тернопільської області…71. 4.2 Застосування алгоритму класифікації надзвичайних ситуацій та порядку реагування на них суб’єктами господарювання…80. Висновки та пропозиції…84. Бібліографія…86.

The concept of judicial independence arguably forms the basis of the relationship between the legislature, the executive and the judiciary. It is also an integral part of the functioning of the courts and therefore requires some protection. This paper looks at the relationship between the political braches, being the legislature and the executive on the one hand, and the judiciary on the other. In order to explore the concept of judicial independence, the doctrine of the separation of powers ought to be discussed. The introductory part of this paper will be dedicated to uncovering the origins of the doctrine of the separation of powers along with its modern day application within South Africa and other jurisdictions across the world. The core of this paper analyses whether there are any political pressures or influences on the judiciary and on judges when they make decisions. In order to assist with the above, five judgments ofthe Constitutional Court and the Supreme Court of Appeal will be discussed and an assessment of the reasoning of the courts' decisions will be made. As will be discussed, although the decisions appear legally justiciable, politics arguably remains an underlying factor in the judicial decisioncmaking process and as will be argued the courts have over the years created mechanisms of protecting their institutional security. The latter part of this paper focuses on the Judicial Service Commission and the consequences of the involvement of the political branches within the judicial appointment-making process. An assessment of the present relationship between the political branches and the judiciary will also be made in this paper with a particular focus on the relationship between the executive and the judiciary. Recent case law and public discussions will be used to illustrate where this relationship may stand and whether it is possibly strained. This paper is centered around the principle of judicial independence and how courts are able to maintain their institutional security along with their relationship with the political branches.<br>Mini Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2016.<br>Public Law<br>LLM<br>Unrestricted

Quid d’un principe constitutionnel concernant l’organisation institutionnelle de l’État, tel que la séparation des pouvoirs, dans la jurisprudence d’une cour internationale des droits de l’homme, telle que la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme ? S’il serait audacieux de prouver que le juge de Strasbourg applique une certaine théorie de séparation des pouvoirs, il est pourtant pertinent de répondre à la question de savoir si les solutions adoptées par le juge européen des droits de l’homme dessinent une vision cohérente de ce que doivent, selon lui, être les relations entre les pouvoirs. En outre, il ne faut pas faire abstraction du fait que la théorie de la séparation des pouvoirs telle qu’elle est conçue dans l’État libéral contemporain n’implique la consécration que d’un socle minimal de solutions soit acquis<br>What of the idea that a constitutional principle concerning the institutional organization of the State, such as the separation of powers, could be found in the jurisprudence of an international court of human rights, namely the European Court of Human Rights ? Even if it were to be audacious to prove that the judges of the Strasbourg Court apply a precise theory of separation of powers, it, nonetheless remains relevant to answer the question whether the solutions adopted by the aforementioned judges outline a coherent vision of what should be, in their view, the relations between the branches of government. Yet, one should always bear in mind that the theory of the separation of powers, as conceived in the contemporary liberal State, implies the consecration of only a minimum nucleus of solutions

O Legislativo é vital para o autogoverno coletivo e para a contenção do poder. Impõe-se revigorá-lo. Esta dissertação traz propostas para incrementar a legitimidade do Poder Legislativo que independem da reforma política. A primeira proposta consiste na correção de algumas práticas comprometedoras da atuação do Legislativo, quais sejam, a falta de apreciação do veto, a atual forma de elaboração e execução da lei orçamentária, o poder excessivo dos líderes e a tutela jurisdicional limitada do devido processo legislativo. A segunda proposta reside no fortalecimento das comissões temáticas, arenas mais adequadas do que o Plenário para desenvolver o potencial deliberativo do Parlamento. Esses órgãos fracionários podem empregar a avaliação de impacto, recurso que se destina a aprimorar a legislação. A terceira proposta corresponde à regulamentação do lobby. A institucionalização dessa atividade revela-se essencial para imprimir-lhe transparência, de modo a possibilitar o controle, e para minimizar o desequilíbrio no acesso aos tomadores de decisão.<br>The Legislative Branch is vital to collective self-government and to restrain power. It is necessary to reinvigorate it. This dissertation brings proposals to increase the legitimacy of the Legislative Branch that are independent from the political reform. The first proposal consists in correcting some practices that compromise the performance of the Legislative, which are, the lack of appreciation of veto, the current form of budget preparation and execution, the excessive power of the leaders and the limited jurisdictional review of the due process of law. The second proposal aims at the strengthening of the committees, which are arenas more adequate than the Plenary to develop the deliberative potential of the Parliament. These fractional organs can use the impact assessment, which is a tool intended to improve legislation. The third proposal corresponds to the regulation of lobbying. The institutionalization of this activity is essential to imprint transparency to the process so as to allow control and to minimize the imbalance in access to decision makers.

Por influência da perspectiva interaccionista, o objecto de investigação criminal, tradicionalmente centrado na acção do delinquente, passou a integrar no seu estudo o próprio sistema de controlo e reacção social ao crime, cuja análise se concentra no estudo dos mecanismos de selecção da delinquência. Esta orientação da investigação criminal sugere algumas dúvidas sobre o sistema de selecção da delinquência desencadeado, em geral, pelas estruturas de controlo formal e, em particular, pela instância judicial, como a última e a mais importante de todas as instâncias de controlo, nomeadamente no que toca à possibilidade de ser verificável, no espaço de discricionaridade do tribunal, a adesão a construções alternativas da verdade processual. Para o estudo desta tese, foram seleccionamos dois tribunais portugueses, com contextos sócio-culturais diferentes, com semelhantes índices de actividade e com uma actividade processual média, no âmbito dos quais se recolheram 10% dos processos entrados em 1988 e 1995, julgados e findos até ao momento da investigação, cujas decisões finais de julgamento seriam objecto de análise. Este corpus, integrado por 123 decisões judiciais referentes ao Tribunal Judicial da Figueira da Foz e 120 referentes ao Tribunal Judicial de Castelo Branco, foi objecto de uma análise do conteúdo, com base no tratamento quantitativo da informação, destinada a demonstrar a existência de uma relação de dependência entre os mecanismos de selecção e a decisão final obtida no julgamento, numa amostra constituída por 371 crimes julgados; e de uma análise estrutural do mesmo conteúdo destinada a avaliar o impacto do código referencial sobre as decisões resultantes do julgamento e, neste sentido, avaliar o grau de responsabilidade do juiz do processo nos eventuais desvios encontrados na análise do corpus. A análise de conteúdo, assistida por uma interpretação estatística do corpus, permitiu concluir pela existência de uma relação de dependência entre os mecanismos de selecção da delinquência e a decisão final de julgamento, confirmada mesmo quando testada a sua relação com o tipo de crime julgado. Mas, como esta verificação não demonstra a existência de relações causais, e dado terem-se observado algumas situações indiciadoras da existência de dependências provocadas pela própria política criminal estabelecida pelo legislador na lei penal, esta metodologia revelou-se insuficiente para a imputação, geral, dos resultados obtidos em julgamento aos juizes dos respectivos processos. Pelo que a avaliação desta dimensão da análise foi remetida para uma análise estrutural, destinada a avaliar o grau de impacto do código referencial sobre as decisões judiciais, no sentido de se determinarem as razões causais de algumas das situações de desvio detectadas quer na análise de dependências quer na análise de correspondências. Para a realização da análise estrutural, foi definido o código referencial de construção doutrinal, legislativa e jurisprudencial do conceito de crime e dos critérios de determinação das penas. Este código foi transposto para a estrutura das sentenças judiciais, nas quais foram determinadas as isotopias que permitiriam construir um vasto conjunto de variáveis que preenchem as significações que se distribuem no quadro discursivo das matérias de facto e de direito cujas formas e substâncias permitiriam explicar, através da articulação das condensações descritivas resultantes do cruzamento dessas variáveis, o comportamento dos tribunais. Para o estudo das sentenças, foram definidas duas isotopias formais, que dividem a construção do crime e a determinação da pena, no âmbito das quais se estruturaram múltiplas isotopias substanciais devidamente categorizadas e articuladas em zonas de delimitação técnica dos discursos metalinguísticos operacionais. Das várias relações possibilitadas pelo complexo multivariado de significações resultaram indícios profundos da existência de uma elevada elasticidade nos padrões da actividade dos tribunais no controlo da criminalidade, revelados pelas disparidades nos resultados das sentenças, comprometidos com a natureza do tribunal de julgamento. Demonstrou-se que a ausência de controlo horizontal do tribunal cria algumas aberturas no sistema de controlo que compromete a ideia de igualdade em juízo, com alguns tribunais a procurarem soluções alternativas, no seu espaço de discricionaridade, na selecção da delinquência. Se, por um lado, se captou a existência de uma relação entre as características dos arguidos e os resultados do julgamento, por outro lado, demonstrou-se que esses sinais de selecção se confirmam na actividade dos diversos tribunais. Existem, por isso, múltiplos factores ou mecanismos de selecção, jurídicos e extra-jurídicos, que contribuem para a determinação da delinquência, e que as características desta muito dependem do perfil idealizado por cada tribunal; ABSTRACT: Due to the interaccionist perspective, the actual purpose of criminal investigation, formerly centered in the criminal's action, is centered in the system of control and social reaction to the crime, whose analysis concentrates it self in the study of delinquency selection mechanisms. This new orientation of the criminal investigation suggests some doubts about the system of delinquency selection unchained, in general, by the structures of formal control and, in particular, by the judicial instance, as the last and the most important of all control instances, namely in what concerns the possibility of being verifiable, in the discricionarity space of the tribunal, the adhesion to alternative constructions of the processual truth. To prove of this thesis, two Portuguese country courts, with different partner-cultural contexts, were selected, with similar activity indexes and with a medium processual activity, from which 10% of the processes entered in 1988 and 1995 were picked up, judged and closed at the moment of the research and whose final judgement decisions were analysed. This corpus, integrated by 123 judicial decisions referring to the Judicial Tribunal of the Figueira da Foz and 120 referring to the Judicial Tribunal of Castelo Branco, was object of content analysis, based in a quantitative treatment of the information, to demonstrate the existence of a dependence relationship between the selection mechanisms and the final decision obtained in the judgement, in a sample constituted by 371 judged crimes; a structural analysis was also done to evaluate the impact of the referential code about the resulting decisions of the judgement and, in this sense, to evaluate the degree of the judge's responsibility for the process in the eventual deviations found in the analysis of the corpus. The content analysis, attended by a statistical interpretation of the corpus, showed the existence of a dependence relationship between the mechanisms of the deliquency selection and the final decision of judgement, confirmed when its relationship with the type of judged crime is tested. But, since this verification didn’t demonstrate any causal relationships and because some informer situations of the existence of dependences have been observed which were provoked by the criminal politics established by the legislator in the penal law, this methodology was revealed to be insufficient for the general imputation of the results obtained in judgement to the judges of the respective processes. The evaluation of this dimension of the analysis was sent for a structural analysis, in order to evaluate the degree of impact of the referential code about the judicial decisions, and to determine the causal reasons of some of the detected deviation situations, either in the analysis of dependences or in the correspondence analysis. For the accomplishment of the structural analysis, it was defined the of doctrinal, legislative and jurisprudential construction referential code of the crime concept and determination criterion of the punishments. This code was transposed for the structure of the judicial sentences, in which certain isotopies were determined, which would allow to build a vast group of variables that fill the significances that are distributed in the discursive context of the fact and right matters whose forms and substances would allow to explain, through the articulation of the descriptive condensations resulted from the crossing of those variables, the behavior of the tribunals. Two formal isotopies were defined for the study of the sentences, which divided the crime construction and the punishment determination, in which multiple substantial isotopies were strutured, properly classified and articulated in zones of technical delimitation of the metalinguistics operational speeches. Of the several relationships facilitated by the multivareate complex of significances resulted deep indications of the existence of a high elasticity in the patterns of the tribunals activity in the crime control rate, revealed by several disparities in the results of the sentences, committed with the nature of the judgement tribunal. It was demonstrated that the absence of horizontal control of the tribunal creates some openings in the system of control that commits the idea of equality in judgement, with some tribunals seeking it alternative solutions, in its discricionarity space, in the delinquency selection. If, on one side, the existence of a relationship was captured between the characteristics of those accused and the results of the judgement, on the other hand, it was demonstrated that those selection signs are confirmed in the activicty of the different tribunals. For this reason there are multiple factors or selection mechanisms, juridical and extra-juridical, that contribute to the delinquency determination whose characteristics depend on the profile idealized by each tribunal.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:27:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 HelioVAJ_DISSERT.pdf: 1567406 bytes, checksum: 502a170acbf20e593d9f5d7e7510f0ba (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-12-25<br>Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte<br>If, on one hand, only with the 1988 Federal Constitution the right to health began to receive the treatment of authentic fundamental social right; on the other, it is certain since then, the level of concretization reached as to such right depicts a mismatch between the constitutional will and the will of the rulers. That is because, despite the inherent gradualness of the process of concretization of the fundamental social rights, the Brazilian reality, marked by a picture of true chaos on public health routinely reported on the evening news, denatures the priority status constitutionally drew for the right to health, demonstrating, thus, that there is a clear deficit in this process, which must be corrected. This concern regarding the problem of the concretization of the social rights, in turn, is underlined when one speaks of the right to health, since such right, due to its intimate connection with the right to life and human dignity, ends up assuming a position of primacy among the social rights, presenting itself as an imperative right, since its perfect fruition becomes an essential condition for the potential enjoyment of the remaining social rights. From such premises, this paper aims to provide a proposal for the correction of this problem based upon the defense of an active role of the Judiciary in the concretization of the right to health as long as grounded to objective and solid parameters that come to correct, with legal certainty, the named deficit and to avoid the side effects and distortions that are currently beheld when the Judiciary intends to intervene in the matter. For that effect, emerges as flagship of this measure a proposition of an existential minimum specific to the right to health that, taking into account both the constitutionally priority points relating to this relevant right, as well as the very logic of the structuring of the Sistema ?nico de Sa?de - SUS inserted within the core of the public health policies developed in the country, comes to contribute to a judicialization of the subject more in alignment with the ideals outlined in the 1988 Constitution. Furthermore, in the same intent to seek a concretization of the right to health in harmony with the constitutional priority inherent to this material right, the research alerts to the need to undertake a restructuring in the form of organization of the Boards of Health in order to enforce the constitutional guideline of SUS community participation, as well as the importance of establishing a new culture budget in the country, with the Constitution as a compass, pass accurately portray a special prioritization directed constitutional social rights, especially the right to health<br>Se, por um lado, apenas com a Constitui??o Federal de 1988 o direito ? sa?de veio a receber tratamento de aut?ntico direito fundamental social; por outro, ? certo que, desde ent?o, o n?vel de concretiza??o alcan?ado quanto a tal direito retrata um descompasso entre a vontade constitucional e a vontade dos governantes. Isso porque, em que pese a inerente gradualidade do processo de efetiva??o dos direitos fundamentais sociais, a realidade brasileira, marcada por um quadro de verdadeiro caos na sa?de p?blica noticiado rotineiramente nos telejornais, desnatura o status priorit?rio desenhando constitucionalmente para o direito ? sa?de, demonstrando, desta maneira, que h? um claro d?ficit neste processo, o qual precisa ser corrigido. Essa preocupa??o quanto ? problem?tica da efetiva??o dos direitos sociais, por sua vez, ? refor?ada quando se fala em direito ? sa?de, pois tal direito, frente sua ?ntima liga??o com o direito ? vida e ? dignidade da pessoa humana, acaba assumindo uma posi??o de primazia dentre os direitos sociais, apresentando-se como um direito impreter?vel, visto que sua perfeita frui??o torna-se condi??o prec?pua para o potencial gozo dos demais direitos sociais. Partindo dessas premissas, o presente trabalho tem o intuito de fornecer uma proposta para a corre??o desta problem?tica, sobretudo, a partir da defesa de um papel ativo do Judici?rio na concretiza??o do direito ? sa?de desde que arraigado a par?metros objetivos e s?lidos que venham a corrigir, com seguran?a jur?dica, o d?ficit apontado e a evitar os efeitos colaterais e distor??es que s?o hodiernamente vislumbrados quando o Judici?rio se prop?e a intervir no tema. Para tanto, desponta como aspecto principal desta medida a proposi??o de um m?nimo existencial espec?fico para o direito ? sa?de que, levando em considera??o, tanto os pontos constitucionalmente priorit?rios referentes a este relevante direito, quanto ? pr?pria l?gica da estrutura??o do Sistema ?nico de Sa?de SUS inserta no seio das pol?ticas p?blicas em sa?de desenvolvidas no pa?s, venha a contribuir para uma judicializa??o do tema mais consent?nea com os ideais tra?ados na Constitui??o de 1988. No igual intuito de se buscar uma concretiza??o do direito ? sa?de harm?nica com a prioridade constitucional ?nsita a este relevante bem, a pesquisa alerta, tamb?m, para a necessidade de se empreender uma reestrutura??o na forma de organiza??o dos Conselhos de Sa?de de modo a se fazer valer a diretriz constitucional do SUS da participa??o da comunidade, bem como para a import?ncia da instaura??o de uma nova cultura or?ament?ria no pa?s que, tendo a Constitui??o como b?ssola, passe a retratar fielmente a especial prioriza??o constitucional direcionada aos direitos sociais, especialmente o direito ? sa?de

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:47:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PAULA REGINA PEREIRA DOS SANTOS MARQUES DIAS.pdf: 2504341 bytes, checksum: c8ffd707f7a51bf96036c4e99fdb144e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-12-04<br>The Law nº. 11.340, of August 7, 2006 (Maria da Penha Law), brought to the Brazilian legal system new civil, criminal, precautionary procedures, for crimes committed against women in the within the household and family such as the application of protective measures of urgency, characterized as a faster means to cease the contact between the parties, and other conditions that permit the violence, agreed in legislation. In this sense, the present paper analyzes the effectiveness of the implementation of such measures, in the city of Imperatriz, Maranhão State, the judiciary (Special Court for Domestic and Family Violence against Women), in 2013. The research begins with a reflection on the theories of fundamental human rights in the Federal Constitution of 1988 related to gender, pointing out new perspectives outlined by post- positivism, the need for immediate application of constitutional principles to give effect to the fundamental rights of women, especially those of equality, freedom, human dignity, physical, moral and psychological integrity, and the right to life itself. It also highlights the major international conventions on global and regional system of human rights of women - in other words, those contained in the special protection system in view of the vulnerability of women -, as a way of demonstrating the concern of the countries with the issue of gender and the influence of these conventions in the domestic legislation of Brazil, through legal frameworks with exposed divisive parameter presentation at the 1988 Federal Constitution. To enter in research on the effectiveness of an instrument of Maria da Penha Law analyzed in situ research mentioned, the paper discusses the importance of the conceptual aspects of domestic and family violence against women , bringing the differentiation of the concepts of household and family unit as well as featuring the actors of the process, aggressor and victim. Emphasizes the history of such violence in Brazil after Law nº. 11.340 - 2006, intertwining with the cultural and ideological context and notes of feminist movements in favor of stricter regulation. It also presents the manifestations of domestic violence against women outlined in the legislation. The research exposes the trajectory advent of Maria da Penha Law, as a consequence of the debates in the legislative sphere and civil society itself and the main discussions about its constitutionality, presenting the procedural aspects, especially the urgent protective measures and institutes of general and special prevention of recurrence. Finally, does the exhibition of documentary research conducted at the Special Court for Domestic and Family Violence of the city surveyed, to respond to questioning, observing, beyond the effective implementation of the measures, the age profile of victims, relationship to the aggressor, the types and number of police report of violence practiced, the amount of urgent protective measures that oblige the aggressor and established in favor of the victim, classified according to the described in law and the presentation of public policies existing in the municipality.<br>A Lei nº 11.340, de 7 de agosto de 2006 (Lei Maria da Penha), trouxe para o ordenamento jurídico brasileiro novos procedimentos civis, penais, cautelares, para os crimes cometidos contra as mulheres no seio doméstico e familiar, como é o caso da aplicação das medidas protetivas de urgência, caracterizado como meio mais célere de cessar o contato entre as partes, e outras situações que permitam a violência, avençadas na legislação. Neste sentido, o presente trabalho analisa a efetividade da aplicação de tais medidas, na cidade de Imperatriz, Estado do Maranhão, pelo Poder Judiciário (Vara Especial da Violência Doméstica e Familiar contra a Mulher), no ano de 2013. A pesquisa inicia-se com uma reflexão sobre as teorias dos direitos humanos fundamentais na Constituição Federal de 1988 relacionados com o gênero, apontando as novas perspectivas traçadas pelo póspositivismo, com a necessidade de aplicação imediata dos princípios constitucionais para dar efetividade aos direitos fundamentais das mulheres, principalmente os de igualdade, liberdade, dignidade da pessoa humana, integridade física, moral e psicológica, e o próprio direito à vida. Destaca, ainda, as principais convenções internacionais de sistema global e regional sobre os direitos humanos das mulheres ou seja, aquelas contidas no sistema especial de proteção tendo em vista a vulnerabilidade da mulher -, como forma de demonstrar a preocupação dos países com a questão de gênero e a influência destas convenções na legislação interna do Brasil, por meio dos marcos legais expostos com parâmetro divisório de apresentação na Constituição Federal de 1988. Para adentrar na pesquisa sobre a efetividade de um instrumento da Lei Maria da Penha analisado no locus de pesquisa mencionado, o trabalho aborda a importância dos aspectos conceituais sobre a violência doméstica e familiar contra a mulher, trazendo a diferenciação dos conceitos de núcleo doméstico e familiar, assim como caracteriza os atores do processo, agressor e vítima. Dá ênfase na história desse tipo de violência no Brasil pós Lei nº 11.340-2006, entrelaçando com o contexto cultural e ideológico e apontamentos dos movimentos feministas em prol de normatização mais rigorosa. Apresenta, ainda, as formas de manifestação de violência doméstica e familiar contra a mulher traçadas na legislação. A pesquisa expõe a trajetória de advento da Lei Maria da Penha, como consequência dos debates travados na esfera do legislativo e da própria sociedade civil organizada e as principais discussões sobre sua constitucionalidade, apresentando os aspectos processuais, especialmente das medidas protetivas de urgência e os institutos da prevenção geral, especial e da reincidência. Por fim, faz a exposição da pesquisa documental realizada na Vara Especial da Violência Doméstica e Familiar da cidade pesquisada, a fim de responder a problematização, observando, além do cumprimento efetivo das medidas, o perfil de idade das vítimas, grau de parentesco com o agressor, os tipos e número de ocorrência de violências praticadas, a quantidade de medidas protetivas de urgência que obrigam o agressor e as estabelecidas em prol da ofendida, classificadas de acordo com as descritas na legislação e a apresentação das políticas públicas existentes no município.

Por mais de uma década, discutiu-se nas ciências sociais comparadas a efetiva influência da atuação do Poder Judiciário na participação democrática dos cidadãos nas decisões e na conformação das políticas públicas. A esse fenômeno, que se denominou "judicialização da política", atribui-se toda a operacionalidade de uma constituição democrática, cidadã, aberta, capaz de concretizar os anseios de liberdade, às vezes apenas condizentes com valores de um liberalismo conservador. Nossa tese procura, com ajuda de pesquisa empírica, demonstrar a persistente influência dos ranços tradicionalistas de uma classe que, ao longo da curta vida emancipada de nosso país, construiu e permeou, com sua visão de mundo, as instituições políticas nacionais. A atuação corporativa e institucionalizada dessa classe de juristas adaptou-se bem às exigências da ampliação infraestrutural do Estado moderno e burocrático, em virtude de seu legado autoritário, e logrou restringir o alcance das liberdades e direitos civis de um Estado recém democratizado, apesar do discurso apologético às instituições da democracia participativa. É nesse contexto que tentamos narrar a evolução contínua e silenciosa da dejudicialização da política democrática de massas e a politização gradual da corporação dos juristas, que carregaram consigo as expectativas de ampliação da cidadania constitucional.<br>The effective influence of the Judiciary Branch on citizen participation in political decisions and policy making has been discussed in social sciences for more than a decade. To this phenomenon, entitled judicialization of politics, was attributed the operability of a democratic constitution, open and capable of achieving the aspirations of freedom, nonetheless only consistent with the values of a conservative liberalism. With the aid of empirical research, our thesis aims at demonstrating the persistent influence of traditionalist inheritance of a social class which, throughout the country short existence, constructed and permeated national political institutions with its worldview. The corporative and institutionalized behavior of this class of jurists from the highest court was well adapted with demands of the modern states institutions expansion, due to its authoritarian legacy and aimed at restricting the reach for freedom and for civil rights of a newly democratic country, despite the constant allusions to participatory democracy. In this context we will try to narrate the continuous and silent evolution of the desjudicialization of mass democratic politics and the gradual politization of jurists corporation, which carry alongside the expectations of an expansion of constitutional citizenship.

Submitted by PPG Ci?ncias Criminais (ppgccrim@pucrs.br) on 2018-04-19T12:02:13Z No. of bitstreams: 1 GUILHERME_-_Disserta??o Pronta (5).pdf: 1087258 bytes, checksum: c06903f784301e554bb747279f9bdd20 (MD5)<br>Approved for entry into archive by Caroline Xavier (caroline.xavier@pucrs.br) on 2018-05-07T18:16:46Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 GUILHERME_-_Disserta??o Pronta (5).pdf: 1087258 bytes, checksum: c06903f784301e554bb747279f9bdd20 (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-07T18:25:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 GUILHERME_-_Disserta??o Pronta (5).pdf: 1087258 bytes, checksum: c06903f784301e554bb747279f9bdd20 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-12-06<br>Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior - CAPES<br>This dissertation is inserted in the research line ?Contemporary Criminal-Legal Systems? and has as objective the analysis of the blank criminal laws. Intends to establish, in this regard, a scenario that allows to trace, in the light of the principle of legality, its fundamentals and bordering lines to allow the construction of criteria to its recurrence. To realize this objective, the research divides in three distinct and complementary moments. In a first analysis, proceeds to a delimitation of the idea of legality, from its paradigms, vinculated of the iluminism period, until its principological projection in the criminal law. Then, in a second moment, directs the study to the dogmatic exam of the category of the blank criminal laws (concept, fundaments, features and modalities). Finally, in a third stage of the research, it is sought to confront it with the liberal content of the principle of legality, as understood in its conformation to contemporary criminal law, in order to analyze the possibility of the category of blank criminal laws having, in its foundations and limits, its recurrence feasible.<br>A presente disserta??o est? inserida na linha de pesquisa ?Sistemas Jur?dico-Penais Contempor?neos? e tem como objeto de an?lise a categoria das leis penais em branco. Pretende-se estabelecer, a esse respeito, um cen?rio que permita tra?ar, ? luz do conte?do do princ?pio da legalidade, as suas linhas fundamentais e lim?trofes a permitir a constru??o de crit?rios para a sua recorr?ncia. Para a realiza??o desse objetivo, a pesquisa se divide em tr?s distintos e complementares momentos. Em uma primeira an?lise, se procede ? delimita??o da ideia de legalidade, desde seus paradigmas, de base iluminista, at? a sua proje??o principiol?gica em direito penal. Ap?s, em um segundo momento, o estudo se direciona ao exame dogm?tico da categoria das leis penais em branco (conceito, fundamentos, caracter?sticas e modalidades). Por fim, em uma terceira etapa da pesquisa, se busca confront?-la ao conte?do liberal do princ?pio da legalidade, assim compreendido em sua conforma??o ao direito penal contempor?neo, a fim de analisar a possibilidade de a categoria das leis penais em branco ter, em seus fundamentos e limites, a sua recorr?ncia viabilizada.

O tema desta dissertação é a relação entre Supremo Tribunal Federal e executivo militar no período de institucionalização do regime militar brasileiro (1964-1969). O trabalho examina (i) o papel desempenhado pelo Supremo durante tal período, (ii) as causas e os mecanismos pelos quais o tribunal foi enquadrado no espírito da Revolução, e (iii) como o regime militar de 1964 interferiu no exercício pela corte de suas funções de poder político e protetor dos direitos e garantias individuais. A pesquisa foca os acórdãos proferidos pelo Supremo entre 1964 e 1969. A dissertação está dividida em duas grandes partes. A primeira parte tem por objetivo contextualizar o leitor, descrevendo, entre outros tópicos, (i) o impacto da doutrina da segurança nacional no direito e no ordenamento jurídico, e (ii) a importância do bacharéis da UDN para história da corte durante tal período. A segunda parte do trabalho é o coração da dissertação. O capítulo 2 explica o novo direito constitucional brasileiro criado pelo preâmbulo do Ato Institucional nº 1. O capítulo 3 analisa dezenas de decisões proferidas pelo Supremo entre o Ato Institucional nº 1 (9.4.1964) e o Ato Institucional nº 2 (27.10.1965). Demonstra como a jurisprudência do Supremo evoluiu da incompetência declarada pela própria corte para julgar os habeas corpus ajuizados pelos inimigos da Revolução à concessão de dezenas desses habeas corpus, mesmo contra os interesses do executivo militar. Os militares responderam editando o Ato Institucional nº 2, pelo qual o número de ministros foi aumentado de 11 para 16 e a competência da justiça comum para julgar habeas corpus relativos a crimes políticos foi transferida para a justiça militar. O capítulo 4 explica as conseqüências do Ato Institucional nº 2 para a jurisprudência do STF, revelando que, mesmo com a nomeação de novos ministros pelos presidentes militares, dezenas de habeas corpus continuaram a ser concedidos em favor dos adversários do regime. Em resposta, o presidente Costa e Silva editou o Ato Institucional nº 5, aposentando à força três ministros e proibindo a concessão pelo judiciário de novos habeas corpus em casos de crimes políticos. Em 1969, o número de ministros foi reduzido pelos militares de 16 para 11. Em conclusão, a dissertação comprova que o processo de enquadramento do Supremo executado pelos militares foi finalmente concluído em 1969.<br>This paper addresses the relationship between the Brazilian Supreme Court (Supremo Tribunal Federal) and the executive branch during the organization of the Brazilian military regime (1964-1969). It examines (i) the role played by Supremo during such period, (ii) the causes and mechanisms whereby the court was framed in the spirit of the Revolution, and (iii) how the military regime of 1964 interfered in the exercise by the court of its functions of police maker and protector of personal rights and guarantees. The research focus on the rulings rendered by Supremo between 1964 and 1969. This paper is divided in two main parts. The first one contextualizes the reader, describing, among other matters, (i) the impact of the national security doctrine (doutrina da segurança nacional) in Law and in the legal system, and (ii) the significant role played by the UDN bachelors of Law for the history of the court during such period. The second part is the heart of the paper. Chapter 2 explains the new Brazilian Constitutional Law created by the prologue of Ato Institucional nº 1. Chapter 3 analyses tens of Supremo rulings rendered between Ato Institucional nº 1 (4.9.1964) and Ato Institucional nº 2 (10.27.1965). It addresses how Supremos case law shifted from denying its own jurisdiction to rule on the writs of habeas corpus filed by the enemies of the Revolution to granting tens of such habeas corpus, even against the will of the military regime. The military responded enacting Ato Institucional nº 2, whereby the number of justices was increased from 11 to 16 and the jurisdiction of the civil courts to rule on habeas corpus regarding political offenses was transferred to the military courts. Chapter 4 explains the consequences of Ato Institucional nº 2 to Supremos case law, revealing that, despite the appointment of new justices by the military presidents, tens of habeas corpus continued to be granted in benefit of the political opponents of the regime. President Costa e Silva responded enacting Ato Institucional nº 5, forcing the retirement of three justices and forbidding the granting by the judiciary of new habeas corpus regarding political offenses. In 1969, the number of justices was reduced by the military from 16 to 11. In conclusion, this paper proves that the framing of Supremo Tribunal Federal carried out by the military regime was finally accomplished in 1969.

Submitted by TED VIDAL (tvidal@globo.com) on 2018-11-02T17:29:09Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação.pdf: 1630613 bytes, checksum: 63a66be2a2b924640e3e3ee2f5b28674 (MD5)<br>Approved for entry into archive by ÁUREA CORRÊA DA FONSECA CORRÊA DA FONSECA (aurea.fonseca@fgv.br) on 2018-11-06T18:27:09Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação.pdf: 1630613 bytes, checksum: 63a66be2a2b924640e3e3ee2f5b28674 (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-11-12T11:45:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação.pdf: 1630613 bytes, checksum: 63a66be2a2b924640e3e3ee2f5b28674 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-10-25<br>Objetivo – Este estudo pretende verificar a gestão estratégica de pessoas na administração pública da 1ª instância do Tribunal de Justiça do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, buscando avaliar ainda a produção alcançada em 31 cartórios judiciais na capital, após a implantação de um estudo de lotação elaborado pela Corregedoria Geral de Justiça/RJ no ano de 2015. Metodologia – A pesquisa dividiu-se em três momentos distintos. No primeiro, foi constituído o arcabouço teórico que pudesse relacionar o estudo implantado pela Corregedoria Geral de Justiça com a gestão de pessoas. No segundo momento foram coletados dados junto ao site do TJ/RJ, além de informações colhidas junto à Corregedoria Geral de Justiça de dados não disponíveis para consulta. Por último, foi realizada uma análise dos números apresentados pela instituição, tendo como base os meses de junho a setembro nos anos de 2015, 2016 e 2017. Resultados – Foi constatado que, diante do quadro inicial apresentado no primeiro ano sob análise, houve alteração quando se privilegiou uma distribuição mais equânime no número de servidores. Limitações – A principal limitação da pesquisa foi buscar os dados, nem sempre, disponíveis junto aos órgãos públicos. Contribuições práticas – A partir das análises oferecidas, acredita-se que a administração pública e, em especial, o Tribunal de Justiça/RJ poderão ter como objetivo o melhor aproveitamento possível de seus servidores. Contribuições sociais – Ao identificar a possibilidade de aumento da produção com menor número de funcionários, os órgãos públicos poderão implementar processos seletivos mais contínuos com um número menor e mais qualificado de servidores.<br>Purpose - This study intends to verify the strategic management of people in the public administration of the first instance of the Court of Justice of the State of Rio de Janeiro, seeking to evaluate still the production achieved in 31 judicial registries in the capital, after the implementation of a stocking study elaborated by the Corregedoria General of Justice / RJ in the year 2015. Design/Methodology - The research was divided into three distinct moments. In the first, the theoretical framework was established that could relate the study implemented by the General Corregedoria of Justice with the management of people. In the second moment data were collected next to the TJ / RJ website, in addition to information collected from the General Corregedoria of Justice data not available for consultation. Finally, an analysis of the numbers presented by the institution was carried out, based on the months of June to September in the years 2015, 2016 and 2017. Findings - It was found that, in view of the initial table presented in the first year under analysis, there was a reasonable change when a more equitable distribution in the number of servers was favored. Resarch limitations - The main limitation of the research was to seek the data, not always, available from public agencies. Practical implications - Based on the analyzes offered, it is believed that the public administration and, in particular, the Court of Justice / RJ may have as objective the best possible use of its servers. Social implications - By identifying the possibility of increased production with fewer employees, public agencies will be able to implement more continuous selective processes with a smaller and more qualified number of servers.

Submitted by Pedro Mizukami (pedro.mizukami@fgv.br) on 2009-09-08T18:14:00Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DMPPJ 2009 - Marcella Araujo da Nova Brandão.pdf: 568835 bytes, checksum: c46a5f0d66efbd7d43f7921b5a40533a (MD5)<br>Approved for entry into archive by Pedro Mizukami(pedro.mizukami@fgv.br) on 2009-09-08T18:14:07Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DMPPJ 2009 - Marcella Araujo da Nova Brandão.pdf: 568835 bytes, checksum: c46a5f0d66efbd7d43f7921b5a40533a (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2009-09-08T18:14:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DMPPJ 2009 - Marcella Araujo da Nova Brandão.pdf: 568835 bytes, checksum: c46a5f0d66efbd7d43f7921b5a40533a (MD5)<br>Com o aumento da pressão social sobre a qualidade do serviço prestado pelo Poder Judiciário, há necessidade de se perseguir maior eficiência por estes órgãos. Neste contexto, vem ganhando força a idéia da consensualidade, de modo a permitir à Administração, por meio da interação com o cidadão, promover acordos e obter resultados mais efetivos para todos. O foco deste estudo é a identificação de aspectos práticos que reduzem e, em alguns casos, inviabilizam a materialização de pontos de consenso entre o cidadão e a Administração Pública, para reverter esse quadro.<br>With the increase of the social pressure on the quality of services rendered by the Judiciary Branch and other public powers in general, there is a necessity to make the Judiciary Branch and the administration in general more efficient. In this context, the idea of consensuality is gaining strength in ways to allow the administration through interaction with the public to reach an agreement with more effective results to all parties. The focus of this study is to identify some practical aspects that could possibly reduce, or even hinder, the effectiveness of consensuality between citizens and public administration in an attempt to overcome this adverse cenario.

Submitted by Bruna Rodrigues (bruna92rodrigues@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-10-05T12:06:39Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DissPCCL.pdf: 16412042 bytes, checksum: 2d03b0478502c3edd097a2db0a2a8252 (MD5)<br>Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-14T14:15:29Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissPCCL.pdf: 16412042 bytes, checksum: 2d03b0478502c3edd097a2db0a2a8252 (MD5)<br>Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-14T14:15:42Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissPCCL.pdf: 16412042 bytes, checksum: 2d03b0478502c3edd097a2db0a2a8252 (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-14T14:15:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DissPCCL.pdf: 16412042 bytes, checksum: 2d03b0478502c3edd097a2db0a2a8252 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-06-24<br>Não recebi financiamento<br>The discussion about the institutional role of the Judiciary Branch on a Democratic Rule of Law has been running on a singular way because the global expansion of its intervention on political questions in. This scenario shows a possible paradox, whereas for the majority countries with Roman-Germanic judge tradition, the lack of representative legitimacy (by the vote) to decide about political questions for the Judiciary Branch is a reality. In Brazil, the phenomenon either appears, and it shows that much more traditional questions hasbeen discussed in the Legislature Branch seat and are taken for the STF appreciation. With this basal knowledge, , this work has two main objecitves: the first is to analyze theoretically the role of the politic evolution in the Judicial Branch, on the political organization of Rule of and the Democrat Rule Of Law paradigms, comparing what happened in Brazil and the central european countries. After that, we did a qualitative analyze about public heraings as a way of democrartic legitimation for contitucional jurisdictional activities. Starting by the theorical mark of the “Discourse Principle”, told by Habbermas, we looked for the transition of the way of the political – legal organization of the Democratic Rule of Law, both in theory and in the Brazilian case. We present the institutional role of the STF in the Brazilian Democratic Rule of Law and make a deep research about the public hearings that were within the constitutional jurisdiction. In the end, we concluded that the achievement of public hearings only make an important role in the legitimation (or validation) enforcement of the rights when they are taken on a serious way by the STF Ministers, turning possible to the people who are involved to join on the reasonable speech that gave for the judges the base for the decision.<br>A discussão sobre o papel institucional do Poder Judiciário no Estado democrático de direito tem se acirrado em razão da expansão global da sua intervenção em questões tipicamente políticas. Este cenário apresenta um aparente paradoxo, já que, na maioria dos países de tradição jurídica romanogermânica, falta ao Poder Judiciário a legitimação representativa (pelo voto) para decidir sobre questões com grande controvérsia moral. No Brasil, o fenômeno se repete, já que, cada vez mais, questões tradicionalmente debatidas em sede do Poder Legislativo são levadas à apreciação do STF. Nesse cenário, o presente trabalho propõe-se a um duplo objetivo, primeiro, analisar teoricamente a evolução do papel político do Poder Judiciário nos paradigmas de organização política do Estado de Direito e do Estado Democrático de Direito, comparando o que ocorre no Brasil contemporâneo com o a história dos países centrais da Europa continental. Depois, realizamos uma análise qualitativa sobre as audiências públicas como forma de legitimação democrática para a jurisdição constitucional. Partindo do marco teórico do princípio discursivo, conforme delimitado por Habermas, investigamos a transição da forma de organização político-jurídica do Estado de direito para a do Estado democrático de direito, tudo a partir de uma perspectiva teórica. Apresentamos o papel institucional atual exercido pelo STF e realizamos uma extensa pesquisa empírica sobre as audiências públicas realizadas no âmbito da jurisdição constitucional. Por fim, concluímos que a realização das audiências públicas somente exerce um papel na legitimação (e validação) da aplicação do direito quando é levada a sério pelos Ministros do STF, possibilitando a participação dos possíveis atingidos pela decisão no discurso racional que fundamenta a decisão judicial.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:14:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 5241.pdf: 1672530 bytes, checksum: 272ea32b45a734852b26951c2355498c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-04-04<br>Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos<br>The purpose of this doctorate thesis is to understand the achievement of the rights to public health in Brazil through the Judiciary Branch. Our hypothesis is that the constituient political actors in 1987-88 have assigned greater political power to the Judiciary Branch, turning it into a veto player, able to suspend the decisions of local executives and change the legislative status quo. Aiming the accomplishment of this research, we will study the competences of the Judiciary Branch in the constitucions of 1934 e 1946 and, afterwards, we will procede to the analysis os the Annals of the Subcomissions of the Judiciary Branch e of the Public Ministry of the Constituient of 1987-88. Eventually we will evaluate the sentences produced by the Justice Court of São Paulo to understand the content of the decisions made by the judges that managed to make effective the rightsto public health.<br>O objetivo desta tese de doutorado é compreender a efetivação de direitos à saúde pública no Brasil por meio do Poder Judiciário. Nossa hipótese é de que os atores políticos constituintes em 1987-88 tenham atribuído maior poder político ao Poder Judiciário, transformando-o em um ator com poder de veto, capaz de suspender as decisões dos executivos locais e mudar o status quo legislativo. Para a realização da pesquisa, estudaremos as competências do Poder Judiciário nos textos constitucionais democráticos de 1934 e 1946 e, posteriormente, faremos a análise dos Anais da Subcomissão do Poder Judiciário e do Ministério Público da Constituinte de 1987-88. Finalmente vamos avaliar os acórdãos produzidos pelo Tribunal de Justiça de São Paulo para compreender o teor das decisões tomadas pelos desembargadores que efetivam os direitos à saúde pública.

Dissertação propositiva que teve por objetivo demonstrar a importância de se realizar o monitoramento qualitativo dos trabalhos de conciliação realizados pelo Cejusc da comarca de Palmas-TO. O estudo se justifica pela relevância da matéria entendida como indispensável para a concretização do direito humano de acesso à Justiça. O método qualiquantitativo apresentou-se como o mais adequado aos objetivos propostos de se diagnosticar o grau de satisfação dos jurisdicionados no que tange aos serviços conciliatórios prestados pelo Cejusc. A coleta de dados se deu pela aplicação de Pesquisa de Satisfação do Usuário, sendo a direcionada aos advogados/defensores públicos composta por 19 perguntas fechadas e a destinada aos jurisdicionados consistente em 17 perguntas fechadas, aplicada aos usuários do Cejusc de Palmas-TO, no período de 2 a 8 de maio de 2018. Quanto ao universo amostral da pesquisa, 100 advogados/defensores públicos e 95 jurisdicionados responderam ao formulário, totalizando 195 usuários participantes. Além do resultado obtido com a aplicação do instrumento de pesquisa de satisfação do usuário, houve a utilização de vasto material bibliográfico que se deu por meio de consultas a livros, artigos científicos, legislação e páginas da internet. Os resultados indicam a necessidade de monitoramento de ordem qualitativa dos trabalhos de conciliação realizados pelo Cejusc de Palmas-TO como forma de balizar a administração pública no sentido de adotar medidas tendentes à melhoria do serviço prestado e como forma de concretização do direito humano de acesso à Justiça.<br>The purpose of this dissertation was to demonstrate the importance of carrying out qualitative monitoring of the conciliation proceedings, carried out by CEJUSC of Palmas – TO region. The study is justified by the relevance of the matter, understood as indispensable for accomplishing the human right of access to justice. The quantitative – qualitative method presented itself as the most adequate to the proposed objectives of diagnosing the satisfaction degree of those under jurisdiction in relation to the conciliatory services provided by CEJUSC. The data collection was done by the application of an User Satisfaction Survey, being directed to the lawyers/public defenders composed of 19 closed-ended questions and the one destined to those under jurisdiction consisting of 17 closed-ended questions, applied to the users of CEJUSC of Palmas-TO in the period of May 2nd to May 8th of 2018. Turning to research sample universe, 100 lawyers/public defenders and 95 of those under jurisdiction replied to the research form, totalling 195 participating users. In addition to the result obtained with the application of the User Satisfaction Survey tool, a vast bibliographic material was used through books, scientific articles, legislation and web pages consultation. The results indicate the need for qualitative monitoring of the conciliation proceedings carried out by Cejusc of Palmas-TO as a way of marking out the public administration in order to adopt measures to improve the service provided and as a way of accomplishing the human right of access to justice.

Submitted by Rosivalda Pereira (mrs.pereira@ufma.br) on 2017-10-31T20:21:09Z No. of bitstreams: 1 RAUL CAMPOS SILVA.pdf: 1653423 bytes, checksum: 9666a3866cf6acd9c423eb26be573842 (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-31T20:21:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 RAUL CAMPOS SILVA.pdf: 1653423 bytes, checksum: 9666a3866cf6acd9c423eb26be573842 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-07-28<br>The present research, elaborated in the context of arrival of the new Brazilian Civil Procedure Code, focuses the behavior of the Court of Justice of the State of Maranhão while using institutes of judicial decision uniformization, aiming to verify if this behavior improves the principle of legal certainty, and also to identify the reasons which explain such conduct. The research begins with the study of legal certainty, investigating its nature (as a principle), its ends and the attitudes that it demands from the three State branches. Following, the study will establish the behaviors required specifically to a ―civil law‖ Judiciary Branch, and to the Brazilian Judiciary Branch, for the accomplishment of legal certainty while using uniformized decisions. Finally, by means of decision analysis and interviews with judges, the conclusion is presented.<br>A presente pesquisa, realizada no contexto do advento do novo Código de Processo Civil brasileiro, tem por objeto a conduta institucional do Tribunal de Justiça do Estado do Maranhão (TJMA) no uso de institutos de uniformização de jurisprudência cível, procurando- se, primeiro, verificar se esse comportamento tem-se revelado apto a fomentar o princípio da segurança jurídica, e, segundo, identificar as razões que o explicam. Inicia-se com o estudo da segurança jurídica, sondando-se sua natureza (de norma-princípio), seus fins e as condutas que exige dos três Poderes do Estado. Em seguida, fixam-se as condutas que, hoje, são exigidas de um Poder Judiciário de ―civil law‖ para a observância ao princípio da segurança jurídica, bem como as que são exigidas especificamente do Poder Judiciário brasileiro no uso de jurisprudência uniformizada. Por fim, mediante análise de atos judiciais do TJMA e de entrevistas aplicadas a seus Desembargadores, apresenta-se conclusão responsiva ao problema formulado.

A study in the effects of the solicitor general on judicial deference to the executive branch at the state court level. There has been significant research done into the development of judicial deference, but it almost always takes place at the Supreme Court. Similarly, the Solicitor General’s success rate has only been analyzed at the federal level. Recently there has been a trend of states creating Solicitor General Offices in order to gain the advantage perceived at the federal level. By comparing the level of deference state courts give to their executive branch over two time periods I determine that although the Solicitor General does impact deference, the impact isn’t immediate. The states with the strongest level of deference were the states that have had Solicitor Generals for a significant amount of time before the analysis. States where the office was created I between the two time periods do experience heightened deference, but at a lower level. This paper seeks to fill the gap in judiciary research where the majority of the focus is on the Supreme Court, which although very important does not give a comprehensive understanding of the US judicial branch.

Despite its emergence as a key player in igniting policy change, very little work has been done to understand the Supreme Court’s agenda in terms of policy content. Scholars have tended to describe the Court mostly in terms of the direction (liberal/conservative) of justices’ decisions and the significance of particular cases. As a result, I ask if the Supreme Court allocates a disproportionate share of its docket to particular policy areas and if over attention to issue areas can be explained in terms of ideological shifts on the Court. This paper utilizes a new dataset, which includes a sample of 4591 certiorari denied cases and all 7014 cases granted certiorari from 1948 to 1990. Each case is coded for policy content according to the Policy Agendas Project coding scheme. By comparing the policy content of certiorari granted and certiorari denied cases over time, I show that judicial attention to policy areas waxes and wanes and court eras can be differentiated according to which issues occupied a disproportionate share of the Court’s attention. Additionally, I demonstrate that disproportionate attention to a subset of issue areas varies with changes in the ideological makeup of the Court.<br>text

The legitimacy of judicial review based upon Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms remains a topic of intense public debate. This thesis considers whether the typical justificatory arguments in favour of judicial review can withstand critical scrutiny. Chapter one canvasses the arguments of many of Canada’s Charter sceptics as well as select international commentators. Chapter two examines Peter Hogg’s claim that it is appropriate to consider the process of judicial review as a form of institutional dialogue between courts and legislative assemblies. It is argued that judicial supremacy is a more accurate description of current institutional arrangements. Chapter three scrutinizes the claim that judicial review has some special capacity to provide appropriate protection for minority rights. Finally, chapter four examines whether section 33 of the Charter can be rehabilitated in order to recalibrate current institutional arrangements. I conclude that it may be possible to limit judicial supremacy.

碩士<br>環球科技大學<br>公共事務管理研究所<br>106<br>In the past, police officers abusing their powers to infringe people’s rights of freedoms assured under the Constitution were frequently occurred. To this end, the Conference of Judges of Constitutional Court, Judicial Yuan adopted the Constitutional Interpretation No. 535, which also resulted in the consequence adoption of the Police Power Exercise Act. The purpose of this study is to examine the status quo of the protection on human rights when police officers are enforcing and the public perceptions. Generally speaking, police officers are expected by the public to be those who are fighting against crime and maintaining peaceful orders. However, to achieve such a goal the cooperation between police officers and the public are also needed. This research takes “In-Depth Interview” as its research method to randomly interview 12 citizens and police officers within the jurisdiction area of Douliu Branch, Yunlin County Police Bureau. In the interview, six angles are used to discuss the gaps between public perceptions and the protection of human rights from the interrogations conducting by police officers, including 1) Tangibility; 2) certainty; 3) Reliability; 4) Attentiveness; 5) Respondence; and 6) Specialty. Conclusions of this research in respect to these six angles are: 1) the basis of interrogation are not understood in the same degree between people and police officers; 2) People do not receive information related to the basis of interrogations conducted by police officers, and police officers do not promptly tell people under interrogations. However, both people and police officers accept the contents and frequency of interrogation which are not reduced; 3) people and police officers both consider that interrogation operations must be conducted under equal and professional attitude, and agree time period and frequency of current interrogations; 4) Based on the spirit of mutual consent, people can accept interrogations when police officers conduct them equally and on the same footings and achieve the goal for police officers’ mission; 5) People seldom request assistance, and seldom accept the prompt help provided by police officers. However, police officers will provide assistance and clear responses within their capacity when meeting people that need help, which people will be grateful and feeling great; and 6) People seldom refused interrogations conducted by police officers, but they expected that the attitude of police officers during the process of interrogations should be menacing but friendly, and all interviewees agree that irregular and random interrogations should be conducted by police officers to maintain the peaceful security of the society. In a nutshell, people have positive attitude to police officers when conducting interrogation missions, and police officers have same positive feeling from the people. Thus, social security must be maintained by everyone to promote the quality of life in Taiwan.

A special role amongst various efforts to combat transnational criminal activity belongs to extradition, which has transformed into a form of international cooperation and became an indispensable tool for ensuring criminal responsibility in any part of the world. However, for a long period of time, an individual in the process of extradition has been treated as a passive object of intergovernmental relations which have a significant political component. In this thesis, the claim is that treatment of an individual as a rights bearer and an active subject of legal relationships among other parties of the process, combined with transfer of final decision-making right from the executive to judiciary branch of power, is capable to enable application of the Rule of law principles to particular extradition cases, limit broad discretion of decision makers and minimize political component of extradition.

碩士<br>國立高雄大學<br>政治法律學系碩士班<br>101<br>Abstract Local council self-discipline power refers to the discretionary power a local council enjoys when exerting legislative power or other regulatory powers without any intervention from national/government agencies. The privilege of speech bestowed on a councilor is not only aimed to protect councilors, but is a way to maintain the automated existence of a council, so as to ultimately preserve its self-discipline power. Council self-discipline power is not a value in itself, but an expediency to ensure the well-functioning of a council. In reality, administrative power and judicial power may get in to interrupt the exertion of council self-discipline power. This paper cites an example from a vote-displaying case occurred in Kaohsiung City Council when electing its Speaker and Deputy Speaker before analyzing how the council’s self-discipline power is intervened by administrative and judicial power, and offering suggestions to solving this issue. The fact that the 66 councilors were all listed as interested parties and interrogated by the prosecution for the election of Speaker and Deputy Speaker in 2010 indicates that the prosecutor (exerting administrative power) did not take the council self-discipline power into consideration when making indictment or deferred prosecution. All the evidence the prosecution grasped is a video clip of the voting process provided by the municipal police authorities and an investigation record based on the video content. Thereupon, this paper first explores if vote-displaying behavior is against criminal regulations. Secondly, we analyze if this vote-displaying behavior shall be part of the council self-discipline power. Chapter 3 scrutinizes whether the camera recording (non-approved by the council) can be viewed as being against lawful procedures and if such evidence is applicable to exclusionary rule of evidence. According to the gist of Grand Justice Interpretation #435, administrative power and judicial power can intervene in the internal affairs of a council under certain circumstances. Chapter 4 explores the limitations for the intervention of administrative and judicial power into council affairs. The author thinks this vote-displaying behavior is not applicable to Art. 132 of the Criminal Code. Furthermore, vote-displaying behavior shall be within the right of speech that is relating to a councilor’s job execution, and is therefore part of privilege of speech. The investigation and prosecution authorities should respect the judgment of the council without active intervention, so as not to damage the principle of the “separation of powers” stipulated by the Constitution.