Journal articles: 'Julius Nyerere'

1

Kassam, Yussuf. "Julius Kambarage Nyerere." Prospects 24, no. 1-2 (March 1994): 247–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02199019.

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Yates, Douglas. "Bjerk Paul. — Julius Nyerere." Cahiers d'études africaines, no. 239 (September 17, 2020): 707–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesafricaines.31896.

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Fouéré, Marie-Aude. "Julius Nyerere à Zanzibar." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire 118, no. 2 (2013): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ving.118.0061.

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Taylor, Ian. "Thabo Mbeki; Julius Nyerere." Round Table 106, no. 5 (September 3, 2017): 591–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2017.1371417.

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Ivaska, Andrew. "Paul Bjerk. Julius Nyerere." American Historical Review 126, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 711–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhab219.

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Kamata, Ng’wanza. "Julius Nyerere: from a Territorial Nationalist to a Pan African Nationalist." African Review 46, no. 2 (January 21, 2020): 309–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1821889x-12340003.

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Abstract Africa has largely experienced two types of nationalism namely territorial nationalism and Pan Africanism. Both territorial and Pan African nationalism were anti-imperialists but the former’s mission was limited to attainment of independence from colonialism. Few nationalist leaders who led their countries to independence transcended territorial nationalism; one of them was Julius Nyerere of Tanzania. Nyerere was a Pan African nationalist although he began as a nationalist concerned with the liberation of his country Tanganyika. He spent most of his political life championing for African Unity believing that it was the only instrument to totally liberate Africa. How did his ideas and practices which initially placed him in the ranks of territorial nationalists advance into Pan Africanism? This article examines this question and explores Nyerere’s aspects of Pan Africanism.

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Monson, Jamie, Annie Smyth, and Adam Seftel. "Tanzania: The Story of Julius Nyerere." International Journal of African Historical Studies 34, no. 3 (2001): 707. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3097591.

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Fouéré, Marie-Aude. "Julius Nyerere, Ujamaa, and Political Morality in Contemporary Tanzania." African Studies Review 57, no. 1 (April 2014): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2014.3.

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Abstract:Since the 2000s, Tanzania has witnessed the return in the public sphere of a reconfigured version of Ujamaa as a set of moral principles embodied in the figure of the first president of Tanzania, Julius Kambarage Nyerere. The persisting traces of Nyerere and Ujamaa are not so evident in actual political practices or economic policies, but rather in collective debates about politics and morality—in short, in contemporary imaginaries of the nation. Contributing to a long-standing discussion of the moral stature of Tanzania’s “father of the nation,” the article explores how and why a shared historical memory of Nyerere is being built or contested to define, mediate, and construct Tanzanian conceptions of morality, belonging, and citizenship in the polis today.

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Pratt, Cranford. "Julius Nyerere the ethical foundation of his legacy." Round Table 89, no. 355 (July 2000): 365–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358530050083442.

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Fedeo, Ignas. "Nyerere in Eyes of his Critics." ELS Journal on Interdisciplinary Studies in Humanities 4, no. 1 (March 27, 2021): 46–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.34050/elsjish.v4i1.13135.

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There are a number of positive ideals about Mwalimu Julius Nyerere in the literatures. His ideals includes among others his devotion for peace, security, unity and democracy. However, the ideals do not limit the visibility of his negative traits. This paper specially examines the criticisms against Nyerere. The paper looks at the portrayal of Nyerere in number literatures from his critics. It examines the literatures against Nyerere in number of issues including his role in the decolonization struggle, the situation of democracy and individual freedom during his reign and his position towards Islamic religion and Zanzibar revolution. The paper establishes that most of criticisms against Nyerere are not refuted because supporters and critics talk about different things. Whereas his supporters put forward his role in building the nation, critics focus his in his economic failure and deprivation of individual freedom in Tanzania.

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Stöger-Eising, Viktoria. "Ujamaa Revisited: Indigenous and European Influences in Nyerere's Social and Political Thought." Africa 70, no. 1 (February 2000): 118–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2000.70.1.118.

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AbstractThe debate over the indigenous versus the European roots of ‘African democracy’ has regained importance recently. Using the critical tools of cultural anthropology, the social and political thought of Julius K. Nyerere from Tanzania is examined for its African and European sources. The most recurrent themes in his writings are ‘traditional African values’ and the centrality of ‘the traditional African family’. They constitute the core element of Ujamaa. The aim of this article is to show that Nyerere’s statements on African socialism and on African democracy are not merely rhetorical devices employed by an aspiring politician. Nor are they the romantic appeal of a Westernised university graduate to a mythological or even ‘invented’ African past. Nyerere presented his own specific version of ‘traditional’ African values because he was socialised in a non-hierarchical ‘tribal’ society. He sought to synthesise these ‘traditional’ values with Western elements in order to create a Tanzanian identity that would cut across ethnic lines. In those cases when African and European value systems collided, however, Nyerere’s politics became problematic.

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Peter, Chris Maina. "Rights and duties of refugees under municipal law in Tanzania: examining a proposed new legislation." Journal of African Law 41, no. 1 (1997): 81–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300009992.

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Yalley, Clarke Ebow, and Andrews Acquah. "Reflective examination of the educational philosophies of Dr. Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana and Julius Nyerere of Tanzania: Intricacies for curriculum development in Africa." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 8, no. 7 (July 9, 2021): 119–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.87.10430.

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The central focus of this paper is to undertake a reflective examination of the educational philosophies of Dr. Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana and Julius Nyerere of Tanzania and these educational philosophies intricacies for curriculum development in Africa. The educational philosophies of Dr. Kwame Nkrumah (Consciencism, Socialism, Africanism, Humanism, and Communism) as well as that of Julius Nyerere (Self-reliance and Liberation) were of importance to the distinct countries at the time yet, its relevance can still be felt and their foundational legacies within the educational front solidified and modified to meet current changes in education. African curriculum developers must not lose sight of the implications of these educational philosophies of these great Africanist scholars rather synchronize contemporary educational philosophies to meet the standards and vision of education of these two great Pan-Africanist.

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Pratt, Cranford. "Julius Nyerere: Reflections on the Legacy of His Socialism." Canadian Journal of African Studies 33, no. 1 (1999): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/486390.

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Gbadegesin, Olusegun. "Ujamaa: Julius Nyerere on the Meaning of Human Existence." Ultimate Reality and Meaning 17, no. 1 (March 1994): 50–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/uram.17.1.50.

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Pratt, Cranford. "Julius Nyerere: Reflections on the Legacy of his Socialism." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 33, no. 1 (January 1999): 136–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.1999.10751158.

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McHenry, Dean E. "Memorial: The African Studies Association Remembers Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere." ASA News 33, no. 1 (March 2000): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002021400019484.

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Nyerere, Julius. "Education in Tanzania." Harvard Educational Review 55, no. 1 (April 1, 1985): 45–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17763/haer.55.1.v6233663243g8343.

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Educational philosophy and policy in Tanzania have undergone a transformation since the country gained its independence from British colonial rule in 1961. President Julius Nyerere describes their accomplishments and presents the dilemmas currently facing the new socialist government. He describes the literacy and teacher training programs and discusses the relationship between the country's educational policy and international economic conditions.

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Mueller, Susanne D., and A. B. Assensoh. "African Political Leadership: Jomo Kenyatta, Kwame Nkrumah, and Julius K. Nyerere." International Journal of African Historical Studies 33, no. 1 (2000): 235. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220329.

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Brennan, James R. "Julius Rex: Nyerere through the eyes of his critics, 1953–2013." Journal of Eastern African Studies 8, no. 3 (May 13, 2014): 459–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2014.916557.

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Ofuasia, Emmanuel. "A Comparative Exploration of John Dewey’s and Julius Nyerere’s Concepts of Education and African Development." Filosofiya osvity. Philosophy of Education 25, no. 2 (July 3, 2020): 127–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31874/2309-1606-2019-25-2-7.

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Owing to the nearly tangible result in the quest toward inclusive development in Africa, there has been the clamour that perhaps the Social Sciences, charged with the responsibility of providing solace for the menace are no longer adequate. This is the axiomatic basis upon which this essay builds its argument as it aims to blaze a trail that is usually taken for granted in the discourse on development – pedagogy. Hence, via the methods of comparison and analysis, this essay discloses the nexus between John Dewey’s reconstructionism and Julius Nyerere’s educational model of self-reliance as a basis to structure development from the arena of education. For Dewey, through education, society can develop and reform its purposes and can move in different directions. For Nyerere, education for self-reliance has to foster communal goals of living together and working together for the common good. Both Dewey and Nyerere stated that education should make the individual realize that he is a member of the society and learn to participate in social learning. A critical examination of the ideas of these minds reveals that in the face of the discrepancies or differences motivations between their educational philosophies, the aggregate factor is suggestive of a worthy platform upon which a self-reliant education that will usher in the era of social development may be erected. This study admits the undeniable Western presence and the indigenous approach which makes it to initiate a blend of them. The parenthood can serve as a platform that will nurture minds that will consequently inform national development, also ideology plays a very crucial role. The present educational system of contemporary Africa has waned consequent to the circumvention of proper assessment of knowledge. The educational framework is therefore the onus and recommendation of this intellectual inquiry.

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Schneider, Leander. "Freedom and Unfreedom in Rural Development: Julius Nyerere, Ujamaa Vijijini, and Villagization." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 38, no. 2 (2004): 344. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4107304.

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Nativel, Didier. "Fouéré, Marie-Aude (ed.). — Remembering Julius Nyerere in Tanzania. History, Memory, Legacy." Cahiers d'études africaines, no. 227 (September 1, 2017): 769–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesafricaines.20908.

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Schneider, Leander. "Freedom and Unfreedom in Rural Development: Julius Nyerere,Ujamaa Vijijini, and Villagization." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 38, no. 2 (January 2004): 344–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2004.10751289.

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Fatton, Robert. "The political ideology of Julius Nyerere: The structural limitations of “African socialism”." Studies in Comparative International Development 20, no. 2 (June 1985): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02718489.

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Shivji, Issa G. "Mwalimu and Marx in Contestation: Dialogue or Diatribe?" Agrarian South: Journal of Political Economy: A triannual Journal of Agrarian South Network and CARES 6, no. 2 (August 2017): 188–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2277976017731844.

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The October Russian Revolution of 1917 inaugurated the era of social transformation challenging the dominance of global capitalism. 1 It set in motion two lineages, one tracing its ancestry directly to October and its Marxist leader Vladimir Ilyich Lenin. Among these must be included the Chinese revolution of 1949, the Vietnamese revolution of 1945, and the Cuban revolution of 1959. The second lineage is that of national liberation movements in the former colonized countries of Africa and Asia. Tanzania’s independence movement Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) under the leadership of Julius Nyerere was one such national-popular movement that questioned both capitalism and imperialism with its blueprint called the Arusha Declaration: policy of socialism and self-reliance proclaimed in 1967. This essay focuses on Nyerere’s philosophical and political outlook and his contentious relationship with Marxism. It also documents the intellectual history of Marxist ideas in Tanzania.

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Van Donge, Jan Kees. "The Arbitrary State in the Uluguru Mountains: Legal Arenas and Land Disputes in Tanzania." Journal of Modern African Studies 31, no. 3 (September 1993): 431–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00012027.

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When Julius Nyerere visited Mgeta in the Uluguru mountains while campaigning in 1987 for the chairmanship of what was then Tanzania's only party, Chama cha Mapinduzi (C.C.M.), he was confronted with a question relating to a long-running land dispute. Given that a national leader can expect to make little political capital from getting embroiled in such a controverty, Nyerere not surprisingly emphasised that he could not interfere with the work of the local primary court. It is doubtful, however, whether those present considered this a satisfactory reply as, in their experience, the administration of law – especially in relation to land–is highly problematic. Indeed, the magistrate handling this very case was removed by popular request because of alleged corruption soon after stating confidently: ‘After the hospital, we provide the most popular government service’. The demand for legal services is great in Mgeta, as elsewhere in the country, but at the same time there is little or no trust in the legal institutions.

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Askew, Kelly M. "Sung and Unsung: Musical Reflections on Tanzanian Postsocialisms." Africa 76, no. 1 (February 2006): 15–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2006.0002.

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ABSTRACTOn 14 October 1999, Julius Kambarage Nyerere, the first president of the United Republic of Tanzania, died in a London hospital. In Tanzania, musical bands throughout the country reacted to the news by composing scores of lamentation songs (nyimbo za maombolezo) that mourned his passing and assessed his contributions to the country he helped to create. While elsewhere in the world Nyerere is affiliated with the ‘African socialist’ platform termed Ujamaa that he theorized in his political writings and instituted during his tenure as president, these lamentation songs are notably silent on the topic of socialism. This silence indicates the ambiguity with which Tanzanians today relate to their socialist past. As a necessary prelude to analysis of the nyimbo za maombolezo, this article explores the practices, policies and values promoted in Tanzanian socialisms (mainland and Zanzibar) and in the postsocialist present. Competing rhetorics are revealed in these musical constructions of the ‘Father of the Nation’ and, by extension, the Tanzanian nation itself.

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Uche, Chibuike. "The Nationalization of Lonrho’s Business Interests in Postcolonial Tanzania." Itinerario 40, no. 1 (March 29, 2016): 126–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115316000097.

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On June 2, 1978, the Tanzanian government under President Julius Nyerere ordered the British multinational corporation, Lonrho Limited, to leave the country. The “official reason” provided for this action was Lonrho’s “continued defiance of the United Nations mandatory sanctions against Rhodesia and the expansion of its business interests in South Africa.” Using newly available materials, mainly from the National Archives London, this paper attempts to document the rise of Lonrho in Tanzania up until the nationalization, the factors that influenced the compensation negotiations process between Lonrho and the Tanzanian government, and the role the British government played in the entire episode.

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Becker, Felicitas. "Tanzania’s Authoritarian Turn." Current History 120, no. 826 (May 1, 2021): 189–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2021.120.826.189.

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For a time, Tanzania enjoyed a reputation for mostly free elections and public debate. But after President John Magufuli was elected in 2015, he introduced measures to stifle the media and tilt the electoral playing field in favor of the longtime ruling party. The turn toward authoritarianism is not due to any one personality or stereotypical “mad dictator,” however (notwithstanding Magufuli’s pandemic denialism, which may have cost him his life). It is part of the legacy of the early postcolonial period and the revered founding president, Julius Nyerere, who set the foundations of one-party rule and wielded the rhetoric of economic nationalism.

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Mulenga, Derek C. "Mwalimu Julius Nyerere: a critical review of his contributions to adult education and postcolonialism." International Journal of Lifelong Education 20, no. 6 (November 2001): 446–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02601370110088436.

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Snyder, Katherine A. "Being of ‘One Heart’: Power and Politics Among the Iraqw of Tanzania." Africa 71, no. 1 (February 2001): 128–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2001.71.1.128.

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AbstractThis article explores local understandings of and experience with democracy in an Iraqw community in northern Tanzania. At independence, President Julius Nyerere in his development of a one-party state, argued that democracy in this new nation state would be modelled on that which is found in indigenous, pre-colonial political systems. In the Iraqw homeland, pre-colonial ‘democracy’ was expressed in elders’ councils in which male elders made decisions on behalf of the rest of the community. Differences of opinion were voiced but eventually the group would come to one opinion to achieve the state of being of ‘one heart’ before decisions could be put into effect. While Nyerere claimed that this practice of democracy and achieving consensus would provide the model for the post-colonial state, in actuality the state drew more on colonial models characterised by top-down decision-making and autocratic governance. Overlaying both the pre-colonial and post-colonial political systems is an ideological emphasis on ‘unity'. This article explores how the central notion of unity is expressed and perceived among the Iraqw in Tanzania and how it forms the screen through which people view démocratisation.

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Fouéré, Marie-Aude. "Recasting Julius Nyerere in Zanzibar: the Revolution, the Union and the Enemy of the Nation." Journal of Eastern African Studies 8, no. 3 (June 5, 2014): 478–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2014.918313.

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Žák, Tomáš František. "Applying the weapon of theory: comparing the philosophy of Julius Kambarage Nyerere and Kwame Nkrumah." Journal of African Cultural Studies 28, no. 2 (June 25, 2015): 147–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13696815.2015.1053798.

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Askew, Kelly M. "Building a peaceful Nation: Julius Nyerere and the establishment of sovereignty in Tanzania, 1960–1964." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 51, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 168–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2016.1274125.

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Ottaway, Marina. "Opposition Parties and Democracy in South Africa." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 20, no. 1 (1991): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700501383.

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In the heydays of African socialism, Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere declared that socialism was a state of mind. It was, it turned out, the state of mind of some intellectuals, but neither of the mass of the population nor of those in a position to turn an ideal into a political and economic system. In the early 1990s, democracy was sweeping through the continent—as the state of mind not only of a few intellectuals but of a larger segment of the population, although by no means all. It was revulsion against the abuses and human rights violations perpetrated by single party and military regimes, against the lack of accountability of leaders and the economic hardship brought about by years of mismanagement on the part of officials seeking first the political kingdom.

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Lal, Priya. "Paul Bjerk. Building a Peaceful Nation: Julius Nyerere and the Establishment of Sovereignty in Tanzania, 1960–1964 ." American Historical Review 121, no. 5 (December 2016): 1790–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/121.5.1790.

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Mare, D. "Joseph ki-zerbo et le panafricanisme." Contemporary Journal of African Studies 6, no. 1 (May 31, 2019): 59–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/contjas.v6i1.4.

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Joseph Ki-Zerbo a mené sa vie entière dans le combat panafricaniste. Son parcours panafricain s’est consolidé à travers des rencontres à son initiative personnelle mais aussi grâce à des occasions avec les grands panafricanistes de renom comme le « prophète » Kwame Nkrumah, Amilcar Cabral, Patrice Lumumba, Julius Nyerere etc. Il arriva à joindre l’acte à la parole par exemple en allant prêter main forte à Sékou Touré en 1958, en ayant travaillé à exhumer le passé de l’africain. L’Afrique doit être libérée, et cette libération se fera obligatoirement de façon panafricaine ou elle n’aura jamais lieu. C’est pourquoi, l’Africain doit s’imprégner de son passé pour comprendre les réalités et les obstacles présents qui se posent à lui afin d’envisager les grandes lignes du combat panafricain pour un avenir meilleur. La lecture de l’engagement de Ki-Zerbo se veut une présentation d’un modèle phare pour les jeunes voués et engagés dans le sens du panafricanisme.

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Bakari, Edith, and Gasto Frumence. "Challenges to the implementation of International Health Regulations (2005) on Preventing Infectious Diseases: experience from Julius Nyerere International Airport, Tanzania." Global Health Action 6, no. 1 (August 16, 2013): 20942. http://dx.doi.org/10.3402/gha.v6i0.20942.

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Luke, David Fashole, and Stephen P. Riley. "The Politics of Economic Decline in Sierra Leone." Journal of Modern African Studies 27, no. 1 (March 1989): 133–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00015676.

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The fact that Sierra Leone is one of Africa's little-known states is an acknowledgement of its marginalisation and reversal of fortunes since independence from Britain in 1961. But this observation is also a reminder that under colonial rule, Sierra Leone had received considerable notoriety for several reasons: an important naval base, commercial centre, and seaport; a hot-bed of political agitation and perennial challenge to British authority; and a centre of education – the so-called ‘Athens of West Africa’.1 In more recent times, however, Sierra Leone jas not caught the attention of international commentators and the world press. It has not achieved the strategic or international political significance of such major African states as Algeria, Côte d'Ivoire, Egypt, Nigeria, Zambia, or Zimbabwe. And looking back to the 1950s and 1960s, it was not led to independence by the charismatic persona of a Kwame Nkrumah, who hoped to achieve the rapid transformation of Ghana to a modern industrial economy and society, ot by a romantic like Julius Nyerere, who hoped to turn Tanzanian peasants into citizens of modern communes.

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Vähäkangas, Auli. "Religious Diversity in Praxis." Mission Studies 31, no. 2 (July 14, 2014): 171–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341332.

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The discussion on religious diversity is strongly linked to the discussion on religion in the public sphere. The heritage of the first president of Tanzania Julius Nyerere and his Ujamaa socialism is that religions belong to the private sphere and following this idea the official census of Tanzania does not include religious affiliation even today. This study analyses the role of volunteers who provide assistance to dying patients in the Selian Hospice and Palliative Care Programme in Arusha, Tanzania. The aim of this study was to analyze how the nomination process influenced the involvement of Muslims among palliative care volunteers. The results of this study clearly indicate that the nomination process involving the local village governments contributes to the involvement of volunteers from various faith traditions. The volunteers of various faith traditions share a common volunteer identity and as well most of their motives for volunteering are similar despite their diverse religious traditions. This shared volunteer identity reflects the strong social cohesion among the volunteers of the Selian Hospice and Palliative Care Programme.

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Askew, Kelly M. "Les villages tanzaniens ujamaa 40 ans plus tard." Anthropologie et Sociétés 32, no. 1-2 (September 25, 2008): 103–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/018885ar.

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RésuméEntre 1967 et 1977, quelque 10 millions de Tanzaniens ont été déplacés de leur terre affermée et regroupés dans des villagesujamaa(littéralement,familyhood) bâtis par suite d’une décision gouvernementale, donnant lieu ainsi à l’un des plus vastes programmes de réinstallation de l’histoire. Le président Julius Nyerere, « père » et philosophe du socialisme tanzanien, a justifié la villagisation en alléguant qu’elle permettrait d’améliorer la prestation de services de base à la population, tels que des cliniques médicales, des écoles et de l’eau potable. Or, dans la foulée de l’abandon progressif du programme et du discours socialistes au milieu des années 1980, le sort de ces villages demeure dans une large mesure inconnu. Comment les villageois évaluent-ils de nos jours la vie dans ces villages comparativement à ce qu’elle était à l’époque socialiste? Quels éléments de la coopération communale, s’il s’avère que celle‑ci a véritablement existé, ont été maintenus? Cet article fait état d’une enquête réalisée auprès de résidants d’anciens villagesujamaade la région de Mwanza. Leurs témoignages apportent certaines réponses à ces questions et sont mis en contexte dans une plus vaste analyse de la politique agricole tanzanienne sous les régimes socialiste et postsocialiste.

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GIBLIN, JAMES. "NYERERE AND FREEDOM - Building a Peaceful Nation: Julius Nyerere and the Establishment of Sovereignty in Tanzania, 1960–1964. By Paul Bjerk . Rochester, NY: University of Rochester Press, 2015. Pp. xvii + 374. $120.00, hardback (ISBN 9781580465052)." Journal of African History 58, no. 2 (June 7, 2017): 355–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853717000202.

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ECKERT, ANDREAS. "REGULATING THE SOCIAL: SOCIAL SECURITY, SOCIAL WELFARE AND THE STATE IN LATE COLONIAL TANZANIA." Journal of African History 45, no. 3 (November 2004): 467–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853704009880.

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This essay discusses British discourses and efforts to regulate social policy in both urban and rural areas in late colonial Tanzania. It focuses mainly on questions of social security and especially on the vague concept of social welfare and development, which after the Second World War became a favoured means of expressing a new imperial commitment to colonial people. The British were very reluctant about implementing international standards of social security in Tanganyika, mainly due to the insight that the cost of providing European-scale benefits could not be borne by the colonial regime in such a poor territory. They were far more enthusiastic in pursuing a policy of social development, embodied in social welfare centres and various other schemes. It is argued that in Tanzania, this policy remained focused on peasantization rather than on proletarianization and was characterized by a disconnection between Colonial Office mandarins in London, attempting to create bourgeois, respectable African middle classes, and colonial officials in Tanganyika, seeking to maintain the political legitimacy of the chiefs and headmen. Most Africans ignored rather than challenged many of these state efforts. However, the nationalist party, the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) under Julius Nyerere believed in these programmes and continued such dirigiste and poorly financed improvement schemes after independence.

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Liberato, Ermelinda. "Resumen de Libro: Julius Nyerere. Africa’s titan on a global stage. Perspectives from Arusha to Obama, de Mazrui, Ali & Mhando, Linda (2013)." Sapientiae 6, no. 1 (July 6, 2020): 132–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.37293/sapientiae61.12.

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ODHIAMBO, ATIENO. "African Political Leaders: Jomo Kenyatta, Kwame Nkrumah and Julius K. Nyerere. By A. B. ASSENSOH. Malabar, FL: Krieger, 1998. Pp. xx + 200. $19.50 (ISBN 0-89464-911-6)." Journal of African History 41, no. 3 (September 2000): 487–526. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700447833.

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ODHIAMBO, E. S. ATIENO. "African Political Leadership: Jomo Kenyatta, Kwame Nkrumah, and Julius K. Nyerere. By A. B. ASSENSOH. Malabar FL: Krieger, 1998. Pp. 220. $19.50, paperback (ISBN 0-89464-911-6)." Journal of African History 44, no. 2 (July 2003): 383. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853703518552.

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Kerr, David. "'Maisha yetu ya kila siku kama vile movie': Fantasy, desire and urban space in Tanzanian music videos." Journal of African Cinemas 11, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 225–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jac_00018_1.

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Abstract An explosion of creative practices in music, film and video production followed the liberalization of the Tanzanian media in the early 1990s. Concerned about cultural imperialism, Tanzania's first president Julius Nyerere had resisted allowing television in mainland Tanzania and consequently the first licence was only granted in 1994. Following the establishment of the first TV station there has been a proliferation of TV station and online platforms circulating the new genre of popular music videos. During the last decade, new media spaces, including continent-wide TV channels such as Channel O and MTV Africa (both based in South Africa), have created new circuits for the circulation of Tanzanian music videos. New media spaces enabled by liberalization have become sites for negotiating gendered, moral and sociopolitical value. They also serve as imaginative sites of desire and fantasy. Music videos set in the cinematic space of Dar es Salaam's new high-rise buildings and 'exclusive' clubs have become something of a trope in Tanzania. These videos display fantasies of enjoyment and consumption. In so doing, they reflect neo-liberal and individual modes of wealth accumulation which challenge accepted social norms about consumption and wealth. Examining these new contemporary cinematic representations of the city as spaces of fantasy and desire, this article will explore the modes of spectatorship audiences bring to these videos. It will examine how audiences, largely excluded from these exclusive city spaces of consumption and excess, read cityscapes in music videos. This article ultimately sets out the multiplicity, ambiguity and indeterminacy of the desires (both creative and destructive) evoked in audiences by contemporary music video.

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Melchiorre, Luke. "Building a Peaceful Nation: Julius Nyerere and the Establishment of Sovereignty in Tanzania, 1960–1964 by Paul Bjerk. Rochester, NY: University of Rochester Press, 2015. Pp. xvii + 374, $120.00 (hbk)." Journal of Modern African Studies 56, no. 3 (August 6, 2018): 535–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x1800040x.

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Blasingame, Tom. "Survive, Revive, Thrive: Chapter 10—Anchors Aweigh." Journal of Petroleum Technology 73, no. 07 (July 1, 2021): 5–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/0721-0005-jpt.

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It Is Time To Leave Port Education is not a way to escape poverty; it is a way of fighting it.—Julius Nyerere, Tanzanian president, 1922–1999 As the COVID-19 pandemic subsides in most parts of the world, and as a global society we commit ourselves to its control and eradication everywhere, it is time for our “ship” to leave port. As we pull up our anchor (“anchors aweigh” means the anchor is off bottom and the ship is free to move), we must accept that there are risks out there, but we must get back to the task of exploration and production of oil and gas as never before. As I predicted in this column many months ago, we are definitely leaner (fewer people, with even more work to do) and now we need to be much meaner (better skilled, better motivated, and better focused). All the old adages apply: “life isn’t fair,” “there are no guarantees,” etc.—but a commitment to “duty, honor, and service” (an unofficial motto of my employer, Texas A&M University) stands firm in my mind for our industry. As we leave port, we must have the confidence and purpose that has defined our industry since its inception—improving lives, mitigating poverty, and providing the energy to enable a modern global society. Reasons We Must Change as an Industry Life’s a bit like mountaineering—never look down.— Edmund Hillary, New Zealand explorer, 1919–2008 I was in a panel session a few weeks back and, as SPE President, I am certain they saved the toughest question for me: “What are the reasons we must change as an industry?” I confess that this question was particularly hard because it requires a sketch of our future strategies as an industry and as a professional society, which in many ways remains undefined. Fortunately, I had some advance notice and was able to put some thought into my answer. Paraphrasing Darwin, “we must adapt or die.” It is that simple. Our industry provides enormous societal benefit, and just as the future of renewables lies in metals for batteries, conducting materials, circuitry, etc., the present and future of manufacturing lies in oil and gas. There simply are no viable substitutes.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Julius Nyerere'

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