Academic literature on the topic 'July Revolution, 1830'
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Journal articles on the topic "July Revolution, 1830"
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Pilbeam, Pamela. "The Economic Crisis of 1827–32 and the 1830 Revolution in Provincial France." Historical Journal 32, no. 2 (June 1989): 319–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00012176.
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A spectre is still haunting historians of nineteenth-century France, the spectre of the bourgeois revolution of 1830, surviving despite the exorcism of revisionists. It is a spector that distorts our image of the liberal opposition to Charles X and of the victors after the July Days. Restoration prefects, moved from department to department with increasing rapidity in Charles X's reign, were content to categorize critics of the Polignac government as bourgeois. In the July Monarchy socialists vilified the elite as an established bourgeoise who robbed the real revolutionaries, the artisans, of their rights.3 Early socialists, including Marx, defined bourgeois broadly, to embrace landowners, but later marxists, writing when France was less of an agrarian state, labelled the bourgeoisie of 1830 as a business and industrial elite. The most recent generation of revisionist historians has shown, by empirical and detailed investigations, that the development of industry and accompanying social change occurred over several centuries and that revolutions, in particular, 1789, were mainly political events and more likely to retard than to facilitate the evolution of bourgeois capitalism. Thus revisionist historians of nineteenth-century France refer to ‘notables’ and stress the numerical dominance of landowners rather than businessmen in the elite of both the Restoration and the July Monarchy.
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Purvis, Zachary. "Religion, Revolution, and the Dangers of Demagogues: The Basel “Troubles” (Wirren) and the Politics of Protestantism, 1830–1833." Church History 88, no. 2 (June 2019): 409–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640719001173.
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In 1833, the Swiss city-republic of Basel separated into two distinct cantons. During the three-year period known as the “Troubles” (Wirren), landowners in the countryside, inspired by the French July Revolution of 1830, rebelled against the city government. The roots of the division, however, run deeper in Basel's religious and theological culture and also reflect the outgrowth of the German Confederation's “persecution of demagogues.” This article examines these neglected aspects of the cantonal division, showing the importance of Christianity, and the complex politics of Protestantism, in Europe's revolutionary century.
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Krichevtsev, Mikhail Vladimirovich. "Life sentence as a type of criminal punishment in France of the late XVIII – early XIX centuries." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 12 (December 2020): 96–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2020.12.34714.
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This article questions the opinion established in modern French historiography on implementation of life sentence as a criminal punishment under the rule of Napoleon Bonaparte (in accordance with the Criminal Code of 1810). Leaning on examination of legislative, policy drafting, and court materials, the author traces the evolution of the system of criminal penalties associated with incarceration. and determines the role of life sentence therein – since the adoption of first criminal laws in the era Great Revolution until the revision Napoleonic Criminal Code in 1832, and the court of Peers under Louis-Philippe I. The acquires materials demonstrate that after long absence of the Consulate and Early Empire in the time of Revolution, life sentence was envisaged by the Criminal Code of 1810 as an alternative measure to penal servitude for life or deportation (for criminals of senior age), rather than an separate type of criminal punishment. Reference to the practice of the court of Peers during the Restoration and the July Monarchy suggests that life sentence became a separate type of criminal punishment only with the advent of verdict passed by Peers with regards to 1830 case of former ministers. This sentence was based on the combination of legislative and court functions in actions of the Chamber of Peers as higher justice authority, and thus was of constitutive nature. The conclusion is made that the implementation of life sentence in French criminal law should be attributed to the time of the July Monarchy rather than the ruling of Napoleon Bonaparte.
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Pottinger, Mark. "Revolution and the art of history in France: Daniel Auber’s Gustave III (1833)." Studia Musicologica 52, no. 1-4 (March 1, 2011): 393–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/smus.52.2011.1-4.28.
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Following the July Revolution of 1830, French history writing began to reflect a new personal perspective that allowed many to identify with the earlier revolution of 1789. This immediate association with the past allowed individuals to connect with history in ways that reflected themselves as well as the new political and cultural horizon. French grand opéra represented this desire for historical knowledge by displaying a dramatic narrative akin to the writings of French academic historian Jules Michelet (1798–1874). Through the analysis of the music and libretto of Daniel Auber’s Gustave III (1833) it is shown that the historical narrative found within this so-called’ opéra historique’ embraces the same historiographic narrative of revolution as found in the writings of Michelet. Such an investigation highlights the aesthetic and cultural importance of grand opéra in France as well as the genre’s relationship to national identity in the first half of the nineteenth century.
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Vanlandschoot, Romain. "Jozef Ferdinand Toussaint (1807-1885), ijveraar voor de Vlaamse taal. 15 oktober 1830." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 74, no. 4 (December 15, 2015): 16–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v74i4.12074.
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Fernand Toussaint (Meulebeke 1805 - Elsene 1885), zoon van een Frans emigrant was eerst ambtenaar tijdens het Hollandse regime. In september 1830 vluchtte hij naar Brussel en speelde een niet onbelangrijke rol in de Belgische revolutie. Hij werd lid van de revolutionaire en republikeinse Club, de ‘Réunion Centrale’. Deze Club hield zich intens bezig met de voorbereiding van de nieuwe staatsinstellingen. Toussaint heeft zich tweemaal (in het Frans) in de debatten gemengd, op 15 en op 30 oktober 1830.Zijn republikeinse opvattingen kwamen het duidelijkst tot uiting op 15 oktober, waarbij hij de erfelijke monarchie, de instelling van een Senaat en het koninklijk veto verwerpt.Op 15 oktober verdedigde hij de ‘Vlaamse taal, op een ogenblik dat alle discussies in het Frans verliepen’. Wetten en besluiten dienden volgens hem ook in het Vlaams vertaald te worden. Hij werd daarin gesteund door de Waals-Brabander Lucien Jottrand (1804-1877). Toussaint voerde daarover een perscampagne.Deze materie kwam aan bod tijdens de werkzaamheden van het Nationaal Congres (10 november 1830-21 juli 1831). Op 27 november 1830 werd een amendement door de Oudenaardse vertegenwoordiger, Charles Liedts (1802-1878), goedgekeurd. Het stipuleerde dat alle wetten en besluiten dienden voorzien te zijn van een Vlaamse vertaling, ‘in de gemeenten waar Vlaams gesproken wordt’.In die zin is Toussaint een voorloper van de Gentse groep rond Philip Blommaert (1808-1871), de eerste ‘taalijveraars’ in de Vlaamse beweging.________Jozef Ferdinand Toussaint (1807-1885), zealot of the Flemish language. 15 October 1830Fernand Toussaint (Meulebeke 1805 – Ixelles 1885), son of a French emigrant, was at first a civil servant under the Dutch regime. In September 1830 he fled to Brussels and played a not unimportant role in the Belgian Revolution. He became a member of the revolutionary republican club, La Réunion Centrale. This club was intensely preoccupied with the preparation of the new state institutions. Toussaint took part in these debates twice, on 15 and 30 October 1830.His republican opinions were most evident on 15 October, when he rejected the hereditary monarchy, the institution of the Senate, and the royal veto.On 15 October he defended the “Flemish language, at a moment when all the discussions took place in French”. According to him, laws and decrees should also be translated into Flemish. He was supported in this by Lucien Jottrand (1804-1877) of Walloon Brabant. Toussaint lead a press campaign about this.This matter came up during the proceedings of the National Congress (10 November 1830-21 July 1831). On 27 November 1830, an amendment from the representative from Oudenaarde, Charles Liedts (1802-1878), was approved. It stipulated that all laws and decrees should be provided with a Flemish translation, “in the municipalities where Flemish is spoken”. In this sense, Toussaint is a forerunner of the Ghent group around Philip Blommaert (1808-1871), the first “language zealots” in the Flemish Movement.
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Ignatchenko, I. V. "France in the Vienna System of International Relations (the First Half of The 19th Century)." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(45) (December 28, 2015): 9–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-6-45-9-14.
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Abstract: The Vienna system of international relations established at the Congress of Vienna in 1814-1815, was a real challenge for the French political elite during all subsequent decades. France was a defeated party and was thus morally humiliated. The objective for all French governments after 1815 was to improve the position of France in this new system of international relations, including due to the destabilization and breaking of the Vienna system. In the years of the Restoration in France (1814-1830) a major foreign policy action of the government of Louis XVIII was the intervention in Spain in 1823, which refers to the Spanish revolution of 1820-1823. The French government, reflecting the interests of the European reaction, had hoped to raise these military prestige of France, and consequently to raise the question of the revision of the treatises of Vienna of 1815. Despite the success of the intervention, she has not brought the big political dividends in France. After the July revolution 1830 in France, the foreign policy of France intensified. Leading French politicians defined quite clearly exclusive spheres of influence of France, and in 1832 the French troops invaded Central Italy, capturing the city of Ancona. In 1840, during the second Oriental crisis, the French government has opposed themselves to the rest of Europe for the first time since the Napoleonic wars. Ultimately, the strategic position of France in the middle East was weakened. But the exacerbation of international conflict contributed to the strengthening of the French army and Navy. Further successes of the French diplomacy will be linked to the period of the Second Empire in France, in particular, with the Crimean war, that raised has raised status of France, and the decision of the Italian question in the second half of the 60-ies of the XIX century.
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Nygaard, Bertel. "Fenrisulven sluppet løs - Grundtvig og det revolutionære demokrati i 1830." Slagmark - Tidsskrift for idéhistorie, no. 69 (March 9, 2018): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/sl.v0i69.104322.
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Often characterized as the founding father of Danish national culture and democracy during the 19th century, N.F.S. Grundtvig also formulated remarkably radical and explicit criticisms of democracy as a revolutionary and ungodly principle, against which he defended principles of strict hierarchical social order and unflinching obedience towards the absolutist monarch. These thoughts were expressed most clearly in his pamphlet Political Considerations regarding Denmark and Holstein, published in 1830-31 as a polemic against the July Revolution in France and its supporters in the Danish public sphere. However, this pamphlet also contained significant elements of unresolved contradictions pointing towards very different political modes, including democratic modes of legitimization.
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Weintraub, J. "The Paris Night: A Flâneur in Post-Revolutionary Paris." French History 35, no. 2 (May 19, 2021): 266–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/crab004.
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Abstract This annotated English translation of an article written by Eugène Briffault one year after the 1830 July Revolution presents a unique testimony of a city in a state of post-revolutionary transition. Drawn with the pen of a realist novelist and observed with the eye of a practised reporter, ‘The Paris Night’ takes the reader on a journey through the streets of a city seemingly under martial law, from the haunts of journalists, into the vice-dens of the Palais-Royal, past the hectic activity of Les Halles and into streets still bearing the scars of the recent Revolution. Along with the ubiquitous military patrols, the author encounters streetwalkers, ragpickers and other denizens of the night until he reaches the Chaillot Heights to contemplate a ‘revolution escamotée’, a popular revolt which had been ‘smuggled away’. Along with a brief biography of Briffault, J. Weintraub’s introduction places the essay in the context of its time.
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Fjelkestam, Kristina. "Gendering Cultural Memory: Balzac’s Adieu." Culture Unbound 5, no. 2 (June 12, 2013): 239–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/cu.2000.1525.135239.
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In this essay I examine the en-gendering of cultural memory in Honoré de Balzac´s story Adieu (1830), which proceeds from a repressed trauma originating in historical events. Balzac wrote the story in the spring of 1830, i. e. at a time when the French discontent with the Restoration regime was soon to explode in the July Revolution. The story is considered to claim that the Restoration regime’s repression of revolutionary history will recieve serious consequences in the present. But the question is how the now of the Restoration can best be linked to the then of the Revolution and the Empire? How can history be represented in a productive way, without silencing traumatic memories? My suggestion is that the abyss be-tween now and then has to be met with an ethically informed respect for difference. Stéphanie, the protagonist, dies when Philippe creates an exact replica of the traumatic situation in which they were separated many years ago. She then became a sex slave to the retiring French army, dehumanized during the hard Russian campaign, an experience that also dehumanized her. This Philippe refuses to acknowledge, since he wants to retrieve the woman he knew. That can of course never happen, but in insisting on it, I would claim that he actually renders Stéphanies life after the trauma impossible. Instead of emphasizing the distinction between past and present, Philippe overlooks it, with the severe consequence of Sté-phanie’s death. In my analysis I relate to pertinent discussions in the interdisciplinary field of cultural memory studies (an expanding field of research within the wider frame of cultural studies), but since it rarely discusses gender aspects I find it essential to relate also to feminist scholars who continually have scrutinized issues concerning memory and history writing.
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Šedivý, Miroslav. "Metternich's Plan for a Viennese Conference in 1839." Central European History 44, no. 3 (September 2011): 397–419. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938911000379.
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After the Napoleonic Wars, central Europe frequently witnessed important diplomatic discussions, and cities such as Vienna, Aix-la-Chapelle, Carlsbad, Troppau, and Laibach served as the places for rendezvous of European monarchs and diplomats. Austrian Chancellor Clemens Wenzel Lothar Nepomuk Prince von Metternich-Winneburg played a leading role at these meetings between 1814 and 1822, and he particularly wanted them to take place in the territories of the Austrian Empire because he could therefore better control their course and exert influence over the events to an extent undoubtedly exceeding the real power of the state whose interests he advocated. This is exactly what happened after 1814, and the subsequent years were definitely the happiest period in the life of the man known for his extraordinary diplomatic talent as well as his vanity. It was all the more difficult for him to reconcile himself with the loss of the position of the “coachman of Europe” in the 1820s when the alliance formed by the five European powers (Great Britain, France, Prussia, the Austrian Empire, and Russia) failed to solve the Greek war of independence. The July Revolution of 1830 then created a gulf between the liberal and conservative powers, so that neither the willingness of the five powers to cooperate under his leadership nor the necessary conditions for his leadership existed in the 1830s.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "July Revolution, 1830"
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Bertran, de Balanda Flavien. "Louis de Bonald homme politique, de la fin de l’Ancien Régime à la monarchie de Juillet. Modernité d’une métaphysique en action face au réel historique." Thesis, Paris 4, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA040109.
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On retient généralement de Louis de Bonald (1754-1840) la paternité d’une doctrine contre-révolutionnaire, comme son rôle de chef spirituel des ultras sous la Restauration. Une relecture de l’œuvre du philosophe, confrontée à des sources moins étudiées (articles de presse, opuscules, discours parlementaires, correspondance), mais surtout complétée par un matériau inédit (dont des extraits sont produits en annexes) a permis une approche transversale de la vie et de la carrière de cet homme politique au sens le plus contemporain du terme : de la fin du règne de Louis XV à celui de Louis-Philippe, ce métaphysicien à la théorie globalisante (on a pu le considérer comme le père de la sociologie) a sans cesse mobilisé cette dernière pour agir sur le réel historique, tout en l’enrichissant, voire la redéfinissant progressivement. Induisant une méthode pluridisciplinaire et s’inscrivant dans une chronologie vaste, ce travail a tenté de déconstruire l’image stéréotypée d’un penseur figé dans la nostalgie d’un Ancien Régime dont il aurait souhaité le retour, et dont la postérité se cantonnerait aux divers courants conservateurs ultérieurs. Personnage de son temps, s’inscrivant pleinement dans le propos régénérateur de l’époque post révolutionnaire, Bonald se présente au contraire sous une facette inattendue, celle d’une incontestable modernité : de l’âge romantique à l’âge industriel, les questions qu’il pose à son temps, et, partant, au nôtre, sont bien souvent terriblement actuelles. Quant à ses réponses, elles nous ont conduit à suggérer des pistes d’interprétation nouvelles autour de concepts tels que ceux de contre-utopie ou encore de contre-subversion. Bonald, en somme, est tout autant moderne dans son rapport à son siècle que dans sa dimension atemporelle, qu’on pourrait qualifier d’intempestiveFor most readers, of his time and until now, Louis de Bonald (1754-1840) was the father of a counter-Revolutionary doctrine, acting as a spiritual leader of the Ultras under the Restoration. A closer reading of the philosopher’s work, confronted with less-studied sources (articles published in the press, monographs, parliamentary speeches, correspondence) and completed by some unpublished material (extracts of which are published in our appendix) opens up a more transversal approach to the life and career of this politician, in the most contemporary sense of the word: from the end of Louis XV’s reign to the beginning of Louis-Philippe’s, Bonald, who is considered to be a forerunner of sociology, unceasingly mobilized his all-embracing theory of metaphysics to impact real history in the making, bringing enrichment and, gradually, even redefining it. Drawing on a multidisciplinary method, and taking into account a broad chronology, we have endeavored to deconstruct the stereotype of a thinker considered to be frozen in time, yearning for the return of the Ancien Régime, whose thinking put him on the path of an ultra-conservative heritage. A figure of his time, participating to the full in the post-Revolutionary discourse on regeneration, Bonald, unexpectedly and undoubtedly, reveals the face of a Modern. From the Age of the Romantics to the Industrial Age, the challenges which he defined in his time, are still incredibly relevant to ours. As for his answers, they lead us to put forward new interpretations of concepts such as counter-utopia or counter-subversion. Overall, Bonald is just as pertinent for his contemporaries as for our century and beyond. His thinking could be construed as timeless in nature
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Frapet, David. "Les politiques publiques conduites en faveur des monuments français sous la Monarchie de Juillet, par le Parlement et la Liste Civile »." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LYO30098/document.
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"Durant les 17 années du règne de Louis-Philippe d'Orléans, la France a entièrement restauré ses monuments historiques. La Monarchie de Juillet a entrepris la restauration et l'entretien de ses monuments construits sous l'Antiquité, le Moyen Age et le premier Empire. Parallèlement à l'action des Parlementaires, le Roi des Français, sur les fonds de sa dotation pécuniaire qui lui était versée chaque année par le Trésor Public, a entrepris un vaste plan de restauration des palais placés dans le domaine de la Couronne : Les Tuileries, Saint Cloud, Fontainebleau, Compiègne, Meudon... Il transforma aussi le palais de Versailles en "Musée consacré à toutes les Gloires de la France". Rien que ce chantier lui coûta personnellement la somme de 24 Millions de Francs.La Monarchie de Juillet, qui était un régime né de la révolution de Juillet 1830, devait se construire une légitimité à partir de rien. Ne pouvant se réclamer ni de la Tradition, ni de la gloire des armes, ni même de la Souveraineté du peuple ou du Principe monarchique, la jeune Monarchie de Juillet entama une vaste politique de restauration et d'achèvement de monuments qui dataient notamment de l'Empire et de la Monarchie absolue. Il s'agissait, pour Louis Philippe, de s'approprier l'intégralité de l'héritage politique français, afin de montrer le caractère universel de son régime. C'est ainsi que la Monarchie de Juillet construisit sa légitimité à gouverner la France.Cette thèse analyse les budgets investis dans les monuments français par les Gouvernements et les parlementaires, entre Juillet 1830 et Février 1848 (date de la chute de ce régime), ainsi que la politique conduite dans ce domaine des monuments, personnellement par Louis-Philippe à la même époque. L'auteur à dépouillé intégralement une partie du fonds O/4 des Archives Nationales de France, travail qui n'avait pas été réalisé jusqu'alors avec autant de précisions.""During the 17 years of the reign of Louis-Philippe d'Orléans, France restored fully its historic monuments. The “Monarchie de Juillet” began the restoration and maintenance of monuments built in ancient times, the Middle Ages and the first Empire. In parallel with the action of Parliament, the King of the French undertook a comprehensive plan of restoration of those palaces belonging to the Crown: the Tuileries, St. Cloud, Fontainebleau, Compiègne, Meudon, drawing from his own endowment fund annually allocated by the public revenue. He also converted the Palace of Versailles into a "museum dedicated to all the glories of France." This site alone cost him 24 millions Francs. The “Monarchie de juillet” which was a regime born of the revolution of July 1830, had to build legitimacy from scratch. Unable to claim to be the fruits of tradition, or military glory, or even the sovereignty of the people or the monarchial principle, the young “Monarchie de Juillet” entered into an extensive policy of restoration and completion in particular of such monuments dating from the Empire and the absolute monarchy. Louis Philippe aimed to take over the entire French political legacy, in order to show the universal nature of his regime. In this way the “Monarchie de Juillet” built its legitimacy to govern France.This thesis analyzes the budgets invested in French monuments by governments and parliamentarians, between July 1830 and February 1848 (the date of the fall of the regime), as well as the personal political commitment of Louis Philippe in the field of monuments, during the same period.The author has fully analysed a part of the fund O / 4 of French National Archives a work that has never been done previously with so much precision
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Shen, Yanan. "L'image de Sade dans le roman noir des années 1830." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SORUL177.
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Dans les années 1830, l’image de Sade apparaît dans le roman noir. La révolte de Juillet fait écho à la Révolution de 1789. Le régime de Louis-Philippe dirige la France dans une période de transition. Les émeutes ponctuelles et le choléra de 1832 déterminent la tonalité sombre de l’imaginaire de la souffrance et du mal à l’époque. Le mouvement romantique rencontre Sade dans cette période difficile de l’évolution sociale. Les Jeunes-France, qualifiés un siècle plus tard par les surréalistes de petits romantiques, mettent en avant Sade face aux critiques des moralistes. L’image de Sade et l’imaginaire sadien apparaissent dans leurs romans noirs, genre indéfinissable au centre de différents versants littéraires, le roman gothique, le conte fantastique et le roman historique. La légende de la vie de Sade se forme à la fin du XVIIIe siècle dans les gazettes et dans les enquêtes de police. Il est vu par ses contemporains, Rétif de La Bretonne, par exemple, comme un libertin criminel, resté impuni sous l’Ancien Régime et un écrivain aliéné de la littérature libertine et perverse. Sade est également lié à la Révolution. Il a survécu à la Terreur de 1793 et son atrocité féodale est comparée à la cruauté de Danton et de Robespierre. Au tournant de 1830, Sade prisonnier en tant que victime de l’arbitraire de l’Empire est découvert par Charles Nodier dans ses recherches historiques. Celui-ci définit le terme « sadisme » dans le dictionnaire en 1834. La même année, les différentes facettes de l’image de Sade sont enfin abordées par Jules Janin dans son article biographique. Les jeunes romantiques explorent avec une certaine timidité les images de Sade dans leurs romans noirs. Dans les contes noirs et le roman historique de Pétrus Borel, Sade représente non seulement l’atrocité et la corruption de la cour de Louis XV, mais également la violence du déchaînement révolutionnaire. Chez Balzac, Sade et ses œuvres signifient une collaboration de la littérature érotique avec le récit noir. Dans les boudoirs balzaciens, se mettent en scène les crimes frénétiques et les perversions transgressives. Dans les romans noirs de Frédéric Soulié sous la forme du feuilleton, l’image de Sade et l’imaginaire sadien sont utilisés pour décrire la monstruosité sociale. Le sadisme est popularisé dans l’univers des mœurs corrompuesThe revolt of July in 1830 echoed the Revolution of 1789 and the rule of Louis-Philippe took France into a period of transition where the punctual riots and the cholera epidemic in 1832 was reflected in the dark tones of the image of sufferings and evil of that time. The romantic movement merged with the image of Sade in this difficult period of social evolution. The Jeunes-France, one century later qualified by the surrealists as petits romantiques, used the image of Sade to face down the critics of the moralists. It was during these turbulent times the image of Sade emerged in the black novel, an undefined genre in different literary tendencies, including the gothic novel, the fantastic tale and the historical novel. The legend of Sade’s life took its form at the end of 18th century in the gazettes and political inquiries. He was seen by his contemporaries, for example, Rétif de La Bretonne, that as a criminal libertine, one unpunished by the Ancien Régime, and was considered the insane writer of the libertine and perverse literature. Sade is related to the Revolution. Surviving the Terror of 1793, his feudal fury was compared to the cruelty of Danton and Robespierre. At the beginning of the 1830’s, the writings of Sade the prisoner, victim of an Empire, was discovered by Charles Nodier in his historical research. He defined the term “sadism” in the dictionary in 1834. In the same year, the multiple faces of the image of Sade were recorded by Jules Janin in his biographical article. The young romantic poets timidly explored the images of Sade in their black novels. Within these tales and within the historical novel of Pétrus Borel, Sade represented not only the atrocity and corruption of the Louis XV’s court, but also the violence of the revolutionary rampage. For Balzac, Sade and his work signified a collaboration of the erotic literature with the black story and in Balzac’s boudoirs, the frantic crimes and the transgressive perversions set the scenes. In the black novels of Frédéric Soulié in the form of the feuilleton, the image and the imaginary of Sade was used to describe the social monstrosity. The sadism was popularized in the universe of corrupted morals
Books on the topic "July Revolution, 1830"
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Pinkney, David H. The French Revolution of 1830. Ann Arbor (Michigan): UMI Out-of-Print Books on Demand, 1989.
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Hugo, Victor. Bei can shi jie: Bei can shi jie. Beijing: Ren min wen xue chu ban she, 1992.
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Hugo, Victor. Bei can shi jie: Les Miserables. Beijing: Zhong yang bian yi chu ban she, 2010.
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Peabody, Sue. Freedom Papers Hidden in His Shoe. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190233884.003.0010.
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The 1830 July Revolution brought a series of laws facilitating manumission and equal rights for free men of color. In Isle Bourbon, Joseph Lory expanded his sugar production with two large plantations in the parish of Saint-Benoît. Constance died of unknown causes in 1838. As a free man, Furcy continued to live in Port Louis, Mauritius, as a candy maker. He saved his money, bought a store in Port Louis and a farm in Moka, learned to sign his name, and eventually contacted allies in Paris, who arranged for him to travel to Paris to appeal his wrongful enslavement in French courts. In 1835, the Court of Cassation’s Petition Chamber allowed Furcy’s appeal to advance to the Civil Chamber of the Court of Cassation, which decided in 1840 that Furcy had been born free due to his mother’s early sojourn on the free soil of France.
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Sarrans, Bernard. Lafayette, Louis-Philippe And The Revolution Of 1830 V2: Or, History Of The Events And Men Of July. Kessinger Publishing, LLC, 2007.
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Sarrans, Bernard. Lafayette, Louis-Philippe And The Revolution Of 1830 V2: Or, History Of The Events And Men Of July. Kessinger Publishing, LLC, 2007.
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Sarrans, Bernard. Lafayette, Louis-Philippe, and the Revolution of 1830; or, History of the Events and Men of July. Tr. HardPress, 2020.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "July Revolution, 1830"
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Barry, David. "The Revolution of 1830 and the July Monarchy: the Heroines of Liberty." In Women and Political Insurgency, 23–34. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230374362_2.
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"Surprise, Confusion, Disorder, July 25, 26, 27." In French Revolution of 1830, 73–108. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvfjd0tb.6.
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"Days of Revolution, July 28 and 29." In French Revolution of 1830, 109–42. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvfjd0tb.7.
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"III. Surprise, Confusion, Disorder, July 25, 26, 27." In French Revolution of 1830, 73–108. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780691198514-004.
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"V. Struggle for Power, July 30-August 9." In French Revolution of 1830, 143–95. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780691198514-006.
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"The Struggle for Power, July 30–August 9." In French Revolution of 1830, 143–95. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvfjd0tb.8.
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"IV. Days of Revolution, July 28 and 29." In French Revolution of 1830, 109–42. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780691198514-005.
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"Vantini after Waterloo and the July Revolution of 1830." In Zenon Vantini, 115–24. The Lutterworth Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1pdrr56.19.
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Marx, Karl, and Friedrich Engels. "Socialist and Communist Literature." In The Communist Manifesto. Oxford University Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/owc/9780199535712.003.0005.
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REACTIONARY SOCIALISM Feudal Socialism Owing to their historical position, it became the vocation of the aristocracies of France and England to write pamphlets against modern bourgeois society. In the French revolution of July 1830, and in the English reform agitation,* these...
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Rusnock, Paul, and Jan Šebestík. "Introduction." In Bernard Bolzano, 1–4. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198823681.003.0001.
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Bolzano’s life coincides almost exactly with what has been called the Age of Revolutions. Born in 1781, he lived through the revolution from above launched by Joseph II in 1780, the French Revolution, the triumphs and defeats of Napoleon, the conservative reaction embodied in the Metternich System, the beginnings of the Industrial Revolution, the July revolution of 1830, and finally the uprisings of 1848, the last year of his life. It was a time of exaggerations, of great hopes and fears, sudden reversals, and crushing disappointments, a time of vast enthusiasms and general confusion, as unprecedented forces were let loose upon a world almost completely unprepared for them. The world of letters was not spared, as authors strove to make their voices count in an ever more crowded and noisy public forum. Novelty was everywhere sought, overreach and passion common on all sides....