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Starke, Steven Charles. "Kant's Just War Theory." Scholar Commons, 2016. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/6398.
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The main thesis of my dissertation is that Kant has a just war theory, and it is universal just war theory, not a traditional just war theory.
This is supported by first establishing the history of secular just war theory, specifically through a consideration of the work of Hugo Grotius, Rights of War and Peace. I take his approach, from a natural law perspective, as indicative of the just war theory tradition. I also offer a brief critique of this tradition, suggesting some issues that are endemic to these kinds of theories.
From this general understanding, the version of Kant’s just war theory present in Brian Orend’s work War and International Justice: A Kantian Perspective, is explored and rejected as another traditional just war theory. Orend attempts to shoehorn Kant into a tradition which Kant rejects as ineffective, and poorly grounded. Orend’s work is not without merit, and his view is reconceptualized in the last chapter.
If not a traditional just war theory, then either a new category of just war theory needs to be established, or the thesis ought to be rejected. Thus, the next task is to defend against the claim that Kant does not have a just war theory at all, as claimed by Howard Williams in his work Kant and the End of War. This is rejected as insufficiently nuanced in its interpretation of Kant, and also for resulting in principles contrary to Kant’s moral theory. This view is also utilized in a new manner in the last chapter.
Prior to describing the new category of just war theory, I consider the general approach Kant had to war. To do this, I explore his philosophical approach on ever more specific areas of philosophical investigation. I conclude that Kant has a dynamic and progressive understanding of the concepts he investigated, including philosophy, humanity, ethics, politics, and, eventually, war.
In the penultimate chapter, I establish what I call a universal just war theory. I consider and name the traits of both a traditional just war theory and a universal just war theory, using Marxist Communism as an explanatory example of universal just war theory. This provides an intellectual space for Kant’s theory to reside, which is also consistent with his philosophical approach.
The last chapter is devoted to the explanation and application of Kant’s universal just war theory. I offer an overarching principle for Kant’ view of conflict and defend it as a universal just war theory. I also revisit the place Orend and Williams views’ have in a proper understanding of Kant on just war. I end with an application of Kant’s universal just war theory to previous conflicts, as a demonstration of the practical value of this view.
Thus, through first a negative argument against current conceptions of Kant’s views of just war theory, and then a positive argument for Kant’s general philosophical approach and a new category of just war theory, I offer an interpretation of Kant on just war theory. I argue this interpretation is superior to previous ones, and recommends real world applications for just war theorists to utilize.
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Malone, Naomi. "From Just War To Just Peace: Re-Visioning Just War Theory From A Feminist Perspective." [Tampa, Fla.] : University of South Florida, 2004. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/SFE0000339.
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Larsson, Amanda. "Not Just War, But A Just War : Individual rights versus the collective good in just cause for war." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Filosofiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-433324.
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Underwood, III Maj Robert E. "The Moral Reality of War: Defensive Force and Just War Theory." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2009. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/philosophy_theses/53.
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The permissible use of defensive force is a central tenet of the traditional legal and philosophical justification for war and its practice. Just War Theory holds a nation’s right to resist aggressive attack with defensive force as the clearest example of a just cause for war. Just War Theory also stipulates norms for warfare derived from a conception of defensive force asserted to be consistent with the moral reality of war. Recently, these aspects of Just War Theory have been criticized. David Rodin has challenged the status of national defense as an uncontroversial just cause. Jeff McMahan has charged that Just War Theory’s norms that govern warfare are inconsistent with the norms of permissive defensive force. In this thesis I defend the status of national defense as a clear case of a just cause. However, my defense may require revision of Just War Theory’s norms that govern warfare.
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Underwood, Robert E. "The moral reality of war defensive force and just war theory /." unrestricted, 2009. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-04212009-201600/.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2009.Title from file title page. Andrew Altman, committee chair; Sebastian Rand, Andrew J. Cohen, committee members. Description based on contents viewed July 14, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 85).
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Olson, Matthew D. "Is the just war theory a valid option for Christians?" Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1992. http://www.tren.com.
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Fairbrother, Mark E. "The intersection of just war theory, Romans 13:4, the Arab-Israeli War of 1967, and pre-emptive war." Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2003. http://www.tren.com.
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Nasri, Carl-Christian. "Intervention? Yes, it’s Just War : Analyzing the possibilities of justifying a U.S. intervention according to the Just War Theory." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-384704.
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This study will focus on examining the probabilities of justifying military interventions. In order to conduct this study, the U.S. will be the subject of interest. The paper will discuss and analyze the case of justifying an intervention by the U.S. in Syria. The analysis will be based on the Just War Theory by the medieval philosopher Thomas Aquinas. To be able to conduct this study, official statements by the US government will be used to understand their reasoning concerning the subject. Mainly, statements will from the current and former heads of state, the American presidents, be analyzed. In the analysis of the paper, the criteria of the Just War Theory will be applied to the U.S. case with the objective to determine if the statements could justify an intervention. The outcome of Discussion and Conclusion reached the result that it would be justifiable for the U.S. to intervene in Syria. However, it becomes clear that the question of legitimate warfare and interventions are more complex than expected.
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Kauffman, Rudi D. "The Outcomes of Just War: An Empirical Study of the Outcomes Associated with Adherence to Just War Theory, 1960-2000." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1342105770.
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Son, Changwan. "Just war and nuclear weapons : just war theory and its application to the Korean nuclear weapons issue in Korean Christianity." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/4515.
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This thesis is primarily an application of the Christian tradition of Just War to the problems arising from the basing of US nuclear weapons in South Korea and the development of nuclear weapons by the regime in the North. The Christian theology of Just War has developed over the last two thousand years, adapting as first Christianity became the state religion of the Roman Empire, through the break down of any enforceable norms in Europe‘s 'Dark Ages‘, to the emergence of the concept of the modern nation state at the end of the Thirty Years Wars in 1648. Throughout these shifts, two issues have remained constant, although their relative weight has changed. First that a war can only be described as 'just' if it is being waged for legitimate reasons, jus ad bellum, and that is waged in a proportionate manner that seeks to separate combatants from non-combatants, jus in bello. Both these ideas were severely weakened in the period of warfare that followed on from the American and French Revolutions at the end of the Eighteenth Century. The new ideology of nationalism brought with it the idea of the nation at arms, the armed citizenry, and with this, a further blurring of the always weak distinction between soldiers and the wider population. By 1945, both the secular and Christian tradition lay in ruins, damaged by the total warfare in the twentieth century when anything and anyone who could contribute to the wider war effort became a target. Also, although not the most destructive weapon, this saw the advent of the nuclear bomb. In response, Christian thinkers sought to redefine the concepts of Just War for a nuclear age, with the potential for the use of weapons that could destroy all of humanity. Some saw this as the lesser evil, when faced with the victory of a totalitarian political system, and others argued that proportionality could be maintained if the size of weapons, or their targeting, was such as to minimise wider damage. On the other hand, many theologians argued that by definition they could never be discriminate or proportionate and that their use (or even the implied threat of their use) would always fail the precepts of Jus in Bello. In the modern Korean context, this debate is not abstract, but has real bearing on the practical steps being taken by all the main parties. The acquisition of nuclear weapons by the North (the DPRK) has meant that the desire for Korean re-unification has become entwined with how best to resolve the nuclear issue. At the moment, in the South amongst the Protestant communities (split between the CCK and the NCCK), this debate has become fixed on issues of practical politics. In effect, is it better to negotiate with the North over the nuclear weapons issue and hope that resolving this will then lead to reunification or is it better to aim to overthrow the DPRK (economically, politically or even militarily) and, this, by definition, would resolve the question of their possession of nuclear weapons. At the moment both the NCCK and the CCK have based their policies towards North Korea (the DPRK) on the basis of secular politics not the teachings of the Christian gospel. The NCCK is tending to overlook human rights abuses in the DPRK, and the threat of that regime‘s nuclear arsenal, in their emphasis on the need to overcome the political division of Korea. In turn, the CCK ignores much Christian teaching with its emphasis on seeking the collapse (perhaps by military means) of the DPRK as a precursor to unification. In this, both bodies seem to have forgotten that they are fundamentally Christian confessional bodies, and as such their public statements should be based on the Gospels, not on the practicalities of day to day politics. Neither approach is particularly grounded on either in the Christian message of the gospels or the Just War tradition. Thus this thesis does not just seek to explore and explain the current situation in Korea using the concepts of Just War, it also seeks to provide a basis on which the Protestant community can resolve their current impasse. This means the thesis is grounded on the Christian concept of political theology, in particular in so far as this approach 'offers alternatives to better comprehend the different postures and approaches towards a solution‘. In the case of the situation in Korea, this means there is no military solution to the problem of unification. Nor can a solution be found in ignoring the human rights abuses in the DPRK. The answer lies in stressing three aspects that remain fundamental to any Christian identity in Korea – of a unified Korean koinoina, that any resort to force must meet the conditions of the Christian Just War tradition, and that, as faith groups, any response must stem from the Gospels.
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Fritz, Allison J. "An analysis of nature-human conflicts in light of just war theory." Laramie, Wyo. : University of Wyoming, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1313914291&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=18949&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Skantze, Patrik. "Nya testamentet och pacifism? : Perspektiv på våld och ickevåld i Matteusevangeliet, Romarbrevet, Första Petrus och Uppenbarelseboken - och deras tolkningshistoria." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Nya testamentets exegetik, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-173158.
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Redan tidigt uppstod etiska och trosmässiga dilemman bland de kristna kring hur Jesu budskap, likt t. ex. Bergspredikan, ordagrant skulle tolkas och efterlevas. Även i andra texter och utsagor har dessa frågeställningar periodvis aktualiserats, och under olika skeenden problematiseras under historiens gång. Frågor som kommer behandlas är hur man ställer sig till utsagor om fred och våld / ickevåld. Vilka föreställningar rent generellt finner vi i antikens tankevärld, judendomen, tiden runt Jesus, och den första tidens kyrka fram till reformationen, och hur förstår vi temat idag? I vilken utsträckning tillåter källan, d.v.s. de utvalda bibeltexterna att man får använda våld, och vilken funktion fyller det i sådant fall, och i vilken utsträckning får det användas? I samband med detta kommer frågor kring legitimitet att diskuteras, samt belysa förhållningssätt till olika former av överhet och auktoritet.Ethical and faith-related dilemmas arose early among Christians concerning the message of Jesus, for example in the Sermon on the Mount, and how it should be literally interpreted and enforced. In other texts and statements, these issues were periodically brought up, and under varying circumstances problematized throughout history. Questions that will be addressed are how one relates to statements about peace and violence / nonviolence. Which concepts are generally found in the world of thought of antiquity, Judaism, the time of Jesus, and the early years of the church up until the reformation, and how do we understand the topics today? To what extent does the source allow, i. e. the selected Bible texts, that you may use force, and what function does it fulfill in such a case, and to what extent can it be used? Examining this, questions about the legitimacy will be discussed, and illustrate different approaches to authorities and authority.
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Gray, Susan L. "Just War Theory: An analysis of its relevance for contemporary warfare and states." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28561.
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Contemporary Just War Theory (JWT) is the philosophical theory used to determine the moral and ethical issues surrounding warfare and it is currently at a crossroads. Most applications of JWT (within the last century) presuppose at least the following: the conflict's participants are traditionally defined and known states; the world structure is state-based; most conflicts are divisible into stages (in simple terms: pre-conflict, conflict and post-conflict); and, finally, a clear outcome will mean victory for one side, be it one state or an allied group of states. In light of Philip Bobbitt's non-traditional global market state model, is conventional JWT still valid for determining the ethical scope of the types of conflicts emerging in the 21st century? This study explores some of these recent calls for the adaptation and revision of JWT and applies contemporary JWT to a phenomenon of the global market state: the rise of the private military industry. Based on this application, I found that JWT could not assess Private Military Contractor (PMC) activity on three counts. As PMCs operation within the limits of privacy, JWT cannot assess their actions and the behaviour and judgment of their members as JWT's ad bellum and in bello principles are designed to apply to public actors: namely legitimate states, their political leaders and militaries. Secondly, due to the private nature of PMC contracts and terms of service, the principle of proportionality cannot be applied to their activity. Finally, PMCs obscure the principles of proper authority and public declaration; a state that may not have the public support of its nation to actively influence a war or engage in it altogether can seek to a void any open declaration of war and employ a PMC instead of its own military. With regard to modern JWT itself, I concluded that three areas need revision: the decreasing difference between pre-emptive war and preventive strikes; the jus in bello issue of discrimination between legitimate and non-legitimate targets; and the responsibilities and principles that should govern the moral behaviour involved in restoring the pre-conflict status quo deserve substantial study.
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Neste, Berit Van. "Cicero and St. Augustine's Just War Theory: Classical Influences on a Christian Idea." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2006. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0001467.
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Barboza, Avery R. "The Irish Republican Army: An Examination of Imperialism, Terror, and Just War Theory." DigitalCommons@CalPoly, 2020. https://digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/theses/2157.
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Analysis of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) and their actions in the 1970s and 1980s offer insight into their use of just war theory in their conflict with the British government and ultra-loyalist Protestant forces in Northern Ireland. The historiography of Irish history is defined by its phases of nationalism, revisionism, and anti-revisionism that cloud the historical narrative of imperialism and insurgency in the North. Applying just war theory to this history offers a more nuanced understanding of the conflict of the Troubles and the I.R.A.’s usage of this framework in their ideology that guided their terrorism in the latter half of the twentieth century. The murders of influential members of British society and the I.R.A.’s statements on these events further posit just war theory as a guiding force of this group. In 1980-1981 the I.R.A. staged hunger strikes in the H Block of Long Kesh Prison and the writings of their leader Bobby Sands continued their use of just war theory in their efforts to be granted Special Category Status. This work concludes that the I.R.A. utilized just war theory throughout this period and that it was a guiding force of their ideology. It contributes a more nuanced analysis of just war theory and its applications to the I.R.A.’s struggles against the British. Ultimately, it demonstrates how this theory was used by this insurgent movement to claim legitimacy, defend their actions, and frame their anti-imperialist movement as a necessary means to combatting British forces.
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Piirimäe, Pärtel. "The just war in theory and practice : legitimations of Sweden's conflicts during the Great Power period." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.612815.
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O'Callaghan, Ronan. "Ethics as response : a critical analysis of Michael Walzer's 'just war' theory in the context of Iraq." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2014. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/ethics-as-response-a-critical-analysis-of-michael-walzers-just-war-theory-in-the-context-of-iraq(544cea1b-5d69-452b-bd7f-1f8dbecd26f4).html.
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In recent years, human rights discourse has become increasingly intertwined in the justifications presented for Western wars and interventions. The aim of this thesis is to illustrate the problems implicated in human rights based justifications of war and violence. To achieve this aim, this work makes three primary contributions to International Relations scholarship. First, the thesis provides a robust critique of Michael Walzer's conception of ethical responsibility and his rights based justification of war. Second, I describe an alternative understanding of ethical responsibility that follows from the work of Jacques Derrida, ethics as response. And third, I demonstrate, thorough a reading of the 2003 Iraq War, how ethics as response can provide us with a better understanding of what it means to act ethically in times of war. The central argument presented in this thesis is that rights based justifications of war are predicated upon the belief that moral rules of conduct help us to resolve questions of ethical responsibility in war: moral rules tell us what the right thing to do is and show us how we can act in a morally justified way. This thesis argues that moral rules narrow our understanding of ethical responsibility by promoting adherence to the law rather than responsibility to other people. In contrast, ethics as response provides a model of ethical action that denies the possibility of satisfaction and, thereby, advocates sustained engagements with the consequences of violent action. Ultimately, the idea of ethics as response calls our attention to the uncertainty and uncontrollability implicated in violent actions justified in the name of human rights.
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Smythe, Nicholas A. "Measurement criteria for the US war on terror a pragmatic interpretation of just war theory and a critique of neo-conservative policies /." Thesis, Available online, Georgia Institute of Technology, 2005, 2005. http://etd.gatech.edu/theses/available/etd-07112005-111001/.
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Hägg, Joel. "THE CONTEMPORARY CHALLENGES OF DRONE WARFARE : A descriptive and critical analysis on the contemporary challenge of integrating just war theory with artificial intelligence in warfare." Thesis, Mälardalens högskola, Akademin för ekonomi, samhälle och teknik, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mdh:diva-54400.
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Due to the rapid technological advancements of the 21st century the fundamental nature of warfare has changed. Drones along with autonomous weapon systems has presented new challenges to the traditional concept and internal interpretations of just war theory. The purpose of this thesis is to present an analytical summary of the academic debate surrounding the emergence of AI technology, and how it has challenged the core principles embodied within jus in bello and jus ad bellum. Furthermore, the thesis explores the ethical issues external to just war theory principles, with a focus on how AI technology has established unique challenges for drone operators as a consequence of this contemporary phenomenon of war. This is done through a descriptive idea analysis and a critical analysis based on existing empirical material on the current academic debate on this issue. While the advantages of drones and LAWS are evidently presented throughout this thesis, the repercussions are equally as important to contemplate. Thus, the findings in this thesis concludes that it is difficult to argue in favour or against the emergence of AI technology in war, as relevant arguments exist on both sides of the spectrum. However, the challenges for future just war theorists will be to adjust and reinterpret the moral foundations embodied within the principles of jus in bello and jus ad bellum to adhere to this contemporary phenomenon of war.
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Brewer, Joshua J. "Iraq, Reconsidered." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/pitzer_theses/27.
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This paper sets itself upon analyzing the Iraq War of 2003 through the lens of modern Just War Theory. We will begin with a curt summary of Iraq’s history, focusing particularly on its determinedly odious leader, Saddam Hussein. Thereon, we will be analyzing a pro-war security argument, the aim of which is to assess the threat of Hussein’s weaponry ambitions and what that threat meant to the world. Next, we will be going over the tenets of Just War Theory itself, tracing its history from Rome to the modern doorstep, and applying the security argument to its dictum. Afterwards, we move into the anti-war segment and shall unpack the subject of Iraq's oil resources and whether or not the United States' actions disqualify the intervention from achieving Just War status. Then, our next section shall be addressing the same question of potential disqualification, only this time from the angle of the war’s questionable legality. Finally, we shall conclude on the ultimate query of this paper: was the U.S. decision to intervene in 2003’s Iraq compatible with the modern principles of Just War Theory?
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Baer, Daniel Brooks. "The ultimate sacrifice : death, duty, and heroism in just war theory and in the ethics of intervention." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.416524.
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Izant, Christopher L. "The Crusades and Jihad: Theological Justifications for Warfare in the Western and Islamic Just War Traditions." Thesis, Boston College, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/1560.
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Thesis advisor: Ali BanuaziziThis thesis is a comparative analysis of the varying approaches by which modern Islamist militancy movements attempt to justify their respective use of violent jihad within Islamic doctrine. This ultimate focus is contextualized by a broader study of the historical role of religion in the development of modern ethical standards for warfare. Justifications for horrific bloodshed and injustice in the Just War traditions of both Christianity and Islam have manifested themselves in the actual military campaigns of the Crusades and jihad respectively. These historical and modern examples demonstrate the precarious complexity of the dual role of religion to both restrict and require warfare in the cause of justice
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2010
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: College Honors Program
Discipline: Islamic Civilization and Society Honors Program
Discipline: Islamic Civilization and Society
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Blumenfeld, Mark R. "Divide and Defend: a New Ethical Approach to State Sponsored Terrorism." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/739.
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The scope of war has changed dramatically in the recent part of the 20th and 21st centuries, in particular, with regard to state sponsored terrorism (“SST”). The responses of nations too have changed as they seek to protect both their sovereignty and the rights of their citizens. This paper will address possible ethical responses to SST through the view of contemporary Just War Theory (“JWT”) as Michael Walzer describes it. I will begin by arguing for an ethical approach to war, and why JWT is the best ethical approach. Then I will outline the basics of JWT in addition to some of the main concepts that will be drawn upon throughout this paper. Next, I will put forth a spectrum of possible responses to acts of aggression and in so doing provide the framework for what constitutes a legitimate threat. Then I will critique Walzer’s interpretation of a legitimate state, followed by my own proposal. Following this, I will define ‘terrorism’ and considering various scenarios of SST with direct reference to the arguments made prior in the paper. Finally, I will conclude by restating the argument made in short, and illustrate the implications of this new ethical approach.
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Wallerå, Anna. "The US’ view on Just War : A content analysis of the Trump administration’s justification of the attack on general Soleimani." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-423445.
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On January 3, 2020, Iranian major general Qasem Soleimani was killed through a targeted drone strike at the authorisation of the US President Donald Trump. This thesis examines if, and in that case how, the arguments presented by the Trump administration used to justify the killing of general Soleimani are in line with the principles of Just War theory. By conducting a case study, through a qualitative content analysis, analysing four official statements made by the Trump administration during a two months period after the killing, this thesis will examine the moral discourses in the arguments presented. Drawing on insights from studies regarding the justification of War on Terror, preemptive war, and targeted killings according to the Just War theory, lays the foundation for a deeper reasoning of the legality of the argumentation based on the principles of Just War. This thesis will show that in some aspects, the arguments presented by the Trump administration can be interpreted to be in accordance with one of the principles, but none of the statements satisfy the criteria in all of the principles. Therefore, the overall conclusion of this analysis is that the Trump administration has the intention of justifying the attack, but the arguments used are not rooted in Just War theory. Further, this thesis will also show an inconsistency over time in the arguments presented. The contribution from this study lays in the analysis of the arguments on the basis of the principles of Just War theory, not from the perspective of international law. The intention from this thesis is not to analyse if the attack itself can be seen as just according to Just War theory but looking at the argumentation presented by the Trump administration.
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Hellström, Patricia. "Jus post bellum and the international community : En diskursanalys av FN:s generalförsamlings diskussioner om krigssluts- och efterkrigsarbete." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-10137.
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Jus post bellum is the less known part of the just war theory which concerns how one should act morally in the end and the aftermath of a war. Lately this component of the theory has gained a lot of attention among researchers who state that jus post bellum is at least as important as the other parts, jus ad bellum and jus in bello, and needs to be given more priority. Central in the researchers’concepts of jus post bellum is the international community which is stated to be a key party in the implementation. This essay aims to increase the understanding about this subject by analyzing how the problems surrounding jus post bellum is discussed by the international community today. This is achieved by using the “What’s the Problem Represented to Be” (WPR) policy analysis approach on the UN general assembly debate held in 2019. The results shows that jus post bellum is discussed frequently in the debate and contains several similarities with the research overview. However, opinions are divided on what the problems, solutions, responsibilities and main factors are which can be a problem for future development.
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Reuterström, Amanda. "Femdagarskriget 2008- Georgiens rättfärdiga krig? : En kvalitativ innehållsanalys som analyserar huruvida Georgien gick in i krig i Sydossetien med rättfärdiga skäl i enlighet med teorin om Jus ad Bellum." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-78311.
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The aim this thesis is to analyse whether or not Georgia can be considered to have had legitimate reasons for involvement in the five-day war in South Ossetia in August of 2008. This topic is relevant today for two predominant reasons one being that August of 2018 marks the 10th anniversary of the outbreak of the war between Georgian, Russian and South Ossetian forces. Who’s to blame for the outbreak of the war has, in the last decade, been widely discussed and analysed from different standpoints. This thesis’ main intention is to evaluate the Georgian point of view and find out Georgia’s responsibility for the conflict. This analysis is based on the theoretical framework called “Just War Theory”, an ancient tradition which, through centuries, have set up guidelines over how a war should be initiated, conducted and handled after ceasefire and thereafter. In this theoretical framework there is 6 criteria which establish moral, ethical and legitimate reasons for a state to wage war called “Jus ad bellum”. These 6 criteria are used as the factual theoretical base for the analysis.The condition of the chosen theoretical framework requires that all the criteria needs to be fulfilled in order for a state to be considered to have lawful reasons to wage war against another. Based on this framework, it is concluded in this thesis that Georgia did not have rightful reasons to engage in the five-day war in August 2008.
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Ellis, Elizabeth Anne. "Ethics of economic sanctions." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/7879.
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The ethics of economic sanctions is an issue that has been curiously neglected by philosophers and political theorists. Only a handful of philosophical journal articles and book chapters have ever been published on the subject; yet economic sanctions, as I will show, are significantly morally problematic and their use stands in need of moral justification. The aim of this thesis then is to consider how economic sanctions might be morally justified. Of the few writers who have considered this issue, the majority point to the analogies between economic sanctions and war and use the just war principles (just cause, proportionality etc.) as a framework within which to assess their moral permissibility. I argue that this is a mistake. The just war principles are derived from a set of complex and detailed arguments all planted firmly within the context of war. These arguments contain premises that, whilst they may hold true in the case of war, do not always hold true in the case of economic sanctions. Nevertheless, the rich just war tradition does offer a valuable starting point for theorising about economic sanctions and in the thesis I consider how the wider just war tradition might be brought to bear on the case of economic sanctions, beginning, not with the just war principles, but with the underlying arguments for those principles. In particular, I consider whether economic sanctions can be justified on the grounds that they are a form of self- or other-defence, that they are the ‘lesser evil’ and that they are a form of punishment. I argue that certain types of economic sanctions can be justified on the grounds that they are a form of self- or other- defence and that, in extreme circumstances, certain types of economic sanctions can be justified as the ‘lesser evil’. However, I argue that economic sanctions cannot be justified on the grounds of punishment. I also develop a ‘clean hands’ argument for economic sanctions that is unavailable to the just war theorist; I argue that where the goods and services to be supplied would contribute to human rights violations or other wrongful acts, there is a duty to impose economic sanctions to avoid complicity in this wrongdoing.
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Christoffersson, Louise. "Invasionen av Irak 2003. Ett rättfärdigt krig?" Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-60324.
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2003 George W. Bush ordered US forces to invade Iraq. US won a quick victory and the strong leader of Iraq, Saddam Hussein, was defeated and his regime fell with him. The consequenses of the invasion has afterwards proved to be devestating and a debate about whether the invasion could be justified awakened. Out of this debate the issue of this essay was born. This essays purpose is namely to answer the question; Can the US official motives to the invasion of Iraq 2003 be considered as justified accordig to Just war theory? Just war theory is an established theory consisting of four criteria that should be met to justify war. As this essay investigates wether Just war theory correspond with the US official motives to the invasion or not the work has been of theory-testing character. To answer the research question has case study method and analysis of ideas-technique been used. By comparing Just war theory criteria with the US official motives the conclusion reached is that only two out of four criteria are fully met and thereby can the US official motives to the invasion of Iraq 2003 not be considered as justified according to Just war theory.
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Stjärneblad, Sebastian. "A Legal and Moral Review of the Central Intelligence Agency Operatives in the War on Terrorism." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21568.
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In this essay I examine whether the CIA operatives can be considered as legitimate practitioners of violence in a conflict situation, thus looking through a lens where terrorism is treated as an act of war. This paper does not purport to evaluate and review the legality of targeted killing as a mean of warfare or a tool for criminal enforcement but rather the CIA agent’s status from an international law perspective, specifically humanitarian law. I further examine the role of CIA operatives from a moral perspective. Using the framework set up by Just War Theory I examine whether a CIA operative is regarded as a combatant or a civilian from a moral standpoint.
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Rahmanovic, Faruk. "Humanitarian Military Intervention: A Failed Paradigm." Scholar Commons, 2017. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/6748.
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Since the end of the Cold War, traditional justifications for war have diminished in relevance and importance, while the use of Humanitarian Military Interventions (HMI) has proliferated, to the point that formerly traditional wars – e.g. Afghanistan and Iraq invasions – have become retroactively redefined as HMIs. While HMI suffers from a number of problems, from international law to historical track record, its proponents have managed to turn aside all arguments by claiming they represent either statistical outliers, improper implementation, or at best indicate a need for a certain degree of fine-tuning. Crucially, the validity of the HMI practice is never brought into question. In order to attempt to break this dialectic stalemate, this dissertation recasts HMI as a Kuhnian paradigm. Doing so provides for a better understanding of HMI as a holistic Weltanschauung, and allows the problems of HMI to be understood as anomalies. Unlike arguments, anomalies need not engage with every discrete position held by the paradigm. Instead, they serve as a direct demonstration of the untenability of a position, as evidenced by systemic failure to produce the desired results. Consequently, the paradigm approach allows for a binary resolution to the problems of HMI: either the anomalies can be explained by the paradigm, or the paradigm has failed. The present analysis begins with an examination of paradigms and their structures, and then follows the history and context of HMI is considered from a philosophical and historical perspectives. Then, the structure of HMI as a paradigm is unpacked, with the attendant ends, means, justifications, and implications. Finally, four categories of HMI anomalies are presented, leading to the conclusion that the HMI paradigm is a failed one.
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Ashfaq, Muhammad. "The crime of aggression : a critical historical inquiry of the just war tradition." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13671.
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Why has international society been unable to develop political and judicial collective-security arrangements to limit external aggression? The thesis argues that efforts to limit aggression in moral and legal theory have created an unjust order in which great powers have used these theoretical traditions to reinforce their power in the global order. The thesis argues that is not a new development but can be found in one of the oldest traditions of moral reflection on war, the just war tradition. To substantiate this point, the thesis critically surveys the philosophers of the ancient Greek, Roman, Medieval Christian Renaissance, and early modern theorists of just war and demonstrates that their just war ideas contain assumptions about exclusion, identity and power reflecting their cultural superiority which underlie the practices and theories of the leading states and justifications of their aggressive wars. The thesis connects these moral reflections to the emergence of modern international law and the European pluralist international society of states based on mutual respect for sovereignty and the norm of non-intervention, highlighting how justifications of its colonial aggression against non-Europeans established an unjust solidarist order against them which persists in the post-Cold War era. To conclude it presents suggestions for improvement in the current pluralist international arrangements to address the issue of aggression.
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Nilsson, Göran. "Unmanned Combat Aerial Vehicles: Teknik och etik : Ett självständigt arbete om obemannade flygande farkoster och deras militära nytta och moraliska dilemman." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-4641.
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Obemannade flygfarkoster har varit omtalat sedan kriget mot terrorn startade 11 september 2001 och det förekommer fortfarande frågor kring hur systemet nyttjas och om det är moraliskt korrekt. Det finns många användningsområden för farkosterna som exempelvis lägesuppfattning, sökandet av försvunna personer, attackuppdrag med flera. Studien undersöker hur farkosterna används inom attackföretag samt den militära nyttan av systemet. Eftersom det finns olika uppfattningar kring hur systemet används i krig och konflikt så kommer studien att redogöra för olika uppfattningar samt att konkretisera dessa. Det moraliska synsättet på Unmanned Combat Aerial Vehicle, UCAV, i konflikt och krig skiljer sig åt. De som talar emot systemet menar att detta i sig är hotet och inte hur det nyttjas. Andra menar att taktiken idag är densamma i konflikt och krig sedan 1960-talet. Detta användningsområde är därför inget nytt enligt de etiska teorierna gällande konflikt och krig. Tillämpningen av systemet har skapat att individer har en negativ uppfattning av det, medan andra ställer sig positiva. Enligt denna studie kan det anses moraliskt försvarbart att nyttja detta system om kriget eller konflikten uppfyller majoriteten av de sju kriterierna i rättfärdig krigsteori, Just War Theory. Dock spelar andra faktorer in för att starta ett krig vilket komplicerar eventuellt användande av systemet. Såsom nationens befolkning, dess intresse av kriget/konflikten, vilken grad hotet har och vilken nytta nationen får ut av konflikten eller kriget. Om tidigare nämnda exempel överensstämmer med nationens intresse kan det påstås vara moraliskt försvarbart att använda UCAV för attackföretag.Unmanned aerial vehicles, popularly known as drones, have been up to debate since the start of the war on terror, 11th September 2001, and there are still a lot of questions about their use and moral legitimacy. There are a lot of useful applications for this kind of vehicle for example, situational awareness, searching for lost people and attack missions. This study is going to investigate how these vehicles are being used within attack missions and and what their military utility are. Since there are a lot of different opinions on the system in war and conflict, the aim for this study is to make the ethics more concrete and evaluate what military utility this system gives. The moral aspects of UCAV, Unmanned Combat Aerial Vehicle, in conflict and war differ a lot from person to person. Those who are against this kind of system mean that the UCAV, in itself, is a threat and not as much to how it is used. Supporters of the system, on the other hand, argue that similar tactics have been used in war since the 1960s hence the system does not need any change in ethics and morals. However the system has got a negative reputation because of they way it is being used. This study shows that it is morally right to use UCAVs when the conflict or war meets a majority of the seven criteria of Just War Theory. However it is not as simple as that, there are a lot more factors that come in play. The population of the nation and its interests in the conflict or war, the threat level and what kind of profit the nation will acquire through it are important factors. If all of these criteria are met then the use of UCAVs for attack missions can be seen as morally just.
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Kupfer, Sara M. "Michael Walzer’s Moral Critique of American Foreign Policy in the Context of the Post-War American Foreign Policy Debate." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1070554581.
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Johnlin, Jennifer. "Soldatens dilemma : Konflikten mellan moraliska skyldigheter och plikt i krig." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-175184.
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Throughout the last decade wars have created a certain interest in reflection upon rights, justice and the causes for which people may or may not be killed. Soldiers are expected to make decisions about life and death in extremely difficult circumstances and complex situations during war. With conflicting obligations, they are forced to choose between orders, duty and ethical values in situations where not all can be met at the same time. Scholars in military ethics argues that ethical challenges and dilemmas can be overcome by using ethical reasoning processes such as moral judgement, moral competence and through different moral principles in the conduct of war. This study investigates how Swedish soldiers reason between moral dilemmas they might encounter in their professional practice and aims to explore if there is a conflict between their moral obligations and duty. It aims to improve the understanding of how Swedish soldiers justify the use of lethal force and obeying orders, and what underlying ethical and moral factors that affect their judgements and justifications. Qualitative scenario-based results show that their moral judgements are based foremost on consequentialist grounds, with good moral competence to adapt their judgements when faced with moral dilemmas. Subconsciously they follow the rules and moral principles of war, putting great emphasis on their trust and dependence on fellow soldiers as well as higher military bodies, although they are likely to disobey orders when it doesn’t seem morally justified.
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Rosén, Malin. "Kosovointerventionen – illegal men legitim? : En fallstudie av NATO:s intervention i Kosovo med etiken i centrum." Thesis, Militärhögskolan Karlberg, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-2637.
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Trots lagar, nationella som internationella, återkommer diskussionen om etik vid militära interventioner. Uppsatsen handlar om huruvida NATO:s intervention i Kosovo levde upp till etiska lagar kring militära interventioner samt om normativa teorier fortfarande är relevanta och lämnas utrymme idag.Syftet med uppsatsen är att se om det fortfarande finns utrymme idag för normativa teorier, såsom den etiska teorin just war theory, och om dessa är rimliga att använda. Uppsatsen använder fallstudien Kosovo som exempel och analyserar samtidigt hur denna intervention lever upp till de nio punkterna i teorin.Kvalitativ textanalys samt fallstudie av Kosovo har använts som metoder och just war theory har använts som teori.Resultatet visar att sju av nio punkter helt eller till stor del levdes upp till under NATO:s intervention i Kosovo, och att de resterande två till viss del levdes upp till. Undersökningen påvisar också att normativa teorier lämnas utrymme idag, och att teorin fortfarande kan vara relevant, om än med lite modifikation.
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Hermanson, Chrisantha. "Duties in the wake of atrocity : a normative analysis of post-atrocity peacebuilding." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4fb2286a-97dd-4b35-a227-2882915120d2.
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Over the last two decades, the international community has taken on the task of rebuilding societies in the aftermath of mass-atrocities. Through a combination of trial and error and vigorous academic research, a relatively clear (and semi-malleable) blueprint of post-atrocity peacebuilding has developed. This includes setting up a temporary international transitional authority, establishing democracy, facilitating economic development, and holding war crime trials. Though there are volumes of studies which address the pragmatic strengths and weaknesses of these key elements of peacebuilding, to date political theorists have not critically analyzed the moral legitimacy of these policies. My thesis aims to fill this gap. The overarching question of this thesis is this: What moral duties does the international community have to post-atrocity societies? To answer this question, I critically examine the normative issues involved in the four key aspects of peacebuilding (identified above). Using the framework of just war theory and a cosmopolitan theory of fundamental human rights, I argue that, in most post-atrocity cases, the international community has duties to remove atrocity-committing regimes from power, occupy the target-state and act as a transitional authority, help facilitate the creation of democracy and economic development, and hold war crimes trials. These duties, of course, are extremely complicated and limited and these qualifications are examined and developed throughout. Running through the construction of my theory of post-atrocity duties is a clear message: we – the international community – have obligations to the victims and survivors of atrocities. In other words, providing assistance in the wake of mass-atrocities is not a supererogatory act of charity, rather, it is a duty which we owe to the victims of these horrible crimes.
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Flessati, Valerie. "PAX : the history of a Catholic peace society in Britain 1936-1971." Thesis, University of Bradford, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/3801.
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In 1936 the founders of PAX aimed at 'resistance to modern warfare on grounds of traditional morality'. Believing that 'just war' criteria could no longer be met, they called themselves pacifists. Although most members were Roman Catholic Pax did not claim to be a 'Catholic society' because the RC Church at that time took an opposing view, particularly of conscientious objection. Church authorities attempted to censor Pax literature and instructed clergy to resign from the society. Pax supported conscientious objectors during the Second World War. When membership declined afterwards it continued to publish the Pax Bulletin and to provide a forum where Catholics could debate theological and practical questions of war and peace. By the 1960s Pax had gained some distinguished sponsors and a branch in the United States - support which enabled it to influence debate at the Second Vatican Council in 1965. The Council endorsed the right to conscientious objection. In 1971 Pax merged with Pax Christi, the international Catholic peace organisation which began in France in 1944/45. This is the first detailed historical study of the Roman Catholic element in the British peace movement. The story of Pax demonstrates the part that even a small pressure group can play in changing public opinion through patient work. Eventually, despite apathy and opposition, Pax helped bring the RC Church to a recognition of the right to conscientious objection and played a crucial role in the development of a more widespread peace movement within the Church
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Lundquist, Joel. "Killing Terrorists - Armed Drones and the Ethics of War." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22322.
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The aim of this thesis is to answer the question whether the U.S. policy on targeted killings with combat drones is compatible with the legal doctrine of just war theory, applicable international law, and human rights law. Moreover, this paper intends to examine the legal issues arising from the U.S. practice of international law in relation to the justification of targeted killings. The purpose of this thesis is to determine whether the practice of targeted killings can be considered lawful and, if not, to provide knowledge about how the method violates applicable international law and the ethics of war. The focus is placed on relevant treaties and customary international law, and just war theory is used as a theoretical complement to explain the meaning and purpose of selected laws in order to determine their applicability to the research problem. Furthermore, this procedure has been conducted by using a legal method to identify the legal problem and interpret relevant sources of law in order to determine their applicability to the research problem. The thesis has determined that the U.S. policy on targeted killings with combat drones is not consistent with applicable international law and fundamental human rights law. In particular, the practice of targeted killings violates the principle of distinction.
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Jørgensen, Hansine Kryhlmand. "Decision-makers’ Use and Abuse of Human Rights - A study into the role of human rights in the political decision-making process leading up to Denmark’s military engagement in Iraq." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21721.
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The thesis critically assesses the decision-making process leading up to the acceptance of bill B 118 which approved Danish military action in the American-led multilateral coalition ‘Operation Iraqi Freedom’. The analysis will use coding through a qualitative content analysis to investigate the potential use and abuse of human rights framework by decision-makers, during this process. Theories of just war, activist military politics and the decision-making theory of perception and misperception are used to provide the foundation for the content analysis, as well as positioning the results in the context of the wider political sphere. Though the nature of the investigation does not allow for absolute conclusions, the findings demonstrated how human rights were indeed used as a tool of both persuasion in the hunt for support and as a means to legitimise actions.
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Liebnitzky, Jan. "Moral Disengagement in media and Moral Identity activation: their interactive effect on support of war." Master's thesis, Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2015. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-164902.
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People can disengage from their internalized moral standards and self-regulation in order to perform immoral behaviour by using different Moral Disengagement mechanisms. These mechanisms within media have a positive effect on immoral behaviour. However, Moral Identity activation is said to counter arguments of Moral Disengagement. In this study, both concepts are applied to the context of war. An additional assumption took into account in how far participants’ internalized moral standards consider war as immoral. This is important since Moral Identity and Moral Disengagement are based on internalized moral standards. To test the hypotheses, this study employed a 2 x 2 RO between-subjects factorial design. The trait variable called Moral Consideration of War was supposed to reflect participants’ internalized moral standards with regard to war. It was used to operationalize the additional assumption. Factor 1 varied the activation of Moral Identity (Moral Identity activation versus control group) and factor 2 varied the depiction of the war scenario (Permissive Scenario versus Prohibitive Scenario). Scenarios were fictive newspaper articles. A Permissive Scenario comprised a higher number of arguments based on Moral Disengagement mechanisms than a Prohibitive Scenario. Main outcome measures were the support of war and war-related Moral Disengagement (questionnaire). In total 86 participants (f=45, m=41) were randomized into four cells and completed the online experiment. The Permissive Scenario failed to increase support of war and Moral Disengagement (questionnaire), on the assumption that war is considered immoral. Moral Identity activation had a negative effect on Moral Disengagement only on the assumption that war was considered moral. Moral Identity activation had no significant effect on support of war, on the premise that war was considered immoral. The interaction term of Moral Identity activation and Permissive Scenario had no significant effect neither on support of war nor on Moral Disengagement, no matter if additional assumption was taken into account or not. Results are discussed with regard to methodological limitations measuring internalized moral standards. Their measurement implied already individual Moral Disengagement. Interaction effect failed, supposedly because Moral Identity activation was not specifically targeted at immoral behaviour and because mediating effects of Moral Identity centrality were not consideredDie Mechanismen der Moralischen Entkopplung lösen das Selbst von internalisierten moralischen Standards und verhindern damit die Selbstregulierung des moralischen Verhaltens. Diese Mechanismen kommen auch in Medien vor und tragen zu unmoralischem Verhalten bei. Die Aktivierung der Moralischen Identität wirkt jedoch den Mechanismen der Moralischen Entkopplung entgegen. In dieser Studie werden beide Konzepte auf das Thema Krieg übertragen. Dabei ist wichtig zu beachten, dass internalisierte moralische Standards Krieg als unmoralisch bewerten. Schließlich basieren sowohl Moralische Entkopplung als auch die Aktivierung der Moralischen Identität auf dieser zusätzlichen Annahme. Zur Überprüfung der Hypothesen wurde ein 2 x 2 RO Between-Subjects Design verwendet. Faktor 1 variierte die Aktivierung von Moralischer Identität (Aktivierung Moralische Identität versus Kontrollgruppe). Faktor 2 variierte die Permissivität eines Kriegsszenarios in einem Zeitungsartikel (Permissives Szenario versus Prohibitives Szenario). Dabei wurde Permissivität hinsichtlich der Anzahl der Moralischen Entkopplungsmechanismen operationalisiert (Viele versus Wenig). Als Organismusvariable ist die Moralische Bewertung von Krieg zur Überprüfung der zusätzlichen Annahme notwendig gewesen. Abhängige Variablen waren die Unterstützung von Krieg und Moralische Entkopplung (Fragebogen). Teilnehmerinnen und Teilnehmer (N=86, f=45, m=41) des online Experiments wurden in vier verschiedene Versuchsbedingungen randomisiert. Die Ergebnisse zeigten, dass die Permissivität des Kriegsszenarios keinen Effekt auf Moralische Entkopplung (Fragebogen) oder die Unterstützung von Krieg hatte, unter Berücksichtigung der Zusatzannahme. Moralische Identitätsaktivierung verringerte Moralische Entkopplung (Fragebogen) aber nur unter der Bedingung, dass Krieg als moralisch bewertet wurde. Moralische Entkopplung hatte keinen Effekt auf die Unterstützung von Krieg, unter Berücksichtigung der Zusatzannahme. Die Interaktion von Moralischer Identitätsaktivierung mit der Permissivität des Kriegsszenarios war nicht signifikant, unabhängig davon ob die Zusatzannahme berücksichtigt wurde oder nicht. Die Ergebnisse werden in Bezug auf die methodischen Probleme bei der Messung internalisierter moralischer Standards diskutiert. Es fanden vermutlich Prozesse der Moralischen Entkopplung bereits während der Messung dieser Standards statt. Der fehlende Interaktionseffekt kann an der schwachen und unspezifischen Aktivierung der Moralischen Identität liegen, sowie nicht berücksichtigter Mediatoren, wie z.B. die Zentralität von Moralischer Identität
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Albayrak, Aydin. "The Possiblity Of Conceiving Universal Human Rights In The Sixteenth Century Political Theory: The Views Of Vitoria And Las Casas." Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12605288/index.pdf.
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In this thesis,it has been aimed to evaluate the claims of which argue that the human rights thought has been firstly formulated by Francisco de Vitoria and Bartolome de Las Casas in the early sixteenth century Spain.
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Renfro, Zachariah M. "Restorative Post Bellum Integration." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1564668493624408.
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Lundquist, Joel. "RIKTAT DÖDANDE - Lag och moral i en asymmetrisk värld." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23845.
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Som ett resultat av attackerna mot USA den 11 september 2001 förklarade dåvarande president George W Bush krig mot terrorismen den 20 september samma år. Sex dagar senare undertecknade Bush ett direktiv vilket auktoriserade den civila amerikanska underrättelsetjänsten Central Intelligence Agency att utföra riktat dödande mot fördefinierade individer i syftet att förhindra nya attacker från terroristnätverket Al Qaeda, talibanerna och associerade styrkor. Bush initierade det amerikanska bruket av så kallade ”drone strikes” i anslutning till krigsförklaringen med intentionen att eliminera misstänkta terrorister utan möjlighet till en rättvis rättegång, Obama-administrationen har valt att fortsätta utöva policyn. Syftet med studien är att fastställa huruvida USA:s juridiska rättfärdigande och bruk av folkrätt i relation till genomförandet av riktat dödande och användandet av obemannade luftfarkoster i kriget mot terrorismen kan betraktas vara förenligt med doktrinen för just war theory och gällande internationell rätt. Vidare undersöker studien effekterna av det amerikanska bruket av folkrätten i relation till civilbefolkningen och den internationella humanitära rätten. Relevant lagtext och krigsetikens sedvanerättsliga principer jämförs med USA:s bruk av folkrätt för att fastställa agerandets legalitet. Vidare påvisar studien att programmet för riktat dödande inte kan anses vara förenligt med just war theory och gällande internationell lag och att bruket av drönare hamnar i konflikt med gällande internationell rätt i relation till hur de används under kriget mot terrorismen.As a result of the attacks against the United States on September 11, 2001 then President George W Bush declared a war on terror. Six days later, Bush signed a directive which authorized the Central Intelligence Agency to carry out targeted killings against predefined individuals with the purpose to prevent any future attacks from the terrorist network Al Qaeda, as well as the Taliban and associated forces. In conjunction with the declaration of war president Bush initiated the American practice of so-called "drone strikes" with the intention to eliminate suspected terrorists without access to a fair trial, the practice has continued under the mandate of the Obama-administration. The aim of this study is to examine whether the US legal justification for the use of targeted killings and unmanned aerial vehicles in the war against terrorism can be regarded as compatible with the doctrine of just war theory and applicable international law. Furthermore, the study examines the effects of the US practice on international humanitarian customary law in relation to the civilian population. The U.S. justification of targeted killing is compared with international law to determine the lawfulness from a legal perspective. Furthermore, the study demonstrates that the practice is not compatible with the doctrine of just war theory and applicable international law. The use of drones violates international customary law in relation to how they are used under the current conflict.
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Durin, Guillaume. "L’énonciation du discours intellectuel de guerre juste aux Etats-Unis de 1971 à 2005 : exploration socio-discursive des trajectoires et des propositions de Jean Bethke Elshtain, James Turner Johnson, Michael Walzer et George Weigel." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011LYO30093.
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Depuis plus d’une soixantaine d’années, le débat de politique étrangère aux Etats-Unis fait référence à la « tradition » ou la « théorie » de la guerre juste et se décline en partie autour de conceptions, de critères et de postures qui y sont apparentés. La pratique est vivifiée par des philosophes, des politologues, des théologiens inscrits dans des contextes variés dont Michael Walzer, Jean B. Elshtain, James T. Johnson et George Weigel. Malgré des trajectoires et des choix dissemblables, ils ont notamment en commun de faire face à d’autres penseurs développant des perspectives moins enclines à admettre la mise en relation qu’ils pratiquent entre guerre et morale. Leurs prises de parole croisent celles de plusieurs séries de référents, d'alliés et de contradicteurs dont Reinhold Niebuhr, Paul Ramsey, William O’Brien, John Courtney Murray mais aussi Hans Morgenthau et plus récemment Richard Rorty, Noam Chomsky, Howard Zinn, Edward Saïd, Drew Christiansen, Martin L. Cook, John Langan, ou Bryan Hehir. La longévité de la communauté socio-discursive démontre la persistance d’un engagement intellectuel marqué par la volonté de promouvoir la justice et les principes éthiques et de dissoudre la dichotomie bellicisme/irénisme, cynisme/messianisme, pour défendre une « réalité morale de la guerre » située dans une forme avancée de « réalisme moral ». Les dynamiques à l’œuvre s’avèrent orientées par la recherche d’une « juste » conjugaison éthico-politique mais aussi par des logiques de positionnement et d’occupation au sein d’espaces délibératifs hautement conflictuels. Leur interprétation mobilise une perspective politologique socio-discursive et conflictualiste : socio-discursive car ancrée dans la pragmatique interactionniste développée par le linguiste Dominique Maingueneau et conflictualiste au sens que lui donne le sociologue Randall Collins. Elle souligne, pour finir, l’intérêt exploratoire des notions d’inter et de contre-discours mais aussi de communauté et de coalition socio-discursivesFor more than sixty years, the debate about the US foreign policy has referred to the “just war” theory. It has been based on conceptions and paradigms connected to that traditional notion of “just war” and invigorated by philosophers, political scientists or theologians including Michael Walzer, Jean B. Elshtain, James T. Johnson and George Weigel. The latter have different backgrounds and made dissimilar intellectual choices but they have common points, in particular a common aim to confront theorists that are not prone to link war and ethics. The “just war” thinkers interacts with several referred authors, with followers and detractors, including Reinhold Niebuhr, Paul Ramsey, William O’Brien, John Courtney Murray but also Hans Morgenthau and more recently, Richard Rorty, Noam Chomsky, Howard Zinn, Edward Saïd, Martin L. Cook, Drew Christiansen, John Langan, or Bryan Hehir. The durability of the socio-discursive community shows the persistence of an intellectual involvement characterized by the will to promote justice and ethical principles and to make the dichotomy between warmongering and irenicism, between cynicism and messianism, to defend the “moral reality of mar” belonging to an advanced form of “moral realism”. The dynamics at work turn out to be oriented by the seaking of a “just” combination between politics and ethics but also by positioning and occupancy logics within highly controversial deliberative areas. Therefore, the interpretation of the contemporary “just war” intellectual discourse requests the use of a socio-discursive and conflictualist perspective, issued from Dominique Maingueneau’s pragmatic theory and from Randall Collins’ sociology of intellectual conflicts. Lastly, the debates about a “just war” theory highlights interpretative interest of inter- and counter- discourse notions but also of socio-discursive coalitions and communities
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Evans, Karen S. "Just when you thought it was complicated enough: Literature discussions meet critical theory." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/186503.
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The use of literature discussion groups is enjoying increasing popularity in many language arts classrooms. Most research investigating this instructional practice has focused on the intellectual abilities necessary for students to conduct their own literature discussions (i.e., supporting opinions, asking questions). What has been missing in such research is how social and cultural factors might also influence how students engage in discussions. The purpose of the present study was to investigate what occurs when students conduct peer-led literature discussions and how the particular factor of social status influences the discourse and participation patterns in such discussion groups. Two literature discussion groups in a fifth-grade classroom were videotaped as they participated in their discussions. One group contained all female members and one was a mixed-gender group. Each group discussed their book for six days. All members of the class completed a sociometric measure to obtain student-perceived status of classmates. Constant-comparison and content analyses were used to analyze the descriptive data. The two groups differed in the purposes and the frames of reference they used to guide their discussions. The all-girl group focused on text-related purposes and utilized personal connections to discuss the book. The mixed-gender group's discussion was dominated by social talk and predominately used text-bound references to discuss their book. Social status influenced the participation patterns differently for the two groups and appeared to be related to the distribution of status within the group. The findings suggest that social factors such as gender and status influence how students negotiate participation and discourse patterns when leading themselves in literature discussions. The all-girl group's use of personal connections when discussing the book presents a possible alternative conception of what has traditionally been viewed as "girl-talk." The results also suggest that motivational (i.e., how much the group likes their book) and text (i.e., genre) factors are potentially influential factors in determining how students conduct discussions of literature.
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Andrade, Daniel Justiniano. "Guerra justa: uma análise teórica a partir do pensamento de João Calvino." Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie, 2008. http://tede.mackenzie.br/jspui/handle/tede/2501.
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Previous issue date: 2008-06-25Fundo Mackenzie de Pesquisa
This research approaches the justification of the war starting from the point of view of the reformer John Calvin. Is the war fair or sacrilegious, divine or diabolical? Are the safety and the social justice, the individual freedom, the democracy, the equality, the social well-being guaranteed or done annihilate by the war? Does the thought of Calvin possess rational bases of what they justify the war and do they disqualify the religious fanaticism at the same time? Or will it be that his reasons for the war lead unavoidably to the unfaithful conversion for the fire and for the sword? Does it converge or diverge of the classic of the political science? Is it possible to find now in the countries heirs of the Calvino´s politics any likeness the essence of his thought? This research intends to answer these subjects. The starting point is the consideration of the narrow relationship among the several aspects of Calvino´s political theory and of these with certain details of his theology. The justifications of Calvin for the war, link with the authority reputed to the Bible and the history by him, the sovereignty and the providence of God, the existence of natural laws, the depravity of the mankind, the divine institution of the authorities and his duties and the legitimacy of the death penalty.
Esta pesquisa aborda a justificativa da guerra a partir do ponto de vista do reformador João Calvino. A guerra é justa ou sacrílega, divina ou diabólica? A segurança e a justiça social, as liberdades individuais, a democracia, a igualdade, o bem-estar social, são garantidos ou aniquilados pela guerra? O pensamento de Calvino possui bases racionais que justificam a guerra e desqualificam ao mesmo tempo o fanatismo religioso ou será que suas razões para a guerra conduzem inevitavelmente à conversão dos infiéis pelo fogo e pela espada? De que forma sua teoria converge ou diverge dos clássicos da ciência política? É possível encontrar atualmente nos países herdeiros da política de Calvino qualquer semelhança à essência do seu pensamento? Esta pesquisa se propõe a responder estas questões. O ponto de partida é a consideração da estreita relação entre os vários aspectos da teoria política de Calvino e destes com certos detalhes de sua teologia. As justificativas de Calvino para a guerra se relacionam com a autoridade por ele reputada à Bíblia e à história, a soberania e a providência de Deus, a existência de leis naturais, a depravação do gênero humano, a divina instituição das autoridades e seus deveres e a legitimidade da pena de morte.
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Bacha, Karin. ""Like a human being, I was an equal, I wasn't just a patient" : service users' perspectives on their experiences of relationships with staff in mental health services." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2017. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/like-a-human-being-i-was-an-equal-i-wasnt-just-a-patient-service-users-perspectives-on-their-experiences-of-relationships-with-staff-in-mental-health-services(97a0f8ce-ddf6-4ffa-9e11-0913fadcc53b).html.
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Background: Therapeutic relationships in psychiatry services have been shown to have a significant impact on outcomes for people in severe mental distress. Service user experience-based studies consistently show relationships are an important factor in either helping or hindering recovery. Few studies have conducted a detailed exploration into the interpersonal mechanisms within these relationships by asking service users directly about what emotional impact these relationships have had on them. This is important knowledge for improving the quality of mental healthcare for people in severe mental distress. Aims: The purpose was to co-create a piece of research with a service user organisation that explored services users' experiences and perceptions of helpful and hindering relationships with mental health practitioners. The aim was to gain a greater understanding of the components in the relationship that brought about psychological change. Little research about relationships in psychiatry settings has been conducted in collaboration with service users outside of government-led mental health services. Participants: Eight participants were recruited from the service user organisation. The participants self-reported as having a mental health problem. Seven of the eight participants had long-term experience of using psychiatry services. Method: This research was service user-informed. The data was collected using single in-depth interviews focused on service users' views of their relationships with mental health practitioners. Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) methodology was used to analyse the data and explore the participants' lived experiences of relationships in mental health services. Findings: The main themes identified were 'Trying to survive: am I a person or just an object in the system', 'Traumatic experiences and relationships' and 'Transformative relationships'. The findings showed the transformative components of these relationships were power, security and identity. The findings highlighted how the participants experienced a relationship to the system of psychiatry through their relationships with staff. Conclusions: How the components of power, security and identity were managed by practitioners determined whether relationships helped or hindered recovery. The responsibility for relationships in psychiatry needs to be broadened beyond the interpersonal relationship provided by practitioners. The systemic institution of psychiatry based on statutory control, risk aversion, the biomedical model and under resourcing were a cause of many of the problems in relationships in psychiatry settings.
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Chung, Andrew H. "A Kantian Revision of the Doctrine of Double Effect." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1350.
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In this paper, I will present a Kantian revision of the Doctrine of Double Effect (DDE). In order to do so, I will explain the concept of jus in bello – focusing in particular on the distinction between intent and foresight. I will then argue that we ought to take an agency-inspired look at the DDE. Finally, I will conclude by arguing for my thesis that Boyle’s theory of agency, while good, needs to be revised in order to accommodate concerns stemming from Kant’s Formula of Humanity… namely consent.
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Jones, Laurence W. "The Persian Gulf War: a case in just war theory." Thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/24338.
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Christopher, Paul Pasquale. "Just war theory: An historical and philosophical analysis." 1990. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations/AAI9100514.
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Pacifism and realism both presuppose an unbridgeable gap between war and morality. The pacifist, abhorring the suffering caused by violence, concludes that war is the consummate evil and rejects it under any circumstances. The realist, beginning from a similar assessment regarding the evil of war, concludes that those who bring war on a peaceful nation deserve all the maledictions its people can pour out. These views reflect the negative duty not intentionally to harm innocent persons, on one hand, and the positive obligation that innocent persons be protected, on the other. The pacifist views the prohibition against harming others as more fundamental; the realist accepts the positive duty to protect others as more basic. Historically, the just war tradition has provided an alternative to these extremes. Recent events in the conduct of wars around the world have, however, called into question the relevancy of certain aspects of the just war tradition for modern wars. In this work I critically examine the notion of a just war in terms of both jus ad bellum, or the justifications for going to war, and jus in bello, or the just means of waging war, as it is reflected in international law. I begin with a discussion of various formulations of the realist's and pacifist's positions and argue that the just war tradition provides a reasonable alternative to either of these extremes. I then briefly trace the historical development of the just war tradition beginning with Roman Law. The purpose of this historical analysis is to identify those moral principles and arguments that inspired the development of various aspects of the just war tradition so that these same principles and arguments can be used as a basis for reevaluating existing rules in light of modern tactics and technology. Finally, I expose and discuss serious deficiencies with the way the just war tradition is reflected in current international law and offer proposals for how these problems might be addressed. My conclusion is that the just war tradition can provide effective guidelines for ameliorating the tragedy of war now and into the 21st Century if the issues I identify are adequately addressed.