Journal articles on the topic 'Justin Bieber'

This research entitled Deixis in Justin Bieber’s Songs. The aims of this research is to analyze kind of deixis that used of Justin Bieber’s song lyrics in ‘Purpose Album and dominant deixis that used in this song. The focus types deixis which analyzed are: person dexis, place deixis and time deixis.The data used to complete this study is song lyrics of Justin Bieber in ‘Purpose Album. The song lyrics data got from internet browsing. Descriptive qualitative design is used to conduct this research. Having analyzed the data, the findings of this study are: (a) There are three kinds deixis are found, namely: person deixis (you,I, we, it, me, us, your, myself, yourself), time deixis (all day, all night, then, when, once, twice, tonight, at second chance, all the times, night, and place deixis (in this game, in my work, on my own); (b) The deixis words to be analyzed are 145 words; 130 words are person deixis, 11 words are time deixis, 4 words are place deixis; (c) The dominantly deixis that found is person deixis are 130 words or 89,6%. The researcher proposes student should learn deixis from song lyrics, because it’s familiar in society. Keywords: Deixis, Song Lyric, Place Deixis, Time Deixis, Person Deixis

What Do You Mean?” was an undeniable bop of its era in which Justin Bieber explores the ambiguities of romantic communication. (I pinky promise this will soon make sense for scholarly communication librarians interested in artificial intelligence [AI].) When the single hit airwaves in 2015, there was a meta-debate over what Bieber meant to add to public discourse with lyrics like “What do you mean? Oh, oh, when you nod your head yes, but you wanna say no.” It is unlikely Bieber had consent culture in mind, but the failure of his songwriting team to take into account that some audiences might interpret it that way was ironic, considering the song is all about interpreting signals.

In this article, we explore the ways that contemporary young masculinities are performed and regulated through young people's relationship with celebrity. We address the relative paucity of work on young men's engagements with popular culture. Drawing on qualitative data from group interviews with 148 young people (aged 14-17) in England, we identify ‘celebrity talk’ as a site in which gender identities are governed, negotiated and resisted. Specifically we argue that celebrity as a space of imagination can bring to the study of masculinities a focus on their affective and collective mobilisation. Unpicking young men's and women's talk about Canadian pop star Justin Bieber and British boyband One Direction, we show how disgust and humour operate as discursive-affective practices which open up and close down certain meanings and identities. We conclude that while there have been shifts in the ways that masculinities are performed and regulated, hierarchies of masculinities anchored through hegemonic masculinity remain significant.

A partir da relação tensiva do cantor Justin Bieber e seus fãs, ao longo da turnê Purpose, que passou pelo Brasil entre os meses de março e abril de 2017, levanta-se um conjunto de questionamentos que apontam para: 1. a tentativa de construir um reconhecimento artístico para Bieber, cuja trajetória é fortemente marcada por questionamentos em torno de seus dotes musicais; 2. a estratégia de construção de autenticidade que passa pela performatização do “bad boy”, largamente difundida no universo do rap; 3. a dinâmica de pedagogia da emoção dos fãs, em torno de uma ética que aponta para os limites entre corpos e sujeitos em contextos de alta visibilidade.

This article provides a critical analysis of “#thatPOWER”—a music video featuring will.i.am and Justin Bieber. This analysis focuses on the tensions and binary oppositions depicted in the video that pertain to social and geographic placement (e.g., “race,” gender, religion). Social science scholarship on youth and Wendy Brown’s account of neoliberalism are drawn on to argue that while “#thatPOWER” emphasizes individual agency and social advancement via will.i.am’s own achievements and aspirations, what is unintentionally promoted is an ironic vision of what we call the "Bieber Republic,” where agency via participatory democracy is erased. “#thatPOWER” neatly serves neoliberalism by tacitly “teaching” that social problems can be solved by individual achievement and mobility secured by inner energy and grit, backgrounded by market competition, consumerism, and technology. In this way “#thatPOWER” is complicit with what Brown calls the “stealth revolution” of neoliberalism.

Abstract In the early 21st century, the angel became a recurrent image within the visual economy of pop music stardom. By considering the case of Justin Bieber (whose angel invocations give expression to his struggles with celebrity, faith, and the pathology of Whiteness), the author reveals how biographical factors alone cannot account for the angel’s contemporary resonance. Instead, and drawing upon Walter Benjamin’s concept of wish image, the author argues that this invocational pattern reflects a general desire for a one-to-one correspondence between being and doing—here understood as a manifestation of the ur-historical longing for absolution. Because this desire is ambivalent, the angel has historically been invoked to symbolize wishes as divergent as fascism’s ideal gender relations and radical utopia’s equality. In this way, the angel’s current ubiquity alerts us to the role resonant myths often play in the elaboration of collective desires, while pointing toward their implications for emancipatory strategy.

<p>This paper analyses collective and individual identity construction processes in adolescent fan communities mediated by multimodal discourse. Our approach is supported by ethnographic work with teenage girls belonging to music communities built around One Direction and Justin Bieber, and rooted in participant observation. Firstly, we will show how participating in communities of practice, undertaking tasks which give meaning to group activities, contributes to the construction of a social and cultural identity supported by the interpretation, production and dissemination of texts. Secondly, we will examine how subjective and personal identities related to feelings, emotions and situations of support are also built by the fan community.</p><div class="grammarly-disable-indicator"> </div><div class="grammarly-disable-indicator"> </div><div class="grammarly-disable-indicator"> </div>

The purpose of this study is to describe kinds of lexical cohesion and to know frequent lexical cohesion used to support the cohesiveness of discourse in Justin Bieber and Jaden Smith’s song entitled “Never Say Never”. The subject of this study is “Never Say Never” song lyrics. This study uses descriptive qualitative that focuses on lexical cohesion in particular synonym, repetition (anaphora and epistrophe repetition) and antonym. The instrument that the researchers used are books, earphone, youtube and other supporting tools. From this study, the result shows that the lyrics of “Never Say Never” song contains eleven forms of lexical cohesion, consisting of two synonyms, seven repetitions, and two antonyms. So the most frequent occurrence in the data is repetition. The function of lexical cohesion is to make the lyrics have harmonization that makes the lyrics more meaningful

AbstractThis article examines the expansion of the US children's music industry in the last decade. It considers the sanitising of Top 40 pop for child audiences in the Kidz Bop compilations, the entrance of Disney into the popular music market and the meteoric rise of tween music products such as High School Musical, Hannah Montana/Miley Cyrus, the Jonas Brothers and Justin Bieber. It shows that, as children increasingly consume mainstream musical products, in the converse dynamic children's artists themselves play an increasingly prominent role in popular culture and in many ways have taken the lead both in commercial success and in stylistic innovations. Examining public expressions of age-based solidarity among celebrity musicians associated with children, this article argues that children's music is increasingly articulated through tropes of identity politics, and represents the early stages of a childhood counterpublic.

Luis Fonsi and Daddy Yankee’s song “Despacito” shattered numerous records to become one of the most successful Spanish-language songs in U.S. pop music history. Declared 2017’s “Song of the Summer,” the “Despacito” remix featuring Justin Bieber prompted discussions about the racial dynamics of crossover for Latin music and Latina/o artists. However, little attention was paid to the ways that “Despacito”’s success in the Latin music market demonstrated similar racial dynamics within Latin music, especially in the song’s engagement with reggaeton, a genre originally associated with Black and working-class communities. This paper examines the racial politics that surround “Despacito”’s success in both the Latin mainstream and the U.S. mainstream. We argue that “Despacito” reinforces stereotypes of blackness in the Latin mainstream in ways that facilitate reggaeton’s crossover. In turn, Fonsi himself becomes attributed with similar stereotypes, especially around hypersexuality, that represent him as a tropical Latina/o racialized other in the United States. Through close readings of media coverage of “Despacito” alongside the song’s music video, we argue that it is critical to look at “Despacito”’s success in both the Latin mainstream and the U.S. mainstream in order to examine the complex and contradictory process of crossing over.

Semantics is the study of the meaning of words, phrases and sentences. Connotative meaning can be found in literary work including song lyrics. A song can also become a media to introduce social values. In this study, the researcher focus on connotative meaning using Chaer’s (2013) theory and sense a values of American people using theory by Khols (1984). The data source in this study are Justin Bieber’s song lyrics. This research was done by analyzing the data qualitatively. Techniques of data collection are done by downloading the song and the lyrics, listening the song, reading the lyrics and watching the videos. Data analysis was done by adapting Miles and Huberman’s theory (1984). The step of data analysis are: reduction of data, display of data, verification of data and conclusion. The result of the research describe words contain connotative meaning and values of American people. The total of data contain connotative meaning are sixteen, six words include in equality/egalitarianism Americans values, four words include in material/acquisitiveness American values, one word include in time and its control American values, three words include in change American values and one word include in self-help concept American values.

Somehow, of late I had got into the way of involuntarily using the word “prefer” upon all sorts of not exactly suitable occasions. And I trembled to think that my contact with the scrivener had already seriously affected me in a mental way. And what further and deeper aberration might it not yet produce?—Herman Melville, “Bartleby the Scrivener” (22-23)His brain was jerking forward likea bad slide projector. Hesaw the doorwaythe house the night the world andon the other side of the world somewhere Herakles laughing drinking gettinginto a car and Geryon'swhole body formed one arch of a cry—upcast to that custom, the human customof wrong love.—Anne Carson, Autobiography of Red (75)Like eyes that looked on Wastes—Incredulous of OughtBut Blank—and steady Wilderness—Diversified by Night—Just Infinites of Nought—As far as it could see—So looked the face I looked upon—So looked itself—on Me—I offered it no Help— Because the Cause was Mine—The Misery a CompactAs hopeless—as divine—Neither—would be absolved—Neither would be a QueenWithout the Other—Therefore—We perish—tho' We reign——Emily Dickinson, poem 693Herman Melville, Anne Carson, and Emily Dickinson. These authors' bits of language just claimed me as I stared at some books on my office shelf, and I'm not sure exactly what to make of these passages except that I like them. So I'm listing them for you. You might also like them. I like many things, and in no particular order. For instance, here's what I “liked” one day, not long ago, on Facebook: a picture of the word Puppies! scrawled on a sidewalk; a New York Times story about the disorganization of the bicentennial of the War of 1812 (that war has a huge, nearly comical significance in my adopted country of Canada—did you know that Canadians burned down the White House?); an audio clip of Justin Bieber, featuring Busta Rhymes, singing “Little Drummer Boy”; my friend and colleague Jordan Stein's “vegan homo Thanksgiving” photo album; a posting by my “friend” “Emily Dickinson”; numerous updates about and images of the November 2011 pepper spraying of protesting students on the University of California, Davis, campus. I could go on and on, which is probably one of the reasons I, and millions of others, go on and on Facebook. Disorderly is the right word, but the likes are not quite random. People have generated these items, these virtual objects of interest, for rapid public consumption and, with the ubiquity of the “Like” button, for rapid public response. They (we) put stuff out there in part because we're showing off our preferences, or if not our preferences (even though they will be acknowledged with our liking) then at least things that interest us and (we hope) others. It's hard to know exactly what liking something on Facebook means because a like is nearly the same thing as an acknowledgment, something that says, “Yes, I clicked on this item, and it did not displease me.” And often people complain in comments that they wish there were variations on the “Like” button (“I want to express my anger with this piece of information—I wish there were a ‘Hate’ button”). Whatever our motivations or the nature of our interest in what we curate for the world on Facebook, these objects for consumption often go under the heading of like; so, like it or not, we're reading for like—we're doing a little like reading.

El hurto figura entre los comportamientos delictivos que más afectan los bienes particulares y que mayor incidencia tiene en la precepción de inseguridad ciudadana. La política criminal estatal ha resultado ineficaz en su labor de reducir este delito y garantizar la protección de los bienes de sus habitantes, conforme al mandato constitucional y, por el contrario, se observa una tendencia al alza. Esta situación revela la necesidad de establecer las diferentes causas que lo generan y las políticas públicas que se vienen implementando para la garantía del patrimonio económico. Para ello, este estudio analiza desde una perspectiva criminológica el abordaje del tema en el país y su conformidad con las garantías y derechos fundamentales de los infractores. Se concluye que la política criminal en esta materia ha sido principalmente represiva, aunque en los últimos años se observa un incremento en las medidas jurídicas y sociales de carácter preventivo e integral.

Con el propósito de atender los compromisos adquiridos en la Convención de Viena, los países incorporaron a sus estatutos penales el delito de lavado de activos, inicialmente como una forma de encubrimiento y luego como un punible autónomo. Esta técnica legislativa ha generado una serie de polémicas, especialmente relacionadas con los delitos fuente, es decir aquellos de los que provienen los bienes a los cuales se busca dar apariencia de legalidad. En este artículo se abordan esos cuestionamientos desde la óptica de la doctrina y la jurisprudencia.

Bardet-Biedel syndrome (BBS) is a rare autosomal recessive, genetically heterogeneous ciliopathy. Although the disease has been described in a patient with psoriasis, individuals with BBS are not known to be at risk of developing autoimmune disorders. Our objective was to describe a 14-year-old patient with BBS who presented with Crohn disease (CD), primary sclerosing cholangitis (PSC), and thyroiditis in the context of a cohort review at Sainte-Justine Hospital and to alert clinicians to the increased risk of autoimmune disorders in these patients. The cohort contained fifteen patients (9 boys), followed from 1968 to 2009 during a median period of 12 years (range 9 months–26 years). Three of the 15 patients (20%) developed a chronic autoimmune disease: one had juvenile rheumatoid arthritis; a second one had type 1 diabetes mellitus in association with Hashimoto thyroiditis and psoriasis; a third one developed CD, PSC, and Hashimoto thyroiditis. As chronic autoimmune diseases occurred in 20% of our cohort of children with BBS, it is appropriate to keep this association in mind during the followup.

El auge de la comercialización de bienes inmuebles sobre planos en las últimas dos décadas, ha cambiado las tendencias del negocio de la construcción, erigiéndose como una figura novedosa e interesante para el campo jurídico, por lo que es preciso delimitar lo que se entiende por la compraventa de inmuebles sobre planos en el imaginario colectivo o la comercialización de los mismos sobre planos a través de esquemas de vinculación en fiducia mercantil y lo que en estricto derecho implica este negocio jurídico, con miras a poder dimensionar si efectivamente el negocio es tan ventajoso como aparece tan publicitado en el sector inmobiliario y de la construcción, observando que en tanto que existe una expectativa futura de adquirir un inmueble, garantizada por la otra parte contratante o por un tercero que asume una posición de garante al administrar los recursos recibidos para el desarrollo de las actividades pactadas, se hace necesario que los sujetos involucrados (comprador, vendedor y entidad fiduciaria) conozcan las implicaciones legales y contractuales existentes a la hora de celebrar este tipo de contratos (innominados) dentro de la legislación civil colombiana.

El caribe colombiano ha sido, desde hace varias décadas, escenario de fuerte presencia de los grupos paramilitares en el marco de la dinámica del conflicto armado. La región Caribe fue, sin lugar a dudas, un escenario configurado para la acción y desarrollo de las AUC (Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia) como agente social ilegal, logrando, mediante prácticas ilegales o ilegales pero ilegítimas, alterar desde adentro el régimen y tener real influencia en la formulación, modificación, interpretación e implementación de las reglas de juego y de las políticas públicas. Así, el presente trabajo sostiene que el Bloque Norte de las Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia en el periodo 2000-2006, desplegó su accionar por medio de la “Reconfiguración Cooptada del Estado” (RcdE), persiguiendo beneficios económicos pero también políticos, además de impunidad legal y legitimidad social. Lo anterior dentro de un marco de operación más amplia: el clientelismo armado, toda vez que se privatizó la vida pública, apropiándose de bienes comunes a través de la fuerza o la amenaza real de su uso. Se estructura entonces el presente trabajo alrededor de estas dos categorias conceptuales, reconstruyendo el control paramilitar en la región caribe en el periodo señalado, describiendo cómo ha sido la captura criminal de la administración pública y señalando la influencia y magnitud de los pactos entre políticos y las AUC como parte importante de sus lógicas de control territorial.

Colombia ha sido un país en constante violencia, guerra como todas que deja huellas indelebles en el presente y futuro político, social y económico. El problema social se vislumbra ante la vulneración prolongada y sistemática de los derechos de un grupo significativo de personas que se ha visto obligada a migrar dentro de nuestro propio territorio dejando atrás no solo su patrimonio, sino su vida; ante tal situación el Estado se visto obligado a adoptar medidas que propendan por la recuperación de dicha población. Es así como surge la restitución de tierras en favor de las víctimas de desplazamiento forzado, abandono y/o despojo. En la presente investigación se advierte que a pesar de la consagración legal de una acción encaminada a la restitución de los bienes en favor de las víctimas, dicha normativa no garantizó, al menos, de manera expresa la reparación de daños de carácter extrapatrimonial, pese a que el mismo ordenamiento se encuentra iluminado por el principio de reparación integral. Ante tal omisión se propone acudir a la doctrina y jurisprudencia patria que han tratado el tema de la compensación del daño moral, acudiendo a una interpretación sistemática del ordenamiento jurídico y planteando las desventajas y costos que acarrearía no reparar, en nuestros Tribunales, de manera integral a las víctimas del conflicto armado.

La presente disertación, se orienta hacia el análisis sobre el proceso de paz en Colombia según el ordenamiento colombiano y desde un contexto histórico desde el cual se consideran los aspectos y factores que han hecho perdurar el conflicto. Los conflictos en Colombia se remontan desde los años de la independencia de Suramérica, en las cuales se luchó por la libertad frente al yugo español, sin embargo, las olas de violencia no cesaron porque hasta siglos después perduran con enfrentamientos intestinos, ya no por temas de territorialidad extracontinental sino por desacuerdos en ideológicos entre los partidos liberales y conservadores. Así se originaron grupos de enfrentamientos en la zona rural de Colombia, en la búsqueda del poder, del dominio, en un inicio en nombre de la justicia y la inclusión, entre otros, pero luego por la consecución de objetivos mediados por posiciones políticas extremas. Así como el conflicto también ha habido intentos de arreglos para la consecución de la paz, en tal sentido el acuerdo del proceso iniciado en 2012 hasta su firma en 2016 y posterior aplicación hasta el 2020. Estas dinámicas fueron examinadas desde una perspectiva cualitativa, de revisión sistémica documental, bibliográfica y de análisis, por lo que se infirió, entre algunas conclusiones; que se deben definir acuerdos con responsabilidad penal de los que han delinquido en contra de las personas, bienes públicos, generando diversos actos de violencia, privación de libertad y asesinatos masivos.

Art. 70 StPO, der die Einschränkung und den Ausschluss der Öffentlichkeit von Gerichtsverhandlungen regelt, scheint auf den ersten Blick inhaltlich klar zu sein. Die einschlägigen StPO-Kommentare befassen sich damit eher stiefmütterlich. Der Blick in gerichtliche Verfügungen oder Beschlüsse offenbart aber ein sehr unterschiedliches Verständnis der Justiz von Art. 70 und wie Verfügungen und Beschlüsse inhaltlich gestaltet sein müssen, damit sie übergeordnetem Recht und bundesgerichtlicher Rechtsprechung entsprechen. Im vorliegenden Beitrag zieht der langjährige Gerichtsberichterstatter auf der Basis von gegen 100 Verfügungen/Beschlüssen das Fazit, dass in vielen Fällen der für die Einschränkung der Medienfreiheit gebotene Grundsatz der Verhältnismässigkeit verletzt wird. Aus schlichter Unkenntnis oder magistraler Ignoranz? Als journalistischer Praktiker identifiziert der Autor Problemfelder und bietet, wo möglich und sinnvoll, Lösungsvorschläge an.

We intend to analyze the plausibility of the two kind of ethical justi-fications that are most commonly used in order to defend the concept of an «intellectual property» of copyrights. Firstly, we will examine justifications of property based on natural law, like the one originally provided by John Locke. We will argue, with the help of authors like Lysander Spooner, that the same arguments that Locke uses for property in general are entirely appli-cable to intellectual property, although this is certainly a peculiar kind of property. Secondly, we will examine whether or not we can apply to inte-llectual property the same two arguments that Utilitarian authors use for justifying property in general: the «tragedy of the commons» argument and the scarcity argument. We will claim that the first one is fully pertinent here, and that the second one is not: but this is a problem of that kind of justifi-cation of property in general, and not a problem of intellectual property as such. Key words: Intellectual property, copyright, Ethics, John Locke, Lysander Spoo-ner, Benjamin Tucker, plagiarism, Utilitarianism, iusnaturalism, natural law, commons, scarcity. Código JEL: Z0. Resumen: Se trata aquí de examinar cuán razonables resultan los dos tipos más frecuentes de justificaciones éticas que se suelen dar para abogar a favor de la existencia de una propiedad intelectual de los derechos de autor. En primer lugar, analizaremos las justificaciones de corte iusnaturalista, re-montables a John Locke. Defenderemos, con ayuda de autores como Lysan-der Spooner, que, aun cuando la propiedad intelectual es un tipo de propie-dad en cierto sentido distinto a aquella en la que Locke seguramente estaba pensando, aun así son plenamente pertinentes para ella los mismos argu-mentos que Locke ya adujo para las propiedad «material». En segundo lugar, consideraremos la aplicabilidad al caso de la propiedad intelectual de los dos argumentos utilitaristas que se suelen usar con miras a justificar la propiedad privada en general: el argumento de la «tragedia» de los bie-nes comunales y el de la escasez de recursos. Argüiremos que el primer tipo de argumento es plenamente aplicable al caso de la propiedad de dere-chos de autor; y que, aunque el segundo ciertamente no lo es, en todo caso ello no representa seguramente un problema para la propiedad intelectual, sino para la capacidad de ese argumento a la hora de dar cumplida cuen-ta de todos los tipos de propiedades existentes. Palabras clave: Propiedad intelectual, derechos de autor, ética, John Locke, Lysander Spooner, Benjamin Tucker, plagio, utilitarismo, iusnaturalismo, dere-cho natural, bienes comunales, escasez.

Introduction Children are not only born digital, they are fashioned toward a lifestyle that needs them to be digital all the time (Palfrey and Gasser). They click, tap, save, circulate, download, and upload the texts of their lives, their friends’ lives, and the anonymous lives of the people that surround them. They are socialised as Internet consumers ready to participate in digital services targeted to them as they age such as Snapchat, Instagram, and YouTube. But they are also fashioned as producers, whereby their lives are sold as content on these same markets. As commodities, the minutiae of their lives become the fodder for online circulation. Paradoxically, we also celebrate these digital behaviours as a means to express identity. Personal profile-building for adults is considered agency-building (Beer and Burrows), and as a consequence, we praise children for mimicking these acts of adult lifestyle. This article reflects on the Kids, Creative Storyworlds, and Wearables project, which involved an ethnographic study with five young children (ages 4-7), who were asked to share their autobiographical stories, creative self-narrations, and predictions about their future mediated lives (Atkins et al.). For this case study, we focus on commercialised forms of children’s automedia, and we compare discussions we had with 6-year old Cayden, a child we met in the study who expresses the desire to make himself famous online, with videos of Jacob, a child vlogger on YouTube’s Kinder Playtime, who clearly influences children like Cayden. We argue that child social influencers need consideration both as autobiographical agents and as child subjects requiring a sheltered approach to their online lives.Automedia Automedia is an emergent genre of autobiography (Smith and Watson Reading 190; “Virtually Me” 78). Broadcasting one’s life online takes many forms (Kennedy “Vulnerability”). Ümit Kennedy argues “Vlogging on YouTube is a contemporary form of autobiography in which individuals engage in a process of documenting their life on a daily or weekly basis and, in doing so, construct[ing] their identity online” (“Exploring”). Sidonie Smith and Julia Watson write that “visual and digital modes are projecting and circulating not just new subjects but new notions of subjectivity through the effects of automediality” with the result that “the archive of the self in time, in space and in relation expands and is fundamentally reorganized” (Reading 190). Emma Maguire addresses what online texts “tell us about cultural understandings of selfhood and what it means to communicate ‘real’ life through media” naming one tool, “automedia”. Further, Julie Rak calls on scholars “to rethink ‘life’ and ‘writing’ as automedia” to further “characterize the enactment of a personal life story in a new media environment.” We define automedia as a genre that involves the practices of creating, performing, sharing, circulating, and (at times) preserving one’s digital life narrative meant for multiple publics. Automedia revises identity formation, embodiment, or corporealities in acts of self-creation (Brophy and Hladki 4). Automedia also emphasizes circulation. As shared digital life texts now circulate through the behaviours of other human subjects, and automatically via algorithms in data assemblages, we contend that automediality currently involves a measure of relinquishing control over perpetually evolving mediatised environments. One cannot control how a shared life narrative will meet a public in the future, which is a revised way of thinking about autobiography. For the sake of this paper, we argue that children’s automedia ought to be considered a creative, autobiographical act, in order to afford child authors who create them the consideration they deserve as agents, now and in the future. Automedial practices often begin when children receive access to a device. The need for a distraction activity is often the reason parents hand a young child a smartphone, iPad, or even a wearable camera (Nansen). Mirroring the lives of parents, children aspire to share representations of their own personal lives in pursuit of social capital. They are often encouraged to use technologies and apps as adults do–to track aspects of self, broadcast life stories and eventually “live share” them—effectively creating, performing, sharing, and at times, seeking to preserve a public life narrative. With this practice, society inculcates children into spheres of device ubiquity, “socializing them to a future digital lifestyle that will involve always carrying a computer in some form” (Atkins et al. 49). Consequently, their representations become inculcated in larger media assemblages. Writing about toddlers, Nansen describes how the “archiving, circulation and reception of these images speaks to larger assemblages of media in which software protocols and algorithms are increasingly embedded in and help to configure everyday life (e.g. Chun; Gillespie), including young children’s media lives (Ito)” (Nansen). Children, like adult citizens, are increasingly faced with choices “not structured by their own preferences but by the economic imperatives of the private corporations that have recently come to dominate the internet” (Andrejevic). Recent studies have shown that for children and youth in the digital age, Internet fame, often characterized by brand endorsements, is a major aspiration (Uhls and Greenfield, 2). However, despite the ambition to participate as celebrity digital selves, children are also mired in the calls to shield them from exposure to screens through institutions that label these activities detrimental. In many countries, digital “protections” are outlined by privacy commissioners and federal or provincial/state statutes, (e.g. Office of the Privacy Commissioner of Canada). Consequently, children are often caught in a paradox that defines them either as literate digital agents able to compose or participate with their online selves, or as subjectified wards caught up in commercial practices that exploit their lives for commercial gain.Kids, Creative Storyworlds and Wearables ProjectBoth academic and popular cultural critics continually discuss the future but rarely directly engage the people who will be empowered (or subjugated) by it as young adults in twenty years. To address children’s lack of agency in these discussions, we launched the Kids, Creative Storyworlds and Wearables project to bring children into a dialogue about their own digital futures. Much has been written on childhood agency and participation in culture and mediated culture from the discipline of sociology (James and James; Jenks; Jenkins). In previous work, we addressed the perspective of child autobiographical feature filmmakers to explore issues of creative agency and consent when adult gatekeepers facilitate children in film production (Pedersen and Aspevig “My Eyes”; Pedersen and Aspevig “Swept”). Drawing on that previous work, this project concentrates on children’s automediated lives and the many unique concerns that materialize with digital identity-building. Children are categorised as a vulnerable demographic group necessitating special policy and legislation, but the lives they project as children will eventually become subsumed in their own adult lives, which will almost certainly be treated and mediated in a much different manner in the future. We focused on this landscape, and sought to query the children on their futures, also considering the issues that arise when adult gatekeepers get involved with child social media influencers. In the Storyworlds ethnographic study, children were given a wearable toy, a Vtech smartwatch called Kidizoom, to use over a month’s timeframe to serve as a focal point for ethnographic conversations. The Kidizoom watch enables children to take photos and videos, which are uploaded to a web interface. Before we gave them the tech, we asked them questions about their lives, including What are machines going to be like in the future? Can you imagine yourself wearing a certain kind of computer? Can you tell/draw a story about that? If you could wear a computer that gave you a super power, what would it be? Can you use your imagination to think of a person in a story who would use technology? In answering, many of them drew autobiographical drawings of technical inventions, and cast themselves in the images. We were particularly struck by the comments made by one participant, Cayden (pseudonym), a 6-year-old boy, and the stories he told us about himself and his aspirations. He expressed the desire to host a YouTube channel about his life, his activities, and the wearable technologies his family already owned (e.g. a GroPro camera) and the one we gave him, the Kidizoom smartwatch. He talked about how he would be proud to publically broadcast his own videos on YouTube, and about the role he had been allowed to play in the making of videos about his life (that were not broadcast). To contextualize Cayden’s commentary and his automedial aspirations, we extended our study to explore child social media influencers who broadcast components of their personal lives for the deliberate purpose of popularity and the financial gain of their parents.We selected the videos of Jacob, a child vlogger because we judged them to be representative of the kinds that Cayden watched. Jacob reviews toys through “unboxing videos,” a genre in which a child tells an online audience her or his personal experiences using new toys in regular, short videos on a social media site. Jacob appears on a YouTube channel called Kinder Playtime, which appears to be a parent-run channel that states that, “We enjoy doing these things while playing with our kids: Jacob, Emily, and Chloe” (see Figure 1). In one particular video, Jacob reviews the Kidizoom watch, serving as a child influencer for the product. By understanding Jacob’s performance as agent-driven automedia, as well as being a commercialised, mediatised form of advertising, we get a clearer picture of how the children in the study are coming to terms with their own digital selfhood and the realisation that circulated, life-exposing videos are the expectation in this context.Children are implicated in a range of ways through “family” influencer and toy unboxing videos, which are emergent entertainment industries (Abidin 1; Nansen and Nicoll; Craig and Cunningham 77). In particular, unboxing videos do impact child viewers, especially when children host them. Jackie Marsh emphasizes the digital literacy practices at play here that co-construct viewers as “cyberflâneur[s]” and she states that “this mode of cultural transmission is a growing feature of online practices for this age group” (369). Her stress, however, is on how the child viewer enjoys “the vicarious pleasure he or she may get from viewing the playing of another child with the toy” (376). Marsh writes that her study subject, a child called “Gareth”, “was not interested in being made visible to EvanHD [a child celebrity social media influencer] or other online peers, but was content to consume” the unboxing videos. The concept of the cyberflâneur, then, is fitting as a mediatising co-constituting process of identity-building within discourses of consumerism. However, in our study, the children, and especially Cayden, also expressed the desire to create, host, and circulate their own videos that broadcast their lives, also demonstrating awareness that videos are valorised in their social circles. Child viewers watch famous children perform consumer-identities to create an aura of influence, but viewers simultaneously aspire to become influencers using automedial performances, in essence, becoming products, themselves. Jacob, Automedial Subjects and Social Media InfluencersJacob is a vlogger on YouTube whose videos can garner millions of views, suggesting that he is also an influencer. In one video, he appears to be around the age of six as he proudly sits with folded hands, bright eyes, and a beaming, but partly toothless smile (see Figure 2). He says, “Welcome to Kinder Playtime! Today we have the Kidi Zoom Smartwatch DX. It’s from VTech” (Kinder Playtime). We see the Kidi Zoom unboxed and then depicted in stylized animations amid snippets of Jacob’s smiling face. The voice and hands of a faceless parent guide Jacob as he uses his new wearable toy. We listen to both parent and child describe numerous features for recording and enhancing the wearer’s daily habits (e.g. calculator, calendar, fitness games), and his dad tells him it has a pedometer “which tracks your steps” (Kinder Playtime). But the watch is also used by Jacob to mediate himself and his world. We see that Jacob takes pictures of himself on the tiny watch screen as he acts silly for the camera. He also uses the watch to take personal videos of his mother and sister in his home. The video ends with his father mentioning bedtime, which prompts a “thank you” to VTech for giving him the watch, and a cheerful “Bye!” from Jacob (Kinder Playtime). Figure 1: Screenshot of Kinder Playtime YouTube channel, About page Figure 2: Screenshot of “Jacob,” a child vlogger at Kinder Playtime We chose Jacob for three reasons. First, he is the same age as the children in the Storyworlds study. Second, he reviews the smart watch artifact that we gave to the study children, so there was a common use of automedia technology. Third, Jacob’s parents were involved with his broadcasts, and we wanted to work within the boundaries of parent-sanctioned practices. However, we also felt that his playful approach was a good example of how social media influence overlaps with automediality. Jacob is a labourer trading his public self-representations in exchange for free products and revenue earned through the monetisation of his content on YouTube. It appears that much of what Jacob says is scripted, particularly the promotional statements, like, “Today we have the Kidizoom Smartwatch DX. It’s from VTech. It’s the smartest watch for kids” (Kinder Playtime). Importantly, as an automedial subject Jacob reveals aspects of his self and his identity, in the manner of many child vloggers on public social media sites. His product reviews are contextualised within a commoditised space that provides him a means for the public performance of his self, which, via YouTube, has the potential to reach an enormous audience. YouTube claims to have “over a billion users—almost one-third of all people on the Internet—and every day people watch hundreds of millions of hours on YouTube and generate billions of views” (YouTube). Significantly, he is not only filmed by others, Jacob is also a creative practitioner, as Cayden aspired to become. Jacob uses high-tech toys, in this case, a new wearable technology for self-compositions (the smart watch), to record himself, friends, family or simply the goings-on around him. Strapped to his wrist, the watch toy lets him play at being watched, at being quantified and at recording the life stories of others, or constructing automediated creations for himself, which he may upload to numerous social media sites. This is the start of his online automediated life, which will be increasingly under his ownership as he ages. To greater or lesser degrees, he will later be able to curate, add to, and remediate his body of automedia, including his digital past. Kennedy points out that “people are using YouTube as a transformative tool, and mirror, to document, construct, and present their identity online” (“Exploring”). Her focus is on adult vloggers who consent to their activities. Jacob’s automedia is constructed collaboratively with his parents, and it is unclear how much awareness he has of himself as an automedia creator. However, if we don’t afford Jacob the same consideration as we afford adult autobiographers, that the depiction of his life is his own, we will reduce his identity performance to pure artifice or advertisement. The questions Jacob’s videos raise around agency, consent, and creativity are important here. Sidonie Smith asks “Can there be a free, agentic space; and if so, where in the world can it be found?” (Manifesto 188). How much agency does Jacob have? Is there a liberating aspect in the act of putting personal technology into the hands of a child who can record his life, himself? And finally, how would an adult Jacob feel about his childhood self advertising these products online? Is this really automediality if Jacob does not fully understand what it means to publicly tell a mediated life story?These queries lead to concerns over child social media influence with regard to legal protection, marketing ethics, and user consent. The rise of “fan marketing” presents a nexus of stealth marketing to children by other children. Stealth marketing involves participants, in this case, fans, who do not know they are involved in an advertising scheme. For instance, the popular Minecon Minecraft conference event sessions have pushed their audience to develop the skills to become advocates and advertisers of their products, for example by showing audiences how to build a YouTube channel and sharing tips for growing a community. Targeting children in marketing ploys seems insidious. Marketing analyst Sandy Fleisher describes the value of outsourcing marketing to fan labourers:while Grand Theft Auto spent $120 million on marketing its latest release, Minecraft fans are being taught how to create and market promotional content themselves. One [example] is Minecraft YouTuber, SkydoesMinecraft. His nearly 7 million strong YouTube army, almost as big as Justin Bieber’s, means his daily videos enjoy a lot of views; 1,419,734,267 to be precise. While concerns about meaningful consent that practices like this raise have led some government bodies, and consumer and child protection groups to advocate restrictions for children, other critics have questioned the limits placed on children’s free expression by such restrictions. Tech commentator Larry Magid has written that, “In the interest of protecting children, we sometimes deny them the right to access material and express themselves.” Meghan M. Sweeney notes that “the surge in collaborative web models and the emphasis on interactivity—frequently termed Web 2.0—has meant that children are not merely targets of global media organizations” but have “multiple opportunities to be active, critical, and resistant producers”...and ”may be active agents in the production and dissemination of information” (68). Nevertheless, writes Sweeney, “corporate entities can have restrictive effects on consumers” (68), by for example, limiting imaginative play to the choices offered on a Disney website, or limiting imaginative topics to commercial products (toys, video games etc), as in YouTube review videos. Automedia is an important site from which to consider young children’s online practices in public spheres. Jacob’s performance is indeed meant to influence the choice to buy a toy, but it is also meant to influence others in knowing Jacob as an identity. He means to share and circulate his self. Julie Rak recalls Paul John Eakin’s claims about life-writing that the “process does not even occur at the level of writing, but at the level of living, so that identity formation is the result of narrative-building.” We view Jacob’s performance along these lines. Kinder Playtime offers him a constrained, parent-sanctioned (albeit commercialised) space for role-playing, a practice bound up with identity-formation in the life of most children. To think through the legality of recognising Jacob’s automedial content as his life, Rak is also useful: “In Eakin’s work in particular, we can see evidence of John Locke’s contention that identity is the expression of consciousness which is continuous over time, but that identity is also a product, one’s own property which is a legal entity”. We have argued that children are often caught in the paradox that defines them either as literate digital creators composing and circulating their online selves or as subjectified personas caught up in commercial advertising practices that use their lives for commercial gain. However, through close observation of individual children, one who we met and questioned in our study, Cayden, the other who we met through his mediated, commercialized, and circulated online persona, Jacob, we argue that child social influencers need consideration as autobiographical agents expressing themselves through automediality. As children create, edit, and grow digital traces of their lives and selves, how these texts are framed becomes increasingly important, in part because their future adult selves have such a stake in the matter: they are being formed through automedia. Moreover, these children’s coming of age may bring legal questions about the ownership of their automedial products such as YouTube videos, an enduring legacy they are leaving behind for their adult selves. 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