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Journal articles on the topic 'Justinianic Plague'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 25 July 2025

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1

Wójcik, Monika. "PLAGA JUSTYNIANA. CESARSTWO WOBEC EPIDEMII." Zeszyty Prawnicze 11, no. 1 (2016): 377. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2011.11.1.20.

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JUSTINIANIC PLAGUE. ROMAN EMPIRE TOWARDS THE EPIDEMIC Summary The first certain epidemic of pestilences was so called “the Justinianic Plague” that had broken out in VI century in the Byzantine Empire and lasted through two centuries. It is recognized that in the years of 541-750 there had been eighteen strikes of pestilences. Two waves of the plague took place during the reign of Justinian. The first one broke out in Pelusium in 541, the second – in 558. The Justinianic Plague was recognized as bubonic plague indeed since one of its main symptom was bubo. Such a diagnosis was confirmed by the

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Sánchez Jaén, Jesús. "Los gasánidas en tiempos de la peste: de aliados militares a gloriosos patricios defensores del monofisismo." Antigüedad y Cristianismo, no. 41 (July 19, 2024): 5–18. https://doi.org/10.6018/ayc.578931.

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The mid-sixth century plague epidemic, so called “Justinianic Plague”, caused a major health crisis throughout the Byzantine Empire. However, Classical sources show that Justinian’s Arab allies, Ghassanids tribe, did not suffer the epidemic in the same awful way. Meanwhile the plague decimated the population and Imperial Army also, the Ghassanid basileus al-Harit and his army expanded their role in the war against the Sasanian Empire. Moreover, al-Harit took advantage of his prestigious position to plead in the Miaphysite Church behalf before the Imperial Court. Both facts helped him to establ

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3

Stathakopoulos, Dionysios. "The Justinianic plague revisited." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 24, no. 1 (2000): 255–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/byz.2000.24.1.255.

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4

Newfield, Timothy P. "One Plague for Another? Interdisciplinary Shortcomings in Plague Studies and the Place of the Black Death in Histories of the Justinianic Plague." Studies in Late Antiquity 6, no. 4 (2022): 575–626. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2022.6.4.575.

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Late antique plague has never been more contested. Recent scholarship has repeatedly questioned whether the Justinianic plague caused catastrophic mortality and supporters of the traditional narrative of a vast, depopulating sixth-century pandemic have dug in. Scholars have repeatedly assessed evidence thought to prove traditional narratives about the Justinianic plague, but never to everyone’s liking. Things have gotten ugly and no resolution is in sight. To advance the debate and shift the focus, these pages review the use of the Black Death in accounts of the Justinianic plague. What follow

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Eisenberg, Merle, and Lee Mordechai. "The Justinianic Plague and Global Pandemics: The Making of the Plague Concept." American Historical Review 125, no. 5 (2020): 1632–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhaa510.

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Abstract This article explores how plague—as an idea—became an ahistorical independent agent of historical change. It focuses on the case of the Justinianic Plague (ca. 541–750 c.e.), the first major recorded plague pandemic in Mediterranean history, which has increasingly been used to explain significant demographic, political, social, economic, and cultural change during late antiquity (ca. 300–800 c.e.). We argue that the Justinianic Plague retains its great historiographic power—namely, its supposed destructive impact over two centuries—because it evokes a terrifying myth of what plague sh

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Mordechai, Lee, Merle Eisenberg, Timothy P. Newfield, Adam Izdebski, Janet E. Kay, and Hendrik Poinar. "The Justinianic Plague: An inconsequential pandemic?" Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 116, no. 51 (2019): 25546–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1903797116.

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Existing mortality estimates assert that the Justinianic Plague (circa 541 to 750 CE) caused tens of millions of deaths throughout the Mediterranean world and Europe, helping to end antiquity and start the Middle Ages. In this article, we argue that this paradigm does not fit the evidence. We examine a series of independent quantitative and qualitative datasets that are directly or indirectly linked to demographic and economic trends during this two-century period: Written sources, legislation, coinage, papyri, inscriptions, pollen, ancient DNA, and mortuary archaeology. Individually or togeth

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Rockwell, David. "Emphyteusis in a Time of Death." Studies in Late Antiquity 7, no. 4 (2023): 561–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2023.7.4.561.

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This article explores developments in Justinian’s legislation on church property as evidence of economic strain during the plague of the early 540s. It argues that changes to such laws that have recently featured in scholarly literature, namely the permission introduced by Novel 120 for the sale and emphyteutic lease of church-owned immovable property, were merely incremental and provide evidence for a plague-induced crisis that is at best equivocal. Other features of this same law that have not yet been adduced in scholarly literature on plague, however, potentially shed additional light on t

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8

Harper, Kyle. "Pandemics and passages to late antiquity: rethinking the plague of c.249–270 described by Cyprian." Journal of Roman Archaeology 28 (2015): 223–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759415002470.

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Pandemic events are surpassingly rare in human history. Yet the period we call late antiquity could be considered the age of pandemic disease. It began and ended with the Antonine plague that erupted in the mid-160s A.D. and the Justinianic plague of the mid-6th c. Modern interest in these pandemics has waxed and waned. It was long taken for granted that these events played a major rôle in the fate of the Roman empire. In the mid-20th c., however, attention subsided. Historical demography struggled to make inroads into the discipline of ancient history. In the case of the Antonine plague, a cr

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9

Eisenberg, Merle, and Lee Mordechai. "The Justinianic Plague: an interdisciplinary review." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 43, no. 02 (2019): 156–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/byz.2019.10.

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This article is a detailed critical review of all the major scholarly publications in the rapidly expanding field of the Justinianic Plague published from 2000 through 2018. It updates the article in this journal by Dionysios Stathakopoulos from 2000, while also providing a detailed appraisal of the state of the field across all disciplines, including: literary studies, archaeology, DNA evidence, climatology, and epidemiology. We also identify the current paradigm for the Justinianic Plague as well as survey possible avenues forward for the field in the future.1

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10

SARRIS, PETER. "The Justinianic plague: origins and effects." Continuity and Change 17, no. 2 (2002): 169–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416002004137.

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This article addresses the subject of the first well-attested outbreak of bubonic plague in the history of the Mediterranean world – the so-called ‘Justinianic Plague’ of the sixth century. The African origin of the disease is examined and contextualized, whilst recent revisionist arguments in relation to the scale of the depopulation caused by the plague are responded to with reference to the numismatic, legal, and papyrological sources. The numismatic evidence in particular points to a major crisis in imperial finances for which large-scale depopulation would be the most likely cause. The le

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Newfield, Timothy P. "Mysterious and Mortiferous Clouds: The Climate Cooling and Disease Burden of Late Antiquity." Late Antique Archaeology 12, no. 1 (2016): 89–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134522-12340068.

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AbstractWhat influence did climate have on disease in Late Antiquity? Natural archives of pre-instrumental temperature indicate significant summer cooling throughout the period. The coolest stretch spanned the 6th and 7th c., and corresponds startlingly to the appearance of the Justinianic Plague in the Mediterranean region. Drawing on principles from landscape epidemiology, this paper marries textual evidence for disease with palaeoclimatic data, in order to understand how gradual and dramatic climatic change, the 535–50 downturn especially, may have altered the pathogenic burden carried in L

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Leven, Karl-Heinz. "Pestpfeile, Miasma, Ansteckung." Evangelische Theologie 81, no. 5 (2021): 374–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/evth-2021-810508.

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Abstract Epidemics were part of the ancient world; the Homeric Iliad begins with a pestilence that decisively shapes the further course of the plot. The sequence of historically attested epidemics ranges from the »Attic Plague« of 430 BCE to the »Antonine Plague« of the 2nd century to the pandemic of the »Justinianic Plague« of 541/42. Plagues are mentioned in numerous genera of ancient literature; in Hippocratic-Galenic medicine, the plague plays an important, yet peculiarly small role. The words »arrows of pestilence«, »miasma«, and »contagion« in the title stand for ancient theories of orig

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Mordechai, Lee, and Merle Eisenberg. "Rejecting Catastrophe: The Case of the Justinianic Plague*." Past & Present 244, no. 1 (2019): 3–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtz009.

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Abstract Recent research has increasingly argued that the Justinianic Plague was an unparallelled demographic catastrophe which killed half the population of the Mediterranean world and led to the end of Antiquity. This article re-examines the evidence and reconsiders whether this interpretation is justified. It builds upon an array of interdisciplinary research that includes literary and non-literary primary sources, archaeological excavations, DNA research, disaster studies and resilience frameworks. Each type of primary source material is critically reassessed and contextualized in light of

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14

Benedictow, Ole. "The Justinianic Plague Pandemic: Progress and Problems." Early Science and Medicine 14, no. 4 (2009): 543–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338209x433499.

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15

Keller, Marcel, Christof Paulus, and Elena Xoplaki. "Die Justinianische Pest." Evangelische Theologie 81, no. 5 (2021): 385–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/evth-2021-810509.

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Abstract Of all known epidemics in Antiquity, the Justinianic Plague became the focus of attention in recent years - not least because it is the first for which the causative agent, the bacterium Yersinia pestis, could be unambiguously identified by palaeogeneticists. The reconstruction of ancient Y. pestis genomes is able to uncover the geographical and temporal extent of the pandemic beyond the limitations of written sources; and phylogenetic studies allow for inferences on the origin and spread of plague through time. But even the mere identification of plague victims in Late Antique and Ea

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Faure, Eric. "Did the Justinianic Plague Truly Reach Frankish Europe around 543 AD?" Vox Patrum 78 (June 15, 2021): 427–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.12278.

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This article focuses on the episodes of bubonic plague recorded around 543 AD in Frankish Europe which on re-reading appear doubtful. Beginning in 541 and for two centuries, the Justinianic plague ravaged the Mediterranean area over several successive waves. The first mentions concern Egypt; the plague then spreads northward to Constantinople and almost concomitantly or shortly afterward moves westward until it reaches Western Europe. For this last region, the main source is Bishop Gregory of Tours, who in both his historical and his hagiographic writings, provides numerous data on the first o

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17

Meier, Mischa. "The ‘Justinianic Plague’: An “Inconsequential Pandemic”? A Reply." Medizinhistorisches Journal 55, no. 2 (2020): 172. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/mhj-2020-0006.

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18

White, Lauren A., and Lee Mordechai. "Modeling the Justinianic Plague: Comparing hypothesized transmission routes." PLOS ONE 15, no. 4 (2020): e0231256. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0231256.

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19

de Wet, Chris L. "Reading John of Ephesus via Procopius of Caesarea?" Religion and Theology 30, no. 3-4 (2023): 359–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15743012-bja10062.

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Abstract The purpose of this article is to revisit the comparison between the accounts of the Justinianic plague of 541–750 CE, the first recorded pandemic of bubonic plague, by John of Ephesus and Procopius of Caesarea, as done by the scholar of Byzantine history, Anthony Kaldellis, in a 2007 publication. In the article, I critique some of Kaldellis’s main points of comparison, and then by approaching plague as a discourse (in the Foucaultian sense), I attempt to provide a more nuanced reading and comparison of the individual accounts, and of ancient plague discourse more generally.

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20

Olshanetsky, Haggai, and Lev Cosijns. "Challenging the Significance of the LALIA and the Justinianic Plague: A Reanalysis of the Archaeological Record." Klio 106, no. 2 (2024): 721–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2023-0031.

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Summary The Late Antique Little Ice Age (LALIA), and the Justinianic Plague, were recently suggested as the possible culprits for settlement contraction and population decline that supposedly occurred in the 6th c. CE. According to some who support this claim, these changes contributed to the weakening of this empire, which eventually led to the loss of vast territories and its defeat by the Persians and Arabs in the first half of the 7th c. CE. The assumptions that climate and plague had devastating impacts in the 6th c. CE are largely based on selected textual evidence, and archaeological ev

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21

Schindel, Nikolaus. "The Justinianic Plague and Sasanian Iran: the Numismatic Evidence." Sasanian Studies: Late Antique Iranian World. Sasanidische Studien: Spätantike iranische Welt 1 (2022): 259–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.13173/sst.1.259.

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22

Grenet, Frantz, and Kyle Harper. "Was the Hephthalite Empire in Central Asia the Cradle of the Justinianic Plague?" Journal of Interdisciplinary History 56, no. 1 (2025): 1–42. https://doi.org/10.1162/jinh.a.1.

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Abstract The origins and early diffusion of the Justinianic Plague likely involved the Hephthalite and Alkhan Huns as an essential conduit for the bacterium’s dispersal from Central Asia. Written and dna evidence together support this route of transmission. The plague is an enzootic bacterial disease, and dna suggests that the animal reservoirs hosting the lineage that gave rise to the pandemic lived near the Tianshan mountains. Written sources from the Roman Empire describe the plague’s appearance via the Red Sea, which suggests importation across the Indian Ocean. Connections emerge between

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Feldman, Michal, Michaela Harbeck, Marcel Keller, et al. "A High-CoverageYersinia pestisGenome from a Sixth-Century Justinianic Plague Victim." Molecular Biology and Evolution 33, no. 11 (2016): 2911–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/molbev/msw170.

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de Wet, Chris L. "Plague as Discourse in John of Ephesus's Account of the Justinianic Plague (ca. 542–544 CE)." Early Christianity 13, no. 3 (2022): 287. http://dx.doi.org/10.1628/ec-2022-0021.

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Daniszewski, Piotr. "Pestis (Yersinia pestis) - As Biological Weapons." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 9 (September 2013): 84–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.9.84.

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Yersinia pestis (formerly Pasteurella pestis) is a type of bacterium. It is believed to have been responsible for plagues of the early 1300s. More accurately, it is a Gram-negative rod-shaped coccobacillus. It is a facultative anaerobe that can infect humans and other animals. Human Y. pestis infection takes three main forms: pneumonic, septicemic, and bubonic plagues. All three forms are widely believed to have been responsible for a number of high-mortality epidemics throughout human history, including the Justinianic Plague of the sixth century and the Black Death that accounted for the dea

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Wilkinson, Greg. "Epidemics: the first pandemic – the Justinianic Plague (541–549) – psychiatry in history." British Journal of Psychiatry 218, no. 6 (2021): 333. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/bjp.2021.4.

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Mulhall, John. "Confronting Pandemic in Late Antiquity: The Medical Response to the Justinianic Plague." Journal of Late Antiquity 14, no. 2 (2021): 498–528. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jla.2021.0022.

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Moroni, Maria Grazia. "Peste, carestia e cause secondo Procopio di Cesarea." Picenum Seraphicum - Rivista di studi storici e francescani 36 (June 22, 2023): 73–100. https://doi.org/10.63277/2385-1341/3245.

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Nei Bella Procopio riferisce di peste e di carestie come eventi singoli o correlati; in particolare egli descrive, da testimone oculare e sulla scorta del modello di Tucidide, oltre alla carestia nel Piceno, la peste pandemica dell’età di Giustiniano. In relazione a quest’ultima, distaccandosi dal modello, egli presenta un’interessante dichiarazione polemica contro chi, con dolo ed inutilmente, inventa teorie su un fenomeno in realtà inspiegabile e riconducibile solo al disegno divino. D’altro canto, negli Anecdota peste ed altre tragedie umanitarie sono apertamente motivate nel contesto della

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Keller, Marcel, Maria A. Spyrou, Christiana L. Scheib, et al. "Ancient Yersinia pestis genomes from across Western Europe reveal early diversification during the First Pandemic (541–750)." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 116, no. 25 (2019): 12363–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1820447116.

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The first historically documented pandemic caused by Yersinia pestis began as the Justinianic Plague in 541 within the Roman Empire and continued as the so-called First Pandemic until 750. Although paleogenomic studies have previously identified the causative agent as Y. pestis, little is known about the bacterium’s spread, diversity, and genetic history over the course of the pandemic. To elucidate the microevolution of the bacterium during this time period, we screened human remains from 21 sites in Austria, Britain, Germany, France, and Spain for Y. pestis DNA and reconstructed eight genome

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Benovitz, Nancy. "The Justinianic plague: evidence from the dated Greek epitaphs of Byzantine Palestine and Arabia." Journal of Roman Archaeology 27 (2014): 487–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759414001378.

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Cosijns, Lev, and Haggai Olshanetsky. "Did the Byzantine Negev settlements exhaust the surrounding environment? : a response to "Environment and horticulture in the Byzantine Negev Desert, Israel: sustainability, prosperity and enigmatic decline"." Graeco-Latina Brunensia, no. 2 (2022): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/glb2022-2-1.

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The recently published Langgut et al. article claims that there was over-exploitation of the Byzantine Negev Desert. They suggest that the over-exploitation worked in conjunction with the Justinianic Plague and the Late Antique Little Ice Age (LALIA), and caused the decline of the Negev settlements in the middle of the 6th century CE. The current article wishes to respond to Langgut et al. article and show that what they found cannot be used to claim that there was an over-exploitation of the land. Moreover, contrary to what they suggest, their finds indicate and support the fact that the decl

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Harbeck, Michaela, Lisa Seifert, Stephanie Hänsch, et al. "Yersinia pestis DNA from Skeletal Remains from the 6th Century AD Reveals Insights into Justinianic Plague." PLoS Pathogens 9, no. 5 (2013): e1003349. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.ppat.1003349.

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Roberts, C. Neil. "Climate change and the Justinianic Plague: an intercomparison of high-resolution lake sediment and documentary records." Quaternary International 279-280 (November 2012): 407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.quaint.2012.08.1295.

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Reyes, Luelmo-Lautenschlaeger, Izdebski Adam, Blanco-González Antonio, Pérez-Díaz Sebastián, and Antonio López-Sáez José. "Historia paleoambiental de la Sierra de Gredos (Sistema Central español, Ávila) en época visigoda: incidencia de la plaga de Justiniano (541-543 A. D.)." Arqueologia Iberoamericana 47 (February 25, 2021): 78–90. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4558650.

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El presente trabajo evalúa la posible influencia de la pandemia altomedieval conocida como «plaga de Justiniano» como uno de los factores que contribuyeron a configurar los ecosistemas de montaña enclavados en el Sistema Central de la península ibérica. Para ello, el artículo se centra en dos registros polínicos naturales de alta resolución y bien datados mediante radiocarbono, obtenidos en la Sierra de Gredos (Ávila), y enmarca la información que ofrecen en el cuadro general de las dinámicas sociopolítica

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Meier, Mischa. "The ‘Justinianic Plague’: the economic consequences of the pandemic in the eastern Roman empire and its cultural and religious effects." Early Medieval Europe 24, no. 3 (2016): 267–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/emed.12152.

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Khotko, S. H., N. A. Pocheshkhov, and R. M. Shkhachemukov. "Natural and socio-cultural factors of epidemics (plague, smallpox): The example of the Adyghe population of the Northwest Caucasus." Kuban Scientific Medical Bulletin 31, no. 5 (2024): 112–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.25207/1608-6228-2024-31-5-112-123.

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Background. The article discusses the problem of the impact of epidemic diseases on ethnogenesis. As an ancient agricultural ethnic group in contact with nomadic and Mediterranean populations, the Adyghe were formed during periods of frequent epidemics of dangerous diseases caused by the process of animal domestication and subsequent impact of anthropogenic factors. The devastating effect of smallpox and measles pandemics was felt following the establishment of intensive trade exchange during the 2nd century CE by the Roman and the Han empires. The first plague pandemic (beginning with the “Ju

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de Wet, Chris L. "Demonology and Plague-Discourse as Discursive Intersections in Procopius’s Construction of Justinian in Secret History." Religion and Theology 31, no. 3-4 (2024): 203–41. https://doi.org/10.1163/15743012-bja10086.

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Abstract This article examines the demonological discourse in Procopius’s Secret History with a focus on internal and inter-textual evidence from Procopius’s corpus, particularly his treatment of demons in relation to the 542 bubonic plague pandemic, as described in the Wars. While previous scholarship by Rubin, Cameron, and Denson has convincingly demonstrated that the depiction of Justinian as a demonic figure draws on broader cultural and literary contexts, this study investigates Procopius’s demonological rhetoric within the Wars and Secret History, specifically in the context of his plagu

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Molgaard, Craig A., Amanda L. Golbeck, and Kerry E. Ryan. "Justinian’s Plague, Hagiography and Monasticism." International Journal of Interdisciplinary Social Sciences: Annual Review 6, no. 10 (2012): 67–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/1833-1882/cgp/v06i10/52166.

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Milewski, Ireneusz. "„Zaraza zaczęła się od Egipcjan”. Dżuma Justyniana widziana z perspektywy pandemii COVID-19." Studia Historica Gedanensia 12, no. 2 (2021): 13–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/23916001hg.21.002.14984.

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“The plague began from the Egyptians”. The Plague of Justinian seen from the perspective of the COVID-19 pandemic This article considers the “Plague of Justinian” from the perspective of a person living for over a year in a situation of epidemiological threat, constantly “bombarded” in the media with a diversity of information relating to all aspects of the COVID 19 pandemic, including non-medical ones. The plague that erupted in the Byzantine Empire in the XVth year of the reign of the Emperor Justinian (541/542 CE) can certainly be seen as a pandemic. Between 541 and 750, one can note as man

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Pamuk, Şevket, and Maya Shatzmiller. "Plagues, Wages, and Economic Change in the Islamic Middle East, 700–1500." Journal of Economic History 74, no. 1 (2014): 196–229. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050714000072.

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This study establishes long-term trends in the purchasing power of the wages of unskilled workers and develops estimates for GDP per capita for medieval Egypt and Iraq. Wages were heavily influenced by two long-lasting demographic shocks, the Justinian Plague and the Black Death and the slow population recovery that followed. As a result, they remained above the subsistence minimum for most of the medieval era. We also argue that the environment of high wages that emerged after the Justinian Plague contributed to the Golden Age of Islam by creating demand for higher income goods.

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Sang, Dong Lee. "The First Pandemic in History: The Justinian Plague." Critical Review of History 132 (August 31, 2020): 98–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.38080/crh.2020.08.132.98.

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ARAPU, Valentin. "Reflection of the plague and its zoomorphic symbols in historical sources and literary writings." Dialogica 2 (August 15, 2020): 29–39. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3978014.

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Plague epidemics and pandemics in the past of humanity have been described in historical sources and literary works. “Justinian’s Plague” (541–542), “The Black Death” (1347–1351) and “The Great Plague of London” (1665), initially revealed by historians, eventually became creative subjects for writers, poets and journalists. The subject of the plague was diversified, being approached its polyvalent manifestations, including zoomorphic symbols. The disastrous impact of the plague on society was later transformed into a literary process of cri

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Kulikowski, Michael. "Justinian's Flea: Plague, Empire, and the Birth of Europe." History: Reviews of New Books 35, no. 4 (2007): 148. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2007.10527104.

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Barkas, Nikolaos. "Justinian’s Flea: Plague, Empire, and the Birth of Europe." International Journal of Environmental Studies 69, no. 5 (2012): 840–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00207233.2012.712789.

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Burki, Talha. "Justinian's flea: plague, empire and the birth of Europe." Lancet Infectious Diseases 7, no. 12 (2007): 774. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1473-3099(07)70285-2.

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Blackman, Helen. "Justinian’s Flea: Plague, Empire, and the Birth of Europe." JAMA 298, no. 12 (2007): 1453. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/jama.298.12.1457.

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Pierre, Simon V. "Can We Flee the Plague? A Theological, Moral and Practical Issue in the Early Islamicate World." Journal of Islamic Ethics 7, no. 1-2 (2021): 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24685542-12340071.

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Abstract Early Islam witnessed several outbreaks of the first plague of Justinian (541–549 CE), until 132/749 when it disappeared as fast as it appeared. One of the main issues for societies confronted with such recurrent epidemics was to accept destiny and protect their lives and social organization while still assuming that contagion was speculative and that the disease came from the divine punishment of sinners. Based on the archetypal plague of ʿAmwās (Emmaus, 17–18/638–639), fleeing appears to have been considered as an act of disobedience to God’s will. In order to date these Islamic tho

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Newfield, Timothy P. "Human–Bovine Plagues in the Early Middle Ages." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 46, no. 1 (2015): 1–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_00794.

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Two independent molecular clock analyses (mcas) reveal that measles (mv) diverged from rinderpest (rpv) c. 1000 c.e. This evidence, when conjoined with written accounts of non-Justinianic plagues in 569–570 and 986–988 and zoo-archaeological discoveries regarding early medieval mass bovine mortalities, suggests that a now-extinct morbillivirus, ancestral to mv and rpv, broke out episodically in the early Middle Ages, causing large mortalities in both species. Tentative diagnoses of an mv–rpv ancestor help to untangle early medieval accounts of human–bovine disease and facilitate an assessment

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An, Lu Vi. "Epidemics and pandemics in human history: Origins, effects and response measures." Science & Technology Development Journal - Social Sciences & Humanities 4, no. 4 (2020): first. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdjssh.v4i4.612.

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Epidemics and pandemics are kind of the regular disasters that not only threaten human health, but also affect economy, social and politic life of many societies and civilizations. In the timeline of human history, there have long been a lot of catastrophic epidemics, rapidly spreading all over the world, leading to massive deaths and becoming horrible challenges to human existence. They included the plague of Antonine in Ancient Rome; the Justinian pandemic and ``the Black Death'' in the Medieval period; the pandemic of cholera and the Asian plague in the modern age; the 1918- 1919 flu pandem

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Zibaev, Anton, and Valentina Zhukova. "Forms of Plague in Procopius of Caesarea (Procop. De bellis. IV.14) and Evagrius Scholasticus (Evagrius. Hist. ecc. IV.29): On the Development of Clinical Medicine in the Eastern Roman Empire in the Fourth Century." Hypothekai 6 (2022): 158–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.32880/2587-7127-2022-6-6-158-186.

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The article discusses the forms of plague through the eyes of the contemporaries of the first pandemic known in historiography as "Justinian’s Plague". The Latin authors of the 6th-8th centuries did not provide detailed descriptions of the previously unknown disease and limited themselves to brief mentions of the pestilence outbreaks in various areas of the Mediterranean. Following the laws of the genre of chronicle narrative (chronicles), they could only state the fact of the spread of a major epidemic in the known world, refraining from emotional remarks. The Greek writings of the 6th centur

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