Academic literature on the topic 'Justiz (Berlin, Germany)'
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Journal articles on the topic "Justiz (Berlin, Germany)"
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Abplanalp, Kaitlin, and Ronald Bruckmann. "Conference Report — The Transnationalization of Legal Cultures." German Law Journal 10, no. 10 (October 1, 2009): 1399–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200018290.
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On July 2 and 3, 2009, both old and new friends of the German Law Journal (GLJ) gathered in Berlin for a symposium in celebration of the Journal's tenth anniversary. The two-day symposium, hosted in partnership with the Budesministerium der Justiz (the Federal Ministry of Justice) and the Law Faculty of the Freie Universität, brought together renowned justices, scholars and practitioners as well as law students from North America and Europe to discuss the transnationalization of legal cultures.
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Davaanyam, Khulan, Franziska Wolff, and Ranya Khalaf. "Developments in German Criminal Law: Speed Merchant or Murderer? The Ku’Damm Road Race Case and the New Criminal Legislation Regulating Illegal Motor Racing." German Law Journal 22, no. 2 (March 2021): 288–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/glj.2021.9.
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AbstractThe Regional Court of Berlin (Landgericht (LG) Berlin) was the first court in Germany to mete out a life sentence for murder—pursuant to § 211 German Criminal Code (StGB)—to two men convicted of killing an uninvolved driver whose car they hit while they were participating in an illegal car race on a public highway. Upon their convictions, the defendants appealed to the German Federal Court of Justice (Bundesgerichtshof; BGH) claiming that they did not intend to kill the person and were thus acting without the necessary mens rea for murder. The question whether or not the case could be qualified as murder, and thus whether or not the existence of a killing with intent had been sufficiently proven by the LG Berlin, was the subject of several appeals and retrials. In its latest decision, the BGH confirmed the murder conviction of one of the defendants, while quashing the other defendant’s conviction and issuing a retrial. This case caused ripples amongst legal scholars as it called for the toughest possible sanctions to be imposed. However, whether the conduct qualifies as murder remains questionable. As a reaction to several similar cases of illegal car races in recent years, the German parliament subsequently passed a new law—§ 315d StGB—proscribing illegal vehicle races, thereby penalizing the participation, organization, or carrying out of an illegal vehicle race. Until that point there had been no provision criminalizing illegal racing.
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Luppes, Jeffrey, Klaus Berghahn, Meredith Heiser-Duron, Sara Jones, and Marcus Colla. "Book Reviews." German Politics and Society 35, no. 1 (March 1, 2017): 83–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2017.350105.
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Yulia Komska, The Icon Curtain: The Cold War’s Quiet Border (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2015). Reviewed by Jeffrey Luppes, World Language Studies, Indiana University South BendRobert C. Holub, Nietzsche’s Jewish Problem: Between Anti-Semitism and Anti-Judaism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2016). Reviewed by Klaus Berghahn, German, University of Wisconsin, MadisonStephen F. Szabo, Germany, Russia, and the Rise of Geo-economics (New York: Bloomsbury Academic, 2015) Reviewed by Meredith Heiser-Duron, Political Science, Foothill CollegeJuan Espindola, Transitional Justice after German Reunification: Exposing Unofficial Collaborators (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015). Reviewed by Sara Jones, Modern Languages, University of BirminghamJost Hermand, Das Liebe Geld! Eigentumsverhältnisse in der deutschen Literatur (Cologne: Böhlau, 2015) Reviewed by Klaus L. Berghahn, German, University of Wisconsin, MadisonSimon Ward, Urban Memory and Visual Culture in Berlin: Framing the Asynchronous City, 1957-2012 (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2016). Reviewed by Marcus Colla, History, University of Cambridge
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Schuster, Angela, Nora Anton, Pascal Grosse, and Christoph Heintze. "Is time running out? The urgent need for appropriate global health curricula in Germany." BMJ Global Health 5, no. 11 (November 2020): e003362. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjgh-2020-003362.
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Recently, representatives of politics, health officials and academia in Germany have advocated a greater role for Germany in matters concerning global health. However, health professionals in Germany are rarely taught about global health topics and accordingly real expertise in this field is lacking. To advance knowledge and competencies at German universities and adequately equip health professionals to achieve Germany’s political goals, global health curricula must be developed at medical schools and other institutions. Such ambitions raise questions about the required content and dimensions of global health curricula as the field is currently highly heterogeneous and ill defined. To systematically identify strengths and shortcomings of current curricula, we scrutinised the global health curriculum at our institution, Charité—Universitätsmedizin Berlin, using an analytical framework that integrates the various approaches of global health. Our analysis identified that four (technical, social justice, security and humanitarian) of five approaches are present in our core global health curriculum. Local and global aspects of the field are equally represented. We propose that the use of such a structured analytical framework can support the development of GH curricula for all health professionals—in Germany and elsewhere. But it can also help to evaluate existing curricula like ours at Charité. This framework has the potential to support the design of comprehensive GH trainings, serving German aspirations in politics and academia to promote health worldwide.
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Lyandres, Semion. "The Bolsheviks' "German Gold" Revisited: An Inquiry into the 1917 Accusations." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 1106 (January 1, 1995): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.1995.63.
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On the evening of 4 July 1917, at the height of the anti-government uprising, the Provisional Government's Minister of Justice, Pave! N. Pereverzev, authorized a press release accusing the Bolshevik leaders of treasonable activities. The report published the next day alleged that Lenin had been sent to Russia by the German government to rally support for a separate peace with Germany and "to undermine the confidence of the Russian people in the Provisional Government. " The money for his activity was allegedly channeled from Berlin to Petrograd, by way of Stockholm. In Stockholm the transfer was carried out by the Bolshevik Jakub Ftirstenberg (Hanecki) and the Russo-German Social Democrat Alexander Israel Helphand (Parvus). The main recipients in Petrograd were the Bolshevik lawyer Mieczyslaw Kozlowski and Evgeniia M. Sumenson, a relative of FtirstenbergHanecki. She and Kozlowski ran a trading business as a cover for financial dealings with Ftirstenberg, thus making the transfer of German funds look like a legitimate business transaction.
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Jahre, Sylvana. "Postmigrant Spatial Justice? The Case of ‘Berlin Develops New Neighbourhoods’ (BENN)." Urban Planning 6, no. 2 (April 27, 2021): 80–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/up.v6i2.3807.
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This article discusses the introduction of a new urban policy in Berlin, Germany, in the frame of postmigrant spatial justice. In 2017, Berlin established so-called ‘integration management programs’ in 20 different neighbourhoods around large refugee shelters as a response to the growing challenges local authorities faced after the administrative collapse in 2015/16. A new policy agenda provides the opportunity to learn from previous policies and programs—especially when it is addressed to the local dimension of integration, a widely and controversially discussed issue. Drawing on fieldwork conducted in Berlin in 2018 and 2019, this article discusses how migration is framed in urban social policy against both postmigrant and spatial justice theory.
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Velasco, Suzana. "De hóspedes a sujeitos políticos:." Êxodos e Migrações 4, no. 6 (December 18, 2019): 93–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.24168/revistaprumo.v4i6.1183.
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This article analises how the field of protests of applicants for refuge at the Oranienplatz, in Berlim, from 2012 to 2014, challenged the logic of domopolitic, the “govern of the house” which, in excluding the foreigner, regulate and contain them in a space and present time of waiting, sustains the political belonging of the nation-State. By abandoning the dorms in which they were regulated by the State, traversing the country and occupying a square in the center of the german capital, they rejected the idea of hospitality in favor of a demand for justice. This movement supported itself through the visibility of the political bodies, even if not as a demand for spatial fixation, but of mobility, the possibility of not-being always watched. For that, it was fundamental the relation with the city of Berlin, in a neighborhood with a history of immigration and political agitation.
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Kaplan, Thomas Pegelow. "“In the Interest of the Volk…”: Nazi-German Paternity Suits and Racial Recategorization in the Munich Superior Courts, 1938–1945." Law and History Review 29, no. 2 (May 2011): 523–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248011000071.
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In Nazi Germany, integration into the community of the Volk, or exclusion and persecution, were determined by the regime's categories. As legal historian Michael Stolleis has noted, this new National Socialist terminology “quick[ly] penetrat[ed] … into the old conceptual world” of German jurisprudence and the country's court system. In line with the prescriptions of the political leadership of the Hitler state, bureaucrats of the Justice and Interior Ministries in Berlin drafted novel legislation that, once issued as new laws, judges, state attorneys, and lawyers readily interpreted and put into practice. With the promulgation of the Nuremberg Laws in September 1935, the main racial designations evolved around a tripartite terminology of “full Jews [Volljuden],” “Jewish mixed breeds [Mischlinge],” and “persons of German and kindred blood.” In accordance with paragraph 5 of the first supplementary decree to the Reich Citizenship Law of November 1935, state authorities classified any descendant “from at least three grandparents who [we]re racially full Jews” as Jewish. Paragraph 3 defined Mischlinge of the first degree, introduced as a novel legal category, as Jewish Mischlinge with two grandparents “who [we]re racially full Jews.” The supplementary decrees did not explicitly delineate the term “person of German blood”, but the main commentary of the Nuremberg Laws loosely tied this term to the “German Volk” as a community comprised of six basic races, including the Nordic and East Baltic ones.
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Koetter, Matthias. "Freedom, Security and (the) Public(ity): Notes on the 2008 Heidelberg Conference of German-speaking Public Law Assistants." German Law Journal 9, no. 5 (May 1, 2008): 737–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200000080.
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In the last week of February 2008, the University Assistants of Public Law from Germany, Austria, and Switzerland came together in Heidelberg for their annual conference to discuss “Security, Freedom and (the) Public(ity).” A better date for the meeting could not have been chosen; on the day the conference started, the German Constitutional Court declared online searches by German intelligence agencies to be unconstitutional and came up with a new dimension of human rights protection for the privacy of computer network systems. This pathbreaking jurisprudence was omnipresent at the conference; it had already been in the opening-speech by Justice Brun-Otto Bryde (Gießen), a member of the First Senate of the Constitutional Court, which was to render its decision the very next day. It was brought up in numerous discussions during the conference and it was the main topic on the panel discussion with Paul Kirchhof (Heidelberg), a former Justice in the same Senate who was known as the “Professor from Heidelberg” during Angela Merkel's 2006 election campaign, and Fredrik Roggan, a Berlin lawyer and chairman of the civil rights association “Humanistische Union,” who argued the case before the Court. Perhaps it was all a coincidence, but questions of freedom and security have remained on the everyday agenda, in a political context as well as constitutional debates, ever since September 11, 2001.
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Karaca, Banu. "Art, Dispossession, and Imaginations of Historical Justice." Critical Times 3, no. 2 (August 1, 2020): 224–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/26410478-8517727.
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Abstract Drawing on the works of artists Maria Eichhorn (Berlin) and Dilek Winchester (Istanbul), this article focuses on artistic responses to the twin processes of violence and dispossession in Germany and the late Ottoman Empire and republican Turkey, respectively. Their artistic practices respond to what is irrecoverable in loss, in contrast to dominant discussions on material restitution as a process that always projects a reversibility of past injuries and that remains limited to the logic of possession. The article argues that these practices pose an aesthetic challenge to the conceptual frameworks within which both dispossession and restitution are usually understood. They produce forms of aesthetic redistribution that open paths to alternate ways of envisioning historical justice in transformative rather than recuperative terms.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Justiz (Berlin, Germany)"
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Schwab, Christian. "Das Augsburger Offizialatsregister (1348 - 1352) : ein Dokument geistlicher Diözesangerichtsbarkeit ; Edition und Untersuchung /." Köln [u.a.] : Böhlau, 2001. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sbb-berlin/324371357.pdf.
Full textBooks on the topic "Justiz (Berlin, Germany)"
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Justizkritik in der Weimarer Republik: Das Beispiel der Zeitschrift "Die Justiz". Frankfurt: Campus, 1985.
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Staat, Recht und Justiz im Kommentar der Zeitschrift "Die Weltbühne". Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 1996.
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Sweetapple, Christopher, ed. The Queer Intersectional in Contemporary Germany. Gießen: Psychosozial-Verlag, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.30820/9783837974447.
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Anti-racist and queer politics have tentatively converged in the activist agendas, organizing strategies and political discourses of the radical left all over the world. Pejoratively dismissed as »identity politics«, the significance of this cross-pollination of theorizing and political solidarities has yet to be fully countenanced. Even less well understood, coalitions of anti-racist and queer activisms in western Europe have fashioned durable organizations and creative interventions to combat regnant anti-Muslim and anti-migrant racism within mainstream gay and lesbian culture and institutions, just as the latter consolidates and capitalizes on their uneven inclusions into national and international orders. The essays in this volume represent a small snapshot of writers working at this point of convergence between anti-racist and queer politics and scholarship from the context of Germany. Translated for the first time into English, these four writers and texts provide a compelling introduction to what the introductory essay calls »a Berlin chapter of the Queer Intersectional«, that is, an international justice movement conducted in the key of academic analysis and political speech which takes inspiration from and seeks to synthesize the fruitful concoction of anti-racist, queer, feminist and anti-capitalist traditions, movements and theories. With contributions by Judith Butler, Zülfukar Çetin, Sabine Hark, Daniel Hendrickson, Heinz-Jürgen-Voß, Salih Alexander Wolter and Koray Yılmaz-Günay
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Schule des Sehens: Ludwig Justi und die Nationalgalerie. Berlin: Matthes & Seitz, 2010.
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Ling ju li gan shou Deguo jing wu: Beijing jing cha zai Bolin = Up close Germany policing : a Beijing police in Berlin. Beijing: Zhongguo ren min gong an da xue chu ban she, 2008.
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Tales from Spandau: Nazi criminals and the Cold War. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007.
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1961-, Eller Philipp, and Wasmuth Georg 1953-, eds. Der Umzug: Über den Neuanfang des Bundesministeriums der Justiz in Berlin. Petersberg: M. Imhof, 2002.
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Norpoth, Helmut. Conclusion. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190882747.003.0008.
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On the day Franklin Roosevelt died, as reported on the front page of the New York Times, the “armies and fleets under his direction as Commander in Chief were at the gates of Berlin and the shores of Japan.”1 That very day, April 12, 1945, soldiers of the Ninth Army surged to within fifty miles west of Berlin, with the Russians closing in on the German capital from the east. In the Pacific, the First Marine Division, along with other elements of the largest amphibious task force assembled in that theater of operation, had just landed on the island of Okinawa, commencing the final battle against Japanese forces. Victory over Germany and Japan was in sight. In the last poll that probed the president’s approval before his death, he stood tall in the estimate of the American people: 71 percent approved of the way he handled his job. It is a rating that, through nearly three-quarters of a century since then, none of his successors, from Truman to Obama, has come close to at the end of his tenure. It is doubtful that any of FDR’s predecessors, except for Washington and Lincoln, and perhaps Theodore Roosevelt, left office on such a high note either....
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Death in the Tiergarten: Murder and Criminal Justice in the Kaisers Berlin. Harvard University Press, 2004.
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Karaca, Banu. The National Frame. Fordham University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5422/fordham/9780823290208.001.0001.
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Based on long-term ethnographic research in the art world of Istanbul and Berlin, The National Frame rethinks the role of art in state governance. It argues that artistic practices, arts patronage and sponsorship, collecting and curating art, and the modalities of censorship, just like official cultural policies, continue to be refracted through the conceptual lens of the nation-state—despite the intensified and much-studied globalization of art. By examining discussions on the civilizing function of art in Germany and Turkey and moments in which art is seen to cede this function, the book reveals the histories of violence on which the production, circulation, and presentation—indeed our very understanding—of art are predicated. It is in the process of disavowing this violence that contemporary art as a global practice keeps being called back into the national frame. Turkey and Germany occupy different places in dominant geopolitical and civilizational imaginaries that have construed the world in terms of “East” and “West,” and, more recently, “Islam” and “Christianity” as incommensurable entities. Unlike German art, art from Turkey is often seen as merging “traditional” and modern motifs, and expressive of “Turkish culture.” Working against this asymmetric perception the book fosters a comparative perspective by showing that Germany and Turkey share a long, troubling history of cultural encounters and political affiliation and similar struggles in claiming modern nationhood. The joint analysis of both cases reveals how art is configured politically and socially and why art has been at once vital and unwieldy for national projects.
Book chapters on the topic "Justiz (Berlin, Germany)"
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Rodden, John G. "Berlin, 1991 Dialectical Dilemmas in the Universities: West Side Story, East Side Story." In Repainting the Little Red Schoolhouse. Oxford University Press, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195112443.003.0017.
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Western Berlin, October 3, 1991. Tag der Einheit: “Unity Day.” The first anniversary celebrating German reunification. Or perhaps “marking” reunification is a more accurate term. No jubilant talk of a New Germany, no flag-waving nearby. My forehead pressed against the cool glass of the third-storey living-room window, I watch a half-dozen skinheads swagger in the street below. “Asylanten Raus!” (“Asylum Seekers Out!”) they chant. “Deutschland den Deutschen!” (“Germany for the Germans!”). Black jeans, jackboots, bomber jackets stabbed with Waffen SS insignias. Dirty blond hair clipped close on the sides, Hitler-style, with a single long forelock. Punk turned political with a vengeance. Waving swastikas, shouting the inevitable yet overwhelming “Sieg Heil!” they’re heading toward the Breitscheidplatz, West Berlin’s central square. Behind me, the Thursday evening news. The sparkle of holiday fireworks gives way to the explosion of terror sweeping across the country. Shelters for asylum seekers torched in Karlsruhe in the southwest and Dusseldorf in the northwest. On the island of Rügen, in the Baltic, a dormitory for refugees razed and incinerated; two Lebanese children severely burned. A hostel for foreigners firebombed in Bremen. “. . . at least 16 racist assaults within 48 hours, bringing the number of attacks to 1,387 since the beginning of the year: the worst outbreak of violence since Hitler’s Germany.” The right-wing German People’s Party, which has just captured an alarming six seats in Bremen’s local elections, does not denounce the violence; its spokesman instead urges immediate restrictions on immigration. A conservative minister pitches Prime Minister Kohl’s proposal to push through a constitutional amendment curbing Germany’s liberal provisions for asylum, which have already opened the doors to more than 1.3 million foreigners since 1989. An interview with historian Golo Mann: “It’s 1933 again.” But dinner is ready. Wolfgang, 44, a wissenschaftlicher Assistent (lecturer) in sociology at the Free University of Berlin, joins me at the window. He takes a long drag of his cigarette. “The Hitler Youth of the ’90s,” Wolfgang says. “German Unity!?! Who knows what this ‘new Germany’ will lead to?” He turns his back on the receding parade of young faschos.
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Shoshan, Nitzan. "Afterword." In The Management of Hate. Princeton University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691171951.003.0010.
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IN RECENT YEARS, as tensions between Athens and Berlin over the former’s debt crisis have deepened, Germany’s past was staged not only on the streets of Greece, where portraits of Chancellor Merkel and Finance Minister Schäuble, rendered as Nazis, decorated demonstration posters. Under the shadow of sour negotiations, the Greek government announced it would seek 162 billion euros in damages from Germany over unpaid WWII reparations and a forced war-time loan. Later, citing a figure of 341 billion euros, Justice Minister Paraskevopoulos raised the possibility of property seizures should Germany fail to respect its alleged obligations. Prime Minister Tsipras and other prominent politicians spoke of “an open wound” and a “moral issue.” For the most part, Berlin and German media hit back with anger and denial, some complaining about “moral blackmail.” Germany’s debts and reparations have been legally, politically, and definitively resolved during its reunification, Merkel insisted; 1989, we see once more, continued to re-sequence history and signal a new “Stunde Null” and a new national project....
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Özyürek, Esra. "East German Conversions to Islam after the Collapse of the Berlin Wall." In Being German, Becoming Muslim. Princeton University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691162782.003.0004.
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This chapter analyzes the conversion and life-story narratives of two East Germans who both grew up during the closed, authoritarian regime of the German Democratic Republic (GDR). When the wall fell, Zehra was a twenty-year-old woman from a family of regime opponents just about to begin her life after graduating from high school. Usman was a thirty-year-old man with an established position as a chemist at an East German state-run factory. The fall of the wall transformed both their lives radically, recasting them as second-class citizens with no foreseeable way out in the united Germany. Both Zehra and Usman converted to Islam shortly after the collapse of the East German Communist regime in 1989.
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Phillips, Victoria. "“Dedicated to Freedom”." In Martha Graham's Cold War, 103–24. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190610364.003.0005.
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In West Berlin, 1957, Graham performed her solo Judith during the opening ceremonies of Congress Hall, an American-designed modernist building that, with its transparent glass walls, luminous curved roof, and reflecting pool, was a “symbol of the Free World,” according to the German press, situated just one hundred yards from the line dividing West Berlin from East, liberal democracy from communism. Modernism in dance met the architecture of diplomacy. “We should have the freedom of modern dancing as well as that of speech,” Graham declared when she arrived in Berlin; she embodied the modern impulse and the ideal of freedom and democracy that came with it. Led by Eleanor Lansing Dulles, the sister of both John Foster, Eisenhower’s secretary of state, and Allen, director of the CIA, the Americans planning the inauguration of Congress Hall understood that with Martha Graham, they had a cultural ambassador who was “dedicated to freedom.” However, bringing heavy-handed references to the nation’s Nazi past, Graham received poor reviews in Germany. A few days later, Graham watched as Mary Wigman received raves. Yet the Congress Hall committee reported back that Graham’s performance could be considered a success because up to half of the elite audience was from East Germany. Graham received a polite but curt note from Dulles and began drinking heavily after returning home to choreograph Clytemnestra, the first three-act modern ballet.
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Strasburg, James D. "The Lonely Flame." In God's Marshall Plan, 79–103. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197516447.003.0004.
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This chapter surveys how the American Protestant ecumenical leader Stewart Winfield Herman, Jr., responded to the Nazi regime while serving as a pastor in Berlin from 1936 to 1941. Through an examination of Herman’s views of Hitler, the German Church Struggle, and Nazi persecution of the Jews, it weighs just how conflicted American Protestants, including leading Protestant ecumenists, proved on these matters. Based in the Nazi capital, Herman in particular captured the uncertain mind of American Protestants on German affairs. In Berlin, Herman expressed caution about Nazi totalitarianism, yet he still proved open to some of Hitler’s aims of national renewal and voiced his support of the German leader. He also hesitated to support the Confessing Church at first, fearing that the movement might cause enduring ecclesial schism. Finally, when Berlin’s Jews came to Herman seeking aid, anti-Judaism and Christian antisemitism led him and other Americans to be slow to offer their help. Overall, Herman’s interwar record illustrates how Protestant ecumenists were far from monolithic or fixed in their views of their era’s challenges. As their witness fractured, they struggled to meaningfully counteract Nazi fascism.
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Gillespie, Diane F. "Virginia Woolf and the War on Books: Cultural Heritage and Dis-Heritage in the 1930s." In Virginia Woolf and Heritage. Liverpool University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5949/liverpool/9781942954422.003.0025.
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In 1821, Heinrich Heine famously and prophetically wrote, “’When they burn books, they will also, in the end, burn human beings.’” In January 1933 Adolf Hitler became Chancellor of Germany. On May 10th, university students in Berlin and Hitler’s brown shirts sang Nazi anthems, gave the Nazi arm salute, and flung onto bonfires thousands of books containing ideas considered unGerman. During the 1930s and 1940s, as many writers fled and concentration camps combined forced labor and genocide, Nazi confiscations and burnings of books and manuscripts went on throughout Germany and in occupied countries. On both sides books also were sacrificed to meet shortages of paper and fuel. Collateral damage from German and Allied bombings destroyed, along with soldiers and civilians, many more vulnerable books and libraries. Traveling in France and Italy in May 1933, Leonard and Virginia Woolf did not record any experience or knowledge of “libricide” in Berlin. Leonard Woolf notes that even in 1935, “people were just beginning to understand something of what Hitler and the Nazis were doing in Germany.” Still, the Woolfs were more aware than most. This essay will include 1) a brief look at two lesser-known books published by the Hogarth Press to inform British readers of threatened physical and cultural destruction by the Nazis; 2) a glance at selected research on the causes and goals of book and library burning; and 3) an examination, in these contexts, of some complex personal and cultural roles books played, especially in Virginia Woolf’s life, during a decade when people and their libraries lived under threat.
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Michael, Theodor. "Black German." In Black German, translated by Eve Rosenhaft. Liverpool University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5949/liverpool/9781781383117.003.0002.
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When I was born in Berlin, the year 1925 was just fifteen days old. Fourteen days earlier the Apostolic Nuntius Eugenio Pacelli, later Pope Pius XII, had delivered the congratulations of the diplomatic corps to Reich President Friedrich Ebert. Nobody expected that barely two months later Friedrich Ebert would be dead. After his death the aged Field Marshal Paul von Hindenburg, a living legend since his victory over the Russian army at Tannenberg, became President. Of course I knew nothing about all this; people told me later that I had enough trouble of my own getting into the world and staying alive. My mother was already seriously ill when I was born, and she died a year later....
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Ioffe, Dennis. "Fassbinder’s Nabokov—From Text to Action:Repressed Homosexuality, Provocative Jewishness, and Anti-German Sentiment." In Border Crossing. Edinburgh University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474411424.003.0010.
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This chapter analyzes Werner Fassbinder’s 1978 film of Vladimir Nabokov’s 1936 novel Despair. In light of Nabokov’s own border crossing as a Russian immigrant in Berlin, Fassbinder draws out the implications of the German setting in the writer’s time. The chapter argues that by focusing on the homosexual and Jewish themes of the novel in light of Fassbinder’s own homosexuality and experience as a citizen of a nation that had carried out the Holocaust just before his birth in 1945, the director creates a complex cultural map of sexuality, religious identity, and the mental illness that plagues the protagonist, Hermann. Fassbinder also develops Nabokov’s device of the double: in the film, Hermann, by murdering his stand-in Felix as a symbolic suicide, allows him to experience a rebirth through a new identity, away from Germany and his financial, marital, and social problems.
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Rodden, John G. "Berlin, 1994 No Difficulties with the Truth? The Last Testament of Philosopher-Dissident Wolfgang Harich." In Repainting the Little Red Schoolhouse. Oxford University Press, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195112443.003.0022.
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“Peace Street.” As we drive up to the home of Wolfgang Harich, 72, one of the leading intellectual controversialists in postwar Germany—indeed a one-man battlefield where DDR history and identity have fought themselves out—I remark to my friend Ulrike on the ironies of his address. It seemed to evoke what Harich wished for himself, after decades of struggle to regain his good name: to rest in peace. And that he not, as he once said, “go dishonored to the grave.” Ulrike, 35, a western Berlin linguist, is interested in hearing more about Harich’s history. The DDR itself is like a dream to her, she says—let alone such distant events such as Harich’s arrest and trial for sedition in 1956/57. She doesn’t remember ever paying much attention to the DDR; East Berlin was just a few streets yet a world away. She does not know much about DDR history, but as a Berliner, she says, she has always felt some special bond to “the east.” She too is eager to meet Wolfgang Harich, the man whose comprehensive reform proposals constituted the only Party attempt at internal restructuring of the DDR before its collapse in 1989/90. I talk about Harich’s reputation as a young man—what I’ve heard of it from acquaintances, such as Monika Hüchel, wife of the poet Peter Hüchel and a former colleague of Harich at the Tägliche Rundschau. Harich was “quite a ladies’ man,” she noted, very much a bon vivant, glittering in his wit and repartee amid the rubble in postwar Berlin. Brilliant, gossipy, impulsive, principled, rational, visionary, high-minded, refractory, moralizing, self-righteous: Harich, son of the distinguished literary critic Walther Harich—who died when Harich was a small boy—came from a well-to-do German bourgeois family and seemed in the late 1940s a throwback to an earlier era of broadly cultivated European intellectuals. I had long hoped to meet Wolfgang Harich—ever since I had read the 1956 Spiegel cover story about him—in which the editor of the Deutsche Rundschau had called him “an intellectual phenomenon,” “a pure intellect on two feet,” and “a genius, an intellectual Wunderkind.”
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Zeidman, Lawrence A. "Neuroscience becomes “Aryanized” at the Kaiser Wilhelm Institutes in Germany." In Brain Science under the Swastika, 231–78. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198728634.003.0006.
Full textAbstract:
The Kaiser Wilhelm Institutes (KWI) in Germany were supposed to be bastions of internationally renowned science, but were just as easily “coordinated” under National Socialism in Germany as the universities and public hospitals and clinics. The KWIs for brain research in Berlin and Munich, even partially founded by a Jew in the case of the latter, became primary sites for research related to the Nazi “euthanasia” programs. The transition from physiologic to pathologic research at each institute, facilitated by replacement of dissident neuroscientists with more loyal and ethically pliable neuroscientists, such as Spatz and Scholz, helped to set the stage for euthanasia research. Illustrated in this chapter is the fact that at least seven replacements of non-Aryans or dissidents at various levels significantly facilitated the coordination of the KWIs. One of these, Marthe Vogt, was not actually a dismissal, but a voluntary emigration from Germany in rejection of the Nazis.
Reports on the topic "Justiz (Berlin, Germany)"
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Melnyk, Iurii. JUSTIFICATION OF OCCUPATION IN GERMAN (1938) AND RUSSIAN (2014) MEDIA: SUBSTITUTION OF AGGRESSOR AND VICTIM. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11101.
Full textAbstract:
The article is dedicated to the examination and comparison of the justification of occupation of a neighboring country in the German (1938) and Russian (2014) media. The objective of the study is to reveal the mechanics of the application of the classical manipulative method of substituting of aggressor and victim on the material of German and Russian propaganda in 1938 and in 2014 respectively. According to the results of the study, clear parallels between the two information strategies can be traced at the level of the condemnation of internal aggression against a national minority loyal to Berlin / Moscow and its political representative (the Sudeten Germans – the pro-Russian Ukrainians, as well as the security forces of the Yanukovych regime); the reflections on dangers that Czechoslovakia / Ukraine poses to itself and to its neighbors; condemnation of the violation of the cultural rights of the minority that the occupier intends to protect (German language and culture – Russian language and culture); the historical parallels designed to deepen the modern conflict, to show it as a long-standing and a natural one (“Hussites” – “Banderites”). In the manipulative strategy of both media, the main focus is not on factual fabrication, but on the bias selection of facts, due to which the reader should have an unambiguous understanding of who is the permanent aggressor in the conflict (Czechoslovakia, Czechs – Ukraine, Ukrainians), and who is the permanent victim (Germans – Russians, Russian speakers). The substitution of victim and aggressor in the media in both cases became one of the most important manipulative strategies designed to justify the German occupation of part of Czechoslovakia and the Russian occupation of part of Ukraine.