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1
Brodsky, Marc. "Kabuki Actors Study." Medical Problems of Performing Artists 16, no. 3 (September 1, 2001): 94–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.21091/mppa.2001.3016.
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The Kabuki Actors Study set out to explore the health status of Kabuki actors, their performance-related medical problems, and the nature and extent of their health care. Two hundred sixteen Kabuki performers voluntarily completed an anonymous three-page survey addressing their health issues. Thirty-eight percent of the actors reported a history of at least one significant medical condition, and 88% of them identified at least one musculoskeletal or nonmusculoskeletal problem associated with performance. Sixty-nine percent of the performers had visited a physician over the preceding year, and 30% of them had consulted nonphysician medical practitioners. Kabuki actors, the Kabuki management, and physicians can use the findings of this study as a starting point to investigate why these injuries occur and how to prevent and treat them. Pain severity scales or other measurable outcomes of therapy can be used to compare the efficacies of physician and nonphysician treatments.
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Saltzman-Li, Katherine. "From Ataka to Kanjinchō: Adaptation of Text and Performance in a Nineteenth-Century Nō-Derived Kabuki Play." Mime Journal 27, no. 1 (2021): 48–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5642/mimejournal.20212701.06.
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Nō techniques and play borrowings provided important infusions into kabuki throughout its history, but in the nineteenth century, a genre of kabuki plays in close imitation of nō or kyōgen wasadded to the kabuki repertoire. The genre came to be called matsubamemono, meaning “[nō/kyōgen-derived kabuki] plays [performed] on a stage with a pine painted on the back wall” or “pine-boardplays.”1 These plays are the focus of this article, in which I first introduce the genre and its place in kabuki history, and then discuss its most famous example, the play Kanjinchō (Hattori 17–40; Meisakukabuki zenshū 181–197; Brandon, The Subscription List 205–236). Many matsubamemono are derived from fourth-category genzaimono nō plays. Kanjinchō is one such example, based on the genzaimono Ataka. Analysis of Kanjinchō will focus on the methods used to transform Ataka into Kanjinchō, methods that were used in other nō-to-kabuki matsubamemono adaptations and that resulted in a sophisticated amalgam of nō and kabuki techniques, borrowings and newly-created sections and passages. In addition, through an examination of the role of Benkei in performances by three great modern actors, I will briefly consider different ways of playing Benkei and how different interpretations affect our engagement with Benkei’s heroism, grandeur, and humanity.
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Ogata, Takashi. "The Narrative Generation of Kabuki." Impact 2020, no. 8 (December 16, 2020): 68–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21820/23987073.2020.8.68.
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Japan has a long history of unique artistic expression which has created highly defined genres and styles. This formalisation and tradition have allowed Japan to be home to some of the oldest performing arts, the most famous being Noh and Kabuki. Kabuki, a form of dance-drama, is 400 years old and academics at Iwate Prefectural University are now examining the narrative structures underpinning Kabuki using novel AI techniques
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Rosenberg, Chen E., Tara Daly, Christina Hung, Irene Hsueh, Andrew W. Lindsley, and Olaf Bodamer. "Prenatal and perinatal history in Kabuki Syndrome." American Journal of Medical Genetics Part A 182, no. 1 (October 26, 2019): 85–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ajmg.a.61387.
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Tian, Min. "How Does the Billy-Goat Produce Milk? Sergei Eisenstein's Reconstitution of Kabuki Theatre." New Theatre Quarterly 32, no. 4 (October 14, 2016): 318–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x16000403.
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Through a close examination of Eisenstein's writings on the Kabuki theatre, Min Tian demonstrates in this article that Eisenstein's interpretation of Kabuki from the perspective of his theory displaced the techniques and principles of Kabuki theatre from its historical and aesthetic contexts. Predicated upon his ‘montage thinking’, Eisenstein reconstituted the techniques and principles integral to Kabuki as an organic whole in the context of his evolving and synthesizing theory. Min Tian has a PhD in theatre history from the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign and a doctorate at the Central Academy of Drama in Beijing. Currently teaching at the University of Iowa, he is the author of Mei Lanfang and the Twentieth-Century International Stage (2012) and The Poetics of Difference and Displacement: Twentieth-Century Chinese–Western Intercultural Theatre (2008), and editor of China's Greatest Operatic Male Actor of Female Roles: Documenting the Life and Art of Mei Lanfang, 1894–1961 (2010).
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Goff, Janet Emily. "Kabuki Plays On Stage (review)." Monumenta Nipponica 60, no. 3 (2005): 425–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mni.2005.0036.
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Kitamura, Yu, and D. Savelli. "Justified exoticism, or, Kabuki Theatre touring the Soviet Union in 1928." Voprosy literatury, no. 5 (December 19, 2018): 39–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.31425/0042-8795-2018-5-39-75.
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The article offers a detailed account of the first tour of a Kabuki troupe in theSoviet Union, commenting on its political and cultural significance. Kabuki performers were invited to theUSSRfor primarily political reasons: establishing contact between the two governments came first, and the tour was regarded as a success for Soviet diplomacy rather than an achievement of Japanese culture. However, the political hype soon subsided and more people realized the extraordinary significance of this tour for the history of the theatre. The tour became a nation-wide event. The authors cite numerous newspaper reviews of the Kabuki plays, as well as correspondence between politicians, who had anticipated a flop, but were amazed at the reaction of Soviet audiences to this Japanese ‘exoticism’ because the tour had been mostly targeted at the Japanese community. The latter saw the tour as a sign of the Soviets’ readiness for peaceful coexistence withJapan.
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KANGJIHYUN. "Inheritance history dray-horsewoman(Oroku) character in “Kabuki/Yakusyae/Gokan”." Journal of Japanese Language and Literature 81, no. 2 (May 2012): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17003/jllak.2012.81.2.3.
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Arntzen, Sonja, and Jean-Jacques Tschudin. "Le Kabuki Devant la Modernite (1870-1930)." Monumenta Nipponica 52, no. 3 (1997): 402. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2385636.
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GERSTLE, C. ANDREW. "The culture of play: kabuki and the production of texts." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 66, no. 3 (October 2003): 358–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x03000259.
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This article examines the role of performance (defined in its broadest sense) in Japanese literary culture, specifically the relationship between performance and the production of physical texts, both script and illustration. It postulates the thesis that performance has been an essential part of artistic creation even among highly literate artists/writers in the genres of poetry (waka, renga, haikai, kyōka), Nō and kabuki drama. A case is made that artists' salons (including professionals and amateurs) were an integral part of cultural life and that their activities were as important as the physical texts produced in response to such performances. The core of the article focuses on the Kabuki ‘culture of play’ in Osaka, through which actors, poets, artists and fans participated both in performances and in the production of texts such as books on actors (yakusha ehon), books on theatre (gekisho), surimono (privately-commissioned prints commemorating a poetry gathering), single-sheet actor prints, and actor critique books (yakusha hyōbanki).
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Adam, Margaret P., Siddharth Banka, Hans T. Bjornsson, Olaf Bodamer, Albert E. Chudley, Jaqueline Harris, Hiroshi Kawame, et al. "Kabuki syndrome: international consensus diagnostic criteria." Journal of Medical Genetics 56, no. 2 (December 4, 2018): 89–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/jmedgenet-2018-105625.
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BackgroundKabuki syndrome (KS) is a clinically recognisable syndrome in which 70% of patients have a pathogenic variant in KMT2D or KDM6A. Understanding the function of these genes opens the door to targeted therapies. The purpose of this report is to propose diagnostic criteria for KS, particularly when molecular genetic testing is equivocal.MethodsAn international group of experts created consensus diagnostic criteria for KS. Systematic PubMed searches returned 70 peer-reviewed publications in which at least one individual with molecularly confirmed KS was reported. The clinical features of individuals with known mutations were reviewed.ResultsThe authors propose that a definitive diagnosis can be made in an individual of any age with a history of infantile hypotonia, developmental delay and/or intellectual disability, and one or both of the following major criteria: (1) a pathogenic or likely pathogenic variant in KMT2D or KDM6A; and (2) typical dysmorphic features (defined below) at some point of life. Typical dysmorphic features include long palpebral fissures with eversion of the lateral third of the lower eyelid and two or more of the following: (1) arched and broad eyebrows with the lateral third displaying notching or sparseness; (2) short columella with depressed nasal tip; (3) large, prominent or cupped ears; and (4) persistent fingertip pads. Further criteria for a probable and possible diagnosis, including a table of suggestive clinical features, are presented.ConclusionAs targeted therapies for KS are being developed, it is important to be able to make the correct diagnosis, either with or without molecular genetic confirmation.
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Oshima, Mark, Mayama Seika, and Brian Powell. "Kabuki in Modern Japan: Mayama Seika and His Plays." Monumenta Nipponica 47, no. 2 (1992): 293. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2385248.
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Schauwecker, Detlef, Thomas Leims, Ilse Chlan, and Leopoldine Pavlicek. "Kabuki, Holzschnitt, Japonismus: Japonica in der Theatersammlung der Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek." Monumenta Nipponica 40, no. 2 (1985): 247. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2384734.
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Ehrlich, Linda C., and Laurence R. Kominz. "The Stars Who Created Kabuki: Their Lives, Loves and Legacy." Monumenta Nipponica 53, no. 4 (1998): 580. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2385757.
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Leiter, Samuel L. "“What Really Happens Backstage”: A Nineteenth-Century Kabuki Document." Theatre Survey 38, no. 2 (November 1997): 109–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004055740000209x.
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In 1967 the National Theatre of Japan (Kokuritsu Gekijô) published a facsimile version of Okyôgen Gakuya no Honsetsu (What Really Happens Backstage), a two-volume, four-part work, originally published in the midnineteenth century in Edo (Tokyo), and written by Santei Shunba, with the first volume (1858) illustrated by Baichôrô Kunisada and Ichieisai Yoshitsuya, and the second (1859) by Ichiransai Kunitsuna. The book offers numerous illustrations of kabuki stage effects, with brief explanations of their purposes. Despite its great value as a historical resource, this work had been barely known to the Japanese academic community, apart from the fact that one of its pictures appeared in Ihara Toshirô's 1913 Kinsei Nihon Engeki Shi (History of Japanese Theatre from the Edo Period) and was reproduced frequently thereafter. The chief source of information concerning its contents was an entry in the six-volume Engeki Hyakka Daijiten (Encyclopedia of the Theatre), published by Waseda University in 1962. This entry contained several inaccuracies, including errors in the number of the book's volumes and its publication date.
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Liscutin, Nicola, and Thomas F. Leims. "Die Entsehung des Kabuki: Transkulturation Europa-Japan im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert." Monumenta Nipponica 46, no. 2 (1991): 268. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2385411.
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Fleming, William D. "A History of Japanese Theatre; Edo Kabuki in Transition: From the Worlds of the Samurai to the Vengeful Female Ghost; Onnagata: A Labyrinth of Gendering in Kabuki Theater." TDR/The Drama Review 62, no. 2 (June 2018): 163–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram_r_00760.
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Gilbert, Helen. "Cultural Frictions: John Romeril's The Floating World." Theatre Research International 26, no. 1 (March 2001): 60–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883301000062.
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Hailed as an ‘unruly masterpiece’, John Romeril's The Floating World is one of the few ‘new wave’ Australian plays representing Australians and their Asian ‘others’ to be restaged periodically since its première in 1974. Paying particular attention to productions of the play that have used Japanese theatre forms such as kabuki and bunraku, this article focuses primarily on the ways in which the spectacle of race has been coded performatively by different directorial approaches, and how various significations of race have been interpreted by the critical establishment. The fascinating stage history of The Floating World is treated as a barometer of Australian theatre's response to the challenge of representing cultural conflict, during a period marked by public debate about the desirability, and inevitability, of Australia's political, economic and cultural ‘enmeshment’ with Asia.
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Rath, Eric C. "The Tastiest Dish in Edo: Print, Performance and Culinary Entertainment in Early-Modern Japan." East Asian Publishing and Society 3, no. 2 (2013): 184–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22106286-12341249.
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Abstract Japanese television has turned cooking into a competition, as exemplified by the show Iron Chef and its imitators. Readers in the early modern period could enjoy similar contests between famous restaurants and popular dishes as presented on one-page broadsheets called ‘topical fight cards’ (mitate banzuke). Tracing the history of mitate banzuke as they developed from kabuki and sumo banzuke, this article offers a close reading of one culinary banzuke published in the 1830s, examining how it borrowed the format and graphic presentation of sumo banzuke to turn a listing of ordinary seafood and vegetable side dishes into an entertaining culinary contest. Sushi, sashimi, and tempura, which are the modern hallmarks of traditional Japanese cuisine, scarcely appear on the culinary banzuke examined here, which spotlights the more frugal fare and dietary preferences of urban commoners and illuminates the ways that popular print culture made fun with food.
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Pinnington, Noel J. "Invented origins: Muromachi interpretations of okina sarugaku." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 61, no. 3 (October 1998): 492–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00019315.
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Okina , a ritual play without plot, a collection of old songs and dialogues interspersed with dances, can be seen in many parts of Japan, performed in various versions. In village festivals, it may be put on by local people using libretti derived from oral traditions, and in larger shrines professional players might be employed to perform it at the New Year. Puppets enact Okina dances at the start of Bunraku performances and Kabuki actors use them to open their season. Such Okina performances derive from Nō traditions, and as might be expected, the Nō schools have their own Okina, based on texts deriving from the Edo period, which they perform at the start of celebratory programmes. These ‘official’ versions feature, among other roles, two old men: Okina and Sanbasō (). Before the fifteenth century, when Nō traditions were being established, it was common for a third old man known as Chichi no jō () to appear as well (I shall refer to this ‘complete’ form as Shikisanban, three ritual pieces, a term used by Muromachi performers). These old men are marked out from all other Nō roles by their use of a unique type of mask, having a separated lower jaw connected by a cord (the so-called kiriago).Erika de Poorter, in her introduction to Okina, suggests that actors dropped the third section because its Buddhist content conflicted with a trend away from Buddhism towards Shinto (a trend she refers to as ‘the spirit of the times’). She supports her theory by adducing a similar ideological shift in contemporaneous interpretations of Okina and legends about the origins of Nō. De Poorter tells us little about these interpretations, as is perhaps appropriate for an introductory essay. This study, however, aims to give a full account of them, starting with a Buddhist reading, recorded near the beginning of the Muromachi period, proceeding to interpretations current among performers in the fifteenth century, and concluding with the purely Shinto explanation taught by the Yoshida lineage in the mid-sixteenth century.
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Rowe, John A. "Erieza Kintu's Sulutani Anatoloka: A Nineteenth-Century Historical Memoir From Buganda." History in Africa 20 (1993): 313–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171977.
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An 85-year-old villager named Erieza Kintu died at Kabubu in the county of Bulemezi, kingdom of Buganda, sometime in 1965. His passing was virtually unnoticed, except by relatives and a few neighbors. Through my research trips between 1962 and 1964 had on several occasions brought me to within a few miles of his house, I never met Kintu. Yet he is one of my best sources for the history of Buganda in the 1890s. Indeed, his memory of the so called “rebellion” by Kabaka Mwanga against the British in 1897 is the single best source I know, particularly valuable as an “insider” eyewitness participant. Even more importantly, unlike the earlier “official” histories of Mwanga's uprising, Kintu's view is from the point of the losers in the conflict—those who had resisted the new order of Christianity, private land tenure, and protectorate status within the British empire.As so often happens with the vanquished, their history was suppressed by the victors, who—through the control of schooling and the printing press— ensured that only their own version of the conflict would become history. Yet somehow, at the age of almost seventy years the non-literate Erieza Kintu managed to dictate his oral memoirs to the manager of the Baganda Cooperative Society Press, and the result was Sulutani Anatoloka, a printed pamphlet that went on sale in Kampala priced one shilling a copy. After a few days no doubt the small edition was sold out and disappeared from view. Fortunately, one copy wound up in the hands of a prominent anthropologist from the University of Chicago, Lloyd Fallers, who was director of the East African Institute of Social Research at Makerere University in the early 1950s. Years later, when Fallers returned to Chicago, he brought back the pamphlet and offered me a photocopy, which I translated from Luganda into English in 1964. At that time I knew nothing about the author, except what was printed in his memoir covering the years from 1892 to 1899, nor did I know the circumstances surrounding the publication, or even the date when it had been printed. So here was a mysterious, unique, and potentially invaluable historical source—if only one could investigate its provenance.
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Reid, Richard. "The Reign of Kabaka Nakibinge: Myth or Watershed?" History in Africa 24 (January 1997): 287–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172031.
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Reliable data relating to Buganda's pre-1800 past has come to historians in the form of a thin trickle. Students of more ancient Ganda history have been compelled to rely on the accounts by literate Ganda composed in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, most notably the work of Apolo Kagwa. The effective usage of these accounts is fraught with difficulties, difficulties which are well-documented in the case of Buganda and which have been explored by, in particular, Wrigley, Kiwanuka, Rowe, and Henige. These writers have justifiably questioned the validity of such recorded political history. The idea that Buganda was governed by a Western-style royal dynasty, with a chronologically-structured succession list, was first put in writing by Speke, who provided the earliest such kinglist.Over the ensuing forty years this kinglist was gradually lengthened and virtually set in stone, largely through the writings of Kagwa. The explanation of precolonial Ganda government in die terminology of Western constitutional monarchy doubtless served very well the purposes of the new colonial power, which was able to claim that it was merely backing up an extant political organization able to articulate the practices of ‘civilised’ governance. This arrangement also clearly suited the Ganda, as Wrigley and Twaddle have suggested. Both authors incisively argue that the Ganda kinglist was manipulated to meet the challenges of the colonial period.There seems little reason to doubt, and every reason to believe, that the recording of Buganda's more ancient past (for which there is no corroborating written source) was indeed often carefully engineered to produce the desired results. The attempt to ‘clarify’ local power struggles, the legitimization of particular claims to authority, and die opportunity to provide the world with the definitive account of one's own ‘national history’ (an opportunity, surely, which few could resist) were all factors which have combined to demand skepticism among historians concerning the historicity of ‘traditional’ accounts.
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Tuck, Michael W. "Kabaka Mutesa and Venereal Disease: An Essay on Medical History and Sources in Precolonial Buganda." History in Africa 30 (2003): 309–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361541300003272.
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In an article in History in Africa about the Ganda monarch Mutesa, Richard Reid argued that Mutesa likely suffered from syphilis. In a chapter on Mutesa in a just published volume, John Rowe concluded that the disease from which Mutesa suffered was gonorrhea. While on the surface similar—both sexually transmitted, neither particularly desirable—the diseases are actually quite different. Popular biographies often offer gossip about individuals' medical histories, but there can be legitimate reasons to investigate the medical history of past leaders, two of which are pertinent here. First, the medical conditions from which they suffered may well have affected their lives and their decisions as leaders. Reid addresses this point, speculating that Mutesa's syphilis may have progressed to an extent that it affected him mentally. Reid suggests that this might help explain Mutesa's erratic behavior toward the latter years of his reign, as he shifted his favor from one court group and foreign delegation to another. Rowe raises a similar point about Mutesa's health and competing groups, although in a different way. Rowe shows how Mutesa's illness became a point of competition between foreign missionaries and indigenous religious specialists as each sought to win his favor by curing his lllness. Reid and Rowe also both mention the effect Mutesa's illness had on the perception of him as Kabaka. The Baganda equated the health and well-being of the Kabaka with the health of the kingdom, and Mutesa's extended illness and bedridden state would not have been a positive attribute.
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SUMMERS, CAROL. "‘SUBTERRANEAN EVIL’ AND ‘TUMULTUOUS RIOT’ IN BUGANDA: AUTHORITY AND ALIENATION AT KING'S COLLEGE, BUDO, 1942." Journal of African History 47, no. 1 (March 2006): 93–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002185370500085x.
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Staff petitions, sexual and disciplinary scandal and open riot pushed Buganda's leaders to close Budo College on the eve of Kabaka (King) Muteesa II's coronation. The upheaval at the school included a teachers' council that proclaimed ownership of the school, student leaders who manipulated the headmaster through scandal and school clubs and associations that celebrated affiliation over discipline. Instead of enacting and celebrating imperial partnership and order in complex, well-choreographed coronation rituals, the school's disruption delineated the fractures and struggles over rightful authority, order and patronage within colonial Buganda, marking out a future of tumultuous political transition.
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Arnaud, Diane. "L’attraction fantôme dans le cinéma d’horreur japonais contemporain." Cinémas 20, no. 2-3 (January 7, 2011): 119–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/045147ar.
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Le cinéma d’horreur japonais contemporain a provoqué depuis dix ans un renouvellement du genre des films de fantômes. L’auteure aborde ce phénomène en se penchant, par l’analyse de séquences, sur un mode d’adresse spectatorielle : l’attraction-fantôme. La notion proposée prend en compte à la fois l’effroi spectaculaire et l’effet spécial de l’apparition lié à la tradition culturelle du théâtre nô et du théâtre kabuki. Elle se rattache à certains aspects (autonomie par rapport à la narration, « émotion choc ») de la théorie des attractions, d’Eisenstein à Gunning. La mise en scène des confrontations et des déplacements fait jouer aux victimes le rôle du spectateur en état de choc. Cependant, les films contemporains intègrent également des mises en série et en réseau des images de fantômes. Le caractère répétitif des apparitions implique une construction diégétique sur le mode de la hantise, de la disparition et de l’oubli. Le champ d’attraction des spectres menace-t-il pour autant l’identité du sujet dans un contexte où les images circulent par voie technologique ? L’attrait contemporain pour le cinéma d’horreur japonais crée plutôt un lien entre esthétique et Histoire : la réémergence de traumas saisie à travers la visibilité des fantômes, déjà apparus, déjà disparus.
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Basu, Soma. "Bengali girls in sport: A socio‐economic study of Kabadi." International Journal of the History of Sport 21, no. 3-4 (June 2004): 467–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523360409510551.
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Basu, Soma. "Bengali Girls in Sport: A Socio-economic Study of Kabadi." International Journal of the History of Sport 21, no. 1 (January 2004): 469–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0952336042000223144.
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Kim, Sun Young, Alexander Ing, Kristin Clemenz, Kai Lee Yap, Sherif M. Badawy, Robert I. Liem, Alexis A. Thompson, and A. Kyle Mack. "Probably Pathogenic KMT2D Variants Presenting with Cytopenias and Primary Immune Deficiency." Blood 134, Supplement_1 (November 13, 2019): 2334. http://dx.doi.org/10.1182/blood-2019-131468.
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Background The mutations in KMT2D gene are well known to be associated with Kabuki syndrome. Up to date, 1,027 different germline KMT2D variants have been reported in ClinVar (https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/clinvar/?term=KMT2D%5Bgene%5D), and among them, 365 variants (35.5%) are classified as uncertain significance and 53 (5.2%) are assigned to conflicting interpretations. This means about 40% of KMTD2 variants still need further evaluation to figure out whether they are 'pathogenic' or 'likely pathogenic'. Currently, the problem with the respect to the interpretation of variants is that they are prone to be reported as variants of unknown significance (VUS) without further study if the KMT2D variants have not been clinically described and reported previously. And in the clinical field, the KMT2D variants interpreted as VUS most likely do not get paid attention by the clinicians and can be easily ignored without further testing. Recently, Hadjadj et al.1 brought up the criteria 'probably pathogenic' variants which include the minor allele frequency less than 0.01 in the general population, and in Silico algorithms predicts the pathogenicity of missense variants. The authors found these 'probably pathogenic' variants were not significantly different from 'pathogenic' mutations in Evans syndrome in terms of clinical manifestations. Hypothesis and objective We hypothesized that there could be 'probably pathogenic' KMT2D variants which have been reported as VUS in patients with hematologic cytopenias and primary immune deficiency and we sought to find these 'probably pathogenic' variants for further evaluation to figure out their pathogenicity. Methods We analyzed the next generation sequencing data performed on patients with hematologic cytopenias and primary immune deficiency at the Ann and Robert H. Lurie Children's Hospital from March 2017 to May 2019. This primary immune deficiency (PID) panel analyzes 290 genes and the clinical manifestations of the patients were compared with the previous reports published regarding the KMT2D pathogenic mutations. We reviewed not only the online PubMed resource, but the websites well known for gene analysis were also used as references (https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/clinvar/, http://exac.broadinstitute.org/, http://genetics.bwh.harvard.edu/pph2/, http://provean.jcvi.org/index.php, https://sift.bii.a-star.edu.sg/, etc). Results Among 52 patients who had a PID panel ordered, 10 patients (19.2%) were found to have KMT2D variants. Among them, 4 variants (7.6%) were polymorphisms (c.7705G>A, p.Gly2569Ser; c.11849A>G, p.Gln3950Arg; c.1408C>T, p.Pro470Ser; c.2506C>A, p.Ile238Val) and 6 (11.5%) 'probably pathogenic' KMT2D variants were newly identified. Novel heterozygous KMT2D variants, previously reported as VUS: c.15341A>C, p.His5114Pro; c.10640G>A, p.Arg3547; c.6902C>T, p.Pro2301Leu; c.7328G>T, p.Arg2443Leu; c.15694A>G, p.I5232V; c.7001G>A, p.R2334Q were identified in patients who presented with various clinical manifestations known to be associated with KMT2D mutations which are neutropenia, anemia, thrombocytopenia, cardiac anomaly, urogenital anomaly, primary immune deficiency, variable degrees of mental retardation and distinctive facial features that include arched eyebrows, long eyelashes, elongated eyelids with lower lids that turn out, prominent ears, a flat tip of the nose, and a downward slant to the mouth. Further parental testing revealed one of them was a novel de novo mutation which was reclassified as 'likely pathogenic', 4 variants were inherited from mother or father and parental testing was not done for 1 patient. Conclusion We concluded that the mutational gene analysis should be correlated with patients' clinical manifestations. The second look analysis of the 'probably pathogenic' variants reported as VUS to figure out the clinical meaning would be important in terms of diagnosis and treatment of patients in the future. Further evaluation regarding family history and gene analysis would be necessary as well as further downstream pathway studies to confirm the pathogenicity of the 'probably pathogenic' KMT2D variants. References 1. Jérôme Hadjadj, Nathalie Aladjidi, Helder Fernandes, et al. Pediatric Evans syndrome is associated with a high frequency of potentially damaging variants in immune genes, Blood 2019 134:9-21. Disclosures Thompson: Baxalta: Research Funding; Novartis: Consultancy, Research Funding; Celgene: Consultancy, Research Funding; bluebird bio, Inc.: Consultancy, Research Funding.
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REID, RICHARD. "THE GANDA ON LAKE VICTORIA: A NINETEENTH- CENTURY EAST AFRICAN IMPERIALISM." Journal of African History 39, no. 3 (November 1998): 349–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853798007270.
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The examination of the growth of canoe transport in Buganda in the nineteenth century is an aspect of the kingdom's history that has received little serious consideration to date. This paper focuses on the ways in which the canoe fleet, especially from the 1840s, was systematically developed and utilized in the extension of Ganda power and influence in the Lake Victoria region. The need to protect and promote commerce was one of the driving forces behind Buganda's diplomatic, military and technological policies in the second half of the nineteenth century. This was consistent with objectives of the kingdom that had endured since around the middle of the sixteenth century, although the scale of these objectives had expanded along with the kingdom's horizons. Yet recognition of this basic continuity should not detract from our appreciation of the degree to which the Ganda innovated to meet the challenges of long-distance trade, as well as the challenges to their control of the external environment. The presence of Ganda at Tabora, on the southern shore of Lake Victoria, and even at Zanzibar itself is indicative of the alacrity with which Kabaka Suna (c. 1830–56) and Kabaka Mutesa (1856–84) seized their opportunities and attempted to secure conditions perceived to be favourable to the ‘national interest’ far beyond territorial borders. Yet Ganda also failed to realize the full military potential of their canoes. Despite their considerable efforts, the success of the naval endeavour was never without qualifications, and it is one of the primary aims of this paper to analyze these deficiencies.
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Ward, Kevin. "The Church of Uganda and the Exile of Kabaka Muteesa II, 1953-55." Journal of Religion in Africa 28, no. 4 (November 1998): 411. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1581559.
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Ward, Kevin. "The Church of Uganda and the Exile of Kabaka Muteesa Ii, 1953-551." Journal of Religion in Africa 28, no. 4 (1998): 411–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006698x00233.
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Reid, Richard. "Images of an African Ruler: Kabaka Mutesa of Buganda, ca. 1857–1884." History in Africa 26 (January 1999): 269–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172144.
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There can be few areas of the world which have been more systematically misrepresented than Africa, especially that part of the continent south of the Sahara. For centuries, and certainly since the Midas-like Mansa Musa sat astride West Africa on the maps of fourteenth-century Spain, the weird and wonderful imagery of Africa has flooded Europe's vision of that continent. Much of this imagery has been generated by Europeans, and even where it has been generated by Africans themselves, the original meaning and intention is often difficult to discover. The imagery has, to the non-African world, become Africa; this is the case to the point where, at the end of the twentieth century, almost every adjective placed before the name “Africa” is loaded, has some ideological or political currency, and indeed has a history of its own.Most famously, perhaps, Africa was for a long time “dark”, and still that image periodically appears in assorted Western media, a comforting crutch to an audience which remains somewhat confused as to what to make of the continent. Africa is often supposed to have a “heart,” in a way that neither Europe nor North America does. This is perhaps related to the continent's geographical shape, for it is rather more self-contained than Europe, Asia, or the Americas. It is more likely, however, that an African “heart” is sought precisely because it cannot, using the clumsy surgical tools of Western culture, be found. In more recent times, Africa's “dark heart” has been replaced by its “troubled heart;” but the idea remains unchanged.
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Patou-Mathis, Marylène, and Victor Chabaï. "Kabazi II (Crimée, Ukraine) : un site d'abattage et de boucherie du Paléolithique moyen." L'Anthropologie 107, no. 2 (April 2003): 223–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0003-5521(02)00006-7.
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Özlü, Zeynel. "Osmanlı Döneminde Hacı Bektaş Veli Sülalesi: Çelebiler." Belleten 79, no. 285 (August 1, 2015): 501–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2015.501.
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Velayetname'ye göre Hacı Bektaş Veli evlenmemiş ve nesli de devam etmemiştir. Ancak O'nun neslinin devam ettiğine ilişkin bazı iddialar ortaya atılmıştır. Bunlar Hacı Bektaş Veli'nin gerçekten evli olduğuna dair veya abdest alırken burnundan akan kanın damlaması ve bunu içen Kadıncık Ana'nın hamile kalması neticesinde Hacı Bektaş Veli'nin soyunun buradan devam ettiği ile ilgili menkıbeler ve "Hacı Bektaş Veli evli değildi" ifadesiyle kasdın O'nun evlenmediği değil Allah'tan başka her şeyle ilgiyi kestiği anlamında olduğu gibi bazı söylemlere dayanmaktadır. Araştırmalar en geç 15. yüzyılın ikinci yarısında Çelebilerin Hacı Bektaş evlatları ve O'nun yasal varisleri olarak kabul edildiğini ortaya koymaktadır. Osmanlılar da çelebilerle ilgili bu toplumsal kabulü aynen onaylamıştır. Çelebi ailesinin nüfusu 16. yüzyıl sonlarında 15 kişi, 18. yüzyıl sonlarında ise 13 kişi iken bu rakam 1896-1899 yıllarında 14 haneye (ortalama 70 kişi) yükselmiştir. 1840 yılında Hacıbektaş kazasında yapılan temettuat sayımlarında "çelebi" unvanlı veya "Hacı Bektaş evladı" adı altında kimsenin bulunmaması veya bu unvanların ihmal edilmesi dikkat çekicidir. Sülale mensuplarının atalarından devraldıkları emlak ve arazilerin toplam değeri ise 1896-1899 yıllarında 334.500 kuruş olarak tespit edilmiştir. Bu arazilerden Tanzimat'a kadar vergi alınmazken Tanzimat'la beraber vergi muafiyeti kaldırılmış ve 1863-1900 yıllarında 1522 kuruş vergi alınmıştır. Ancak sülale mensupları kendilerine Tanzimat öncesi tanınan ayrıcalığın devam etmesi ve tarh edilen verginin alınmaması için ilgili mercilere sürekli olarak itiraz dilekçeleri vermişlerdir. Verdikleri mücadele nihayet sonuç vermiş ve Rumi 1317 (Miladi 1901-1902) senesi için hazırlanacak bütçeye ek bir meblağ konarak bu verginin devlet tarafından karşılanması sağlanmıştır. Bununla beraber ileriki yıllarda çelebilerden vergi istenmeye yine devam edildiği görülmektedir.
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Sanfilippo, Eleonora. "Keynes's trading on Wall Street: did he follow the same behaviour when investing for himself and for King's?" Financial History Review 28, no. 1 (March 3, 2021): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565020000256.
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In the last few years Keynes's investment activity, both as an individual trader and as a manager of institutions’ portfolios, has attracted attention in the specialised literature. Recently his investments on Wall Street, in particular – both on his own account (Cristiano, Marcuzzo and Sanfilippo 2018) and on behalf of King's College, Cambridge (Chambers and Kabiri 2016) – have been analysed, and the evident connection with his theoretical analysis of the functioning of the financial markets contained in chapter 12 of The General Theory has been duly stressed. This article aims to contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of Keynes's trading behaviour on Wall Street by providing a detailed comparison of his investment choices when he traded for himself and for King's. There are similarities, as might be expected, but also significant differences, well worth investigating. As far as the differences are concerned, one of the most striking is to be seen, for instance, in his attitude when, after a period of bull market in 1936, he had to face the spring 1937 burst of the speculative bubble and subsequent recession. Analysis of his behaviour in this specific case reveals that the event took him by surprise but his reaction differed with regard to his personal investments and the King's investments. The prevalence of a ‘buy and hold’ strategy, which, according to Chambers and Kabiri's reconstruction (2016), marked Keynes's behaviour in general (and also in this particular case) when he invested on behalf of King's, was not always his typical choice when the investments were undertaken on his own account. A tentative explanation of this result, which is also grounded on some different features characterising the two portfolios and not sufficiently investigated in previous studies, is at last provided in the article.
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Buelens, Frans. "Ali Kabiri , The Great Crash of 1929: A Reconciliation of Theory and Evidence, Palgrave Studies in the History of Finance (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014, 256 pp. ISBN 9781137372888 hardcover and ebook)." Financial History Review 23, no. 2 (August 2016): 273–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565016000135.
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Sağır, Adem, and Hülya Demirağ. "Din ve Gelenek Bağlamında Kadın ve Kadınlık Tartışmaları: Diyanet Hutbeleri Örneği (2006-2016) / Women and Womanhood Debates in the Context of Religion and Tradition: Example of Religious Khutbahs (2006-2016)." Journal of History Culture and Art Research 6, no. 3 (June 18, 2017): 592. http://dx.doi.org/10.7596/taksad.v6i3.909.
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<p><strong>Abstract </strong></p><p>The history of women and womanhood is surrounded by a factual reality which has been affected by historic tradition, social institutions, and cultural practices. Women studies in social sciences are often nourished by feminist approaches within patriarchy debates. The hypothesis of patriarchy’s being derived from religion and tradition is highly determinant while forming an estimate of women’s status. This acceptance is also seen as the main reason of seeing women as a second class in eastern societies. This study represents the effort of digressing this acceptance. The main source of this effort is women and womanhood being in khutbahs used by Presidency of Religious Affairs of Turkey within the scope of non-formal religious education. The study aims to determine the discourses through which woman phenomenon has been expressed in khutbahs issued between 2006 and 2016 (on 599 khutbahs). In this context, 43 khutbahs issued throughout Turkey have been chosen. These khutbahs have been made content analysis under the categories of privacy, violence to family and women. Khutbahs, which are ways of non-formal religious education, are noteworthiness as they are read in mosques that gather all kind of people from society. These Khutbahs also stresses about the importance of womanhood and give chapters to respect women. Thus, how women have been expressed, the responsibilities given to women and the ways of describing women’s roles in khutbahs are important to achieve the aim of the study. </p><p><strong>Öz</strong></p><p>Kadın ve kadınlığın tarihi gelenekler, toplumsal kurumlar ve kültürel pratiklerin etkilediği olgusal bir gerçeklikle çevrilidir. Sosyal bilimlerde kadın araştırmaları, sıklıkla ataerkillik tartışmaları içerisinde feminist yaklaşımlardan beslenmektedir. Ataerkilliğin din ve gelenekten türediği varsayımı, kadının toplumsal konumu ve statüsünü değerlendirilirken oldukça belirleyicidir. Bu kabul aynı zamanda Doğu toplumlarında kadının ikincil planda kalmasının temel nedeni olarak görülmektedir. Çalışma, bu kabule bir parantez açma çabasını yansıtmaktadır. Çabayı besleyen damar, Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı’nın yaygın din eğitimi kapsamında kullandığı hutbelerde yer alan kadın ve kadınlık olmuştur. Araştırmada, 2006-2016 yılları arasında yayınlanan 599 hutbe içerisinde kadın olgusunun hangi söylemlerle ifade edildiğini saptamak amaçlanmıştır. Bu kapsamda Türkiye geneli için yayınlanmış 43 hutbe seçilmiştir. Bu hutbeler mahremiyet, aile ve kadına şiddet kategoriler başlığında içerik analizine tabi tutulmuştur. Yaygın din eğitimi aracı olan hutbeler, toplumun her kesiminden insanı toplayan camilerde okutulduğu düşünüldüğünde dikkate değer bulunmuştur. Böylece hutbelerde kadının nasıl anlatıldığı, İslam dini içerisinde kadına yüklenen sorumluluklar ve kadınların rollerinin tanımlanma biçimleri çalışmanın amacı için önemlidir. Kadına değer verilmesinin İslam dini açısından zorunlu olduğundan bahsedilen hutbelerde, kadının olması gereken konuma dair bir projeksiyon sunmaktadır. Bu bağlamda da hutbelerde kadına yönelik temalar işlenerek, İslam’ın kadına verdiği önem vurgulanmaya çalışılmıştır. Toplumda kadına yönelik yapılan haksızlıkların yanlış olduğu ve bunların ne İslam ne de Müslümanlıkla bağdaşmadığı mesajı verilerek, toplumda var olan sorunların önüne geçilmeye çalışılmaktadır.<strong></strong></p>
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Kabadi, Shaum M., Ravi K. Goyal, Saurabh P. Nagar, Keith L. Davis, Hannah Le, Xianglin L. Du, Preetesh Jain, Michael L. Wang, Jorge Enrique Romaguera, and James A. Kaye. "Overall Survival, Adverse Events, and Economic Burden in Medicare-Insured Patients with Mantle Cell Lymphoma Receiving Cancer-Directed Therapy." Blood 134, Supplement_1 (November 13, 2019): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1182/blood-2019-122841.
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Background: Most data on overall survival (OS) and adverse events (AEs) in patients with mantle cell lymphoma (MCL) are from controlled trials in academic centers; data from real world management and outcomes in patients with MCL are sparse. We therefore conducted a population-based retrospective cohort study of patients with MCL in the Medicare database to assess treatment patterns, OS, AEs, and economic burden. Methods: Patients with MCL who received any systemic cancer-directed treatment from 2013 to 2015 were selected from the nationwide Medicare claims database and followed through 2016. The date of the first observed systemic therapy defined each patient's index date. Patients were included if they (a) were ≥ 18 years of age at the index date; (b) had ≥ 12 months of continuous Medicare enrollment before the index date (baseline period); and (c) had no evidence of prior MCL-directed treatment (systemic therapy and/or SCT) at any time before the index date (i.e., during at least the previous 12 months). An observed line of therapy was defined as all agents received on or within 35 days after the first claim for a systemic therapy drug; the observed therapy line was considered ended upon switch to another regimen or a gap ≥ 90 days after the last treatment. OS was estimated by the Kaplan-Meier method from the index date (start of first observed line of therapy) until the last follow-up or death. We also calculated rates of occurrence for hematologic and nonhematologic AEs often associated with the most commonly observed regimens (irrespective of observed line of therapy). The occurrence of AEs was defined based on the presence of at least one claim containing an AE-specific diagnosis code during the treatment, regardless of any history of the AE before treatment initiation. All-cause health care costs were assessed from Medicare's perspective. Multivariable models were fitted to assess the association between number of AEs and average costs during the first observed therapy. Results: We analyzed 1,465 patients who met the inclusion criteria (median age=74 years; 68% male; 93% white). Across all observed lines of therapy, ibrutinib monotherapy (Ibr) (n=588 [40%]) was the most frequently used regimen, followed by bendamustine/rituximab (BR) (n=527 [36%]). Ibr recipients had a median age of 75 years, median Charlson Comorbidity Index (CCI) score of 4.0, and were followed for a median duration of 15 months; 52% died during the study period. BR recipients had a median age of 75 years, median CCI score of 3.0, and were followed for a median duration of 21 months; 28% died during the study period. In Ibr recipients, median OS was 22 months (95% CI = 16.9-28.6) and 24-month OS was 47% (95% CI = 42.9%-50.5%). In BR recipients, median OS was not reached while OS at 24 months was 73% (95% CI = 69.4%-76.0%). The occurrence of common AEs during Ibr and BR therapies are presented in Tables 1 and 2. The average per patient per month costs, among all patients, were $2,501 (SD = $2,818) during the baseline period and $12,604 (SD = $14,437) during the period after initiation of the first observed MCL-directed systemic therapy. Multivariable analysis showed that the patients with 3 or more AEs had nearly 4 times higher monthly per patient costs (cost ratio = 4.12, 95% CI = 3.53-4.82) compared with those with 0-2 AEs. Conclusions: Two-year survival rates observed in this study are comparable to those reported in clinical trials (47% for Ibr in the relapsed disease setting [Wang, 2015, Blood]) and nearly 75% for BR in patients with relapsed indolent disease and MCL [Rummel, 2016, Lancet]). Rates of AE occurrence in Ibr- and BR-treated patients in this study highlight the substantial burden and susceptibility to AEs among Medicare patients in the real-world setting. These findings also demonstrate a substantial increase in the economic burden from the baseline period to the period after MCL treatment initiation and as the number of AEs increased. Disclosures Kabadi: AstraZeneca: Employment, Equity Ownership. Goyal:RTI Health Solutions: Employment. Nagar:RTI Health Solutions: Employment. Davis:RTI Health Solutions: Employment. Le:AstraZeneca: Employment, Other: Stocks. Wang:Dava Oncology: Honoraria; Guidepoint Global: Consultancy; BioInvent: Consultancy, Research Funding; VelosBio: Research Funding; Loxo Oncology: Research Funding; Celgene: Honoraria, Research Funding; Juno Therapeutics: Research Funding; Aviara: Research Funding; Kite Pharma: Consultancy, Research Funding; Janssen: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau; Pharmacyclics: Honoraria, Research Funding; AstraZeneca: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau; MoreHealth: Consultancy, Equity Ownership; Acerta Pharma: Consultancy, Research Funding. Kaye:RTI Health Solutions: Employment.
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"A Kabuki reader: history and performance." Choice Reviews Online 39, no. 11 (July 1, 2002): 39–6343. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.39-6343.
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Raphael, Hillary. "Melting Things." M/C Journal 5, no. 6 (November 1, 2002). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.2003.
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(in remembrance of the infinite moments leading up to thanksgiving in japan, year 2000) Melting Things the framed photos of flowers in the corridors of hotel maruyama (and the orgasmic moans of the girl in a nearby room) the light-contact shiatsu massage/ the no-contact part of it the gradated blue of tiled bathroom the bottom of the sea where only fish go the higher part where man swims the earth the sky where planes can go the outer reaches of the sky the purity of mankind [fade to white] "it's better to have a beautiful sleep than to watch stupid japanese television" the history of the kabuki theatre and it false pretensions to nobility eye-ball licking narcotic napping waking up to the silky whisper of flesh-on-flesh
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Puspitasari, Putri. "Model Optimasi Pola Suplai Premium Impor Ke Terminal BBM Area Barat (West Cluster) PT Pertamina Persero." Warta Penelitian Perhubungan 28, no. 4 (October 18, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.25104/warlit.v28i4.593.
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Transportasi merupakan komponen penting dalam supply chain dan berkontribusi tidak kurang dari 60% dari total biaya logistik. PT Pertamina Persero adalah Badan Usaha Milik Negara (BUMN) yang berkewajiban menjamin ketahanan dan ketersediaan produk premium nasional dan tetap dapat bersaing untuk memperoleh profit, maka diperlukan efisiensi pada pendistribusian produk salah satunya dengan melakukan optimasi pola suplai.Tujuan dari kajian ini yaitu untuk merancang dan menganalisis model optimasi pola suplai premium impor di Terminal BBM (TBBM) Area Barat dengan meningkatkan pemanfaatan sumber daya dan fasilitas yang dimiliki. Penelitian ini menggunakan data sekunder dari dokumentasi history perusahaan tahun 2015 dengan metode deskriptif kuantitatif dengan pendekatan studi kasus.Metode optimasi menggunakanInteger Linear Programming dengan bantuan software POM for Windows dan analisis branch and bound untuk memperoleh pola suplai dengan biaya minimum.Hasil dari kajian ini memberikan beberapa alternatif pola suplai,alternatif terpilih yang memberikan biaya transportasi paling rendah yaitu kombinasi pola direct supply dengan sistem transshipment. Pola suplai hasil optimasinya yaitu distribusi premiumsecara langsung dari terminal muat di Singapore ke TBBM Medan dan TBBM Tanjung Uban, dan sistem transshipment di TBBM Merak untuk suplai Premium ke TBBM Teluk Kabung, TBBM Tanjung Gerem, TBBM Panjang, dan TBBM Semarang. Dengan pola tersebut, biaya transportasi yang dikeluarkan yaitu US$3,782,151/ bulan atau mengalami penurunan biaya sebesar ±17% dibandingkan dengan pola suplai saat ini yaitu US$4,545,572/ bulan.Selain itu, pola suplai ini juga meningkatkan utilisasi fasilitas jetty dan tangki TBBM Merak yaitu utilisasi tangki menjadi 88% dari sebelumnya 37% dan utilisasi jetty menjadi 66,4% dari sebelumnya 35%.
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Krutilova, Petra, Sabah Patel, Wasey Ali Yadullahi Mir, Janice L. Gilden, and Uzma N. Syed. "SAT-458 A Case of Cardiac Arrest Due to Hashimoto’s Thyroiditis Associated Cardiac Tamponade." Journal of the Endocrine Society 4, Supplement_1 (April 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.1210/jendso/bvaa046.549.
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Abstract Introduction: Myxedema coma is currently an uncommon medical emergency. We present a case of undiagnosed Hashimoto’s thyroiditis with myxedema coma and cardiac tamponade leading to cardiac arrest. Case Presentation: A 35 year-old man with no significant past medical history was brought to the emergency department after being found unresponsive. The patient was hypoglycemic (17 mg/dL), hypothermic (34°C), tachypneic (26/min), hypotensive (84/50 mmHg), and hypoxemic (90% on ambient air). Physical exam showed mild anasarca, jugular vein distention, clear lung sounds, and muffled heart sounds. Laboratory findings showed TSH 168.16 uIU/mL (0.45–5.33 uIU/mL), fT4 <0.25 ng/dL (0.58–1.64 ng/dL), fT3 1.33 pg/mL (2.5–3.9 pg/mL), cortisol 5.7 mcg/dL (3–16 mcg/dL). Chest x-ray demonstrated markedly enlarged, globular heart. ECG revealed sinus rhythm and low voltage of QRS complexes. Echocardiogram was significant for a very large pericardial effusion. Resuscitation was started with intravenous thyroxine and hydrocortisone, during which the patient was found to be in a cardiac arrest with pulseless electrical activity. CPR per ACLS protocol was initiated with return of spontaneous circulation. Clear fluid (2000 ml) was evacuated from the pericardial space. He was diagnosed with Hashimoto thyroiditis (thyroid peroxidase antibody level 355 IU/mL, normal <9 IU/mL). He recovered without neurological deficits and was discharged home with thyroid replacement therapy (levothyroxine 100 mcg). Discussion: Myxedema coma occurs as a complication of undiagnosed/untreated thyroid disease. It may be precipitated by an event such as infection, drug overdose, or myocardial infarction. The mainstay of treatment is T4 replacement along with supportive therapy, and glucocorticoids to counter possible underlying adrenal insufficiency. Massive pericardial effusion due to hypothyroidism, especially resulting in cardiac tamponade, is extremely rare. The incidence of pericardial effusion in patients with hypothyroidism has significantly decreased from 30–80% to 3–6%, due to early recognition of this common disorder. Our case highlights the importance of prompt recognition of hypothyroidism as a cause of cardiac tamponade, thus allowing rapid life-saving treatment. In patient populations with limited access to health care, it should be remembered that very late and potentially fatal complications of otherwise easily treatable conditions can occur. Awareness of this may help limit morbidity and mortality. References: Kabadi UM, Kumar SP. Pericardial effusion in primary hyperparathyroidism. Am Heart J. 1990; 120:1393.
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Сатцаев, Э. Б. "IRANIAN PEOPLES: LINGUISTIC CLASSIFICATION AND LANGUAGE SITUATION." Известия СОИГСИ, no. 32(71) (June 13, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.23671/vnc.2019.71.31172.
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Иранские языки входят в группу индоевропейских языков. Они являются близкородственными индоарийским языкам. Предки индоарийских и иранских народов в глубокой древности жили в тесном общении, занимали одну общую территорию и говорили на близкородственных арийских диалектах. Обособление иранских диалектов от индийских произошло не позднее начала II тысячелетия до н.э. На иранских языках говорили многочисленные древние племена и народности, сыгравшие важную роль в мировой истории. Все иранские языки ведут свое происхождение к одному языку, который явился материальной основой их исторической общности. По своему статусу современные иранские языки значительно отличаются друг от друга. Наиболее значимыми иранскими языками, имеющими широкое применение в официальной сфере, являются персидский, дари, таджикский, афганский (пушту), курдский, осетинский и белуджский. Современный персидский язык распространен в основном в Иране. Из современных иранских языков к нему ближе всего таджикский и дари, которые имеют общее происхождение. Персидский язык является наиболее крупным, развитым и распространенным иранским языком, который охватывает все жизненно важные сферы. Одним из крупнейших по численности иранских народов являются афганцы (пуштуны). В Афганистане официальными языками признаны афганский (пушту) и дари (фарси-кабули). Дари занимал и занимает более сильные позиции. Другим крупным ираноязычным народом являются белуджи. Белуджский язык распадается на две основные группы. Другой иранский народ – курды – испокон веков населяет территорию Западной Азии. Численность курдов в мире составляет около 40 млн. человек. Курдский язык представлен в многочисленных диалектных разновидностях. Выделяются две группы диалектов – северная и южная. Курдский язык имеет многовековую литературную традицию, но его официальный статус невысок. Осетинский язык – остаток северо-восточной скифо-сарматской ветви иранских языков. Он на протяжении почти двух тысяч лет развивался вне каких-либо прямых контактов с иранскими языками. Официальный статус осетинского языка сравнительно высок, однако, численность говорящих на нем уменьшается. The Iranian languages are part of the Indo-European language family. They are closely related Indo-Aryan languages. The ancestors of the Indo-Aryan and Iranian peoples in ancient times lived in close communication, occupied common territory and spoke closely related Aryan dialects. The divergence of the Iranian and the Indian dialects took place prior to the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC. Numerous ancient tribes and nationalities who played important role in the world history spoke Iranian languages. All Iranian languages trace back their origin to one language, which was the material basis of their historical community. The status of each of the modern Iranian languages is different. The most significant Iranian languages widely used in the official sphere are Persian, Dari, Tajik, Afghan (Pashto), Kurdish, Ossetian, and Baluchi. Modern Persian is widely spoken in Iran. Of all modern Iranian languages, the closest to it are Tajik and Dari, which share common origin. Persian is the largest, most developed and widespread Iranian language, which covers all vital areas. One of the largest in number of Iranian peoples are Afghans (Pashtuns). In Afghanistan the official languages are recognized as Afghan (Pashto) and Dari (Farsi-Kabuli). Dari held and holds a stronger position. A large Iranian-speaking people are the Balochi. Baluchi is divided into two main groups. Another Iranian people are the Kurds, who for centuries have inhabited the territory of Western Asia. The number of Kurds in the world is about 40 million people. The Kurdish language is represented in numerous dialectal varieties. There are two groups of dialects – north and south. Although Kurdish has a centuries-old literary tradition, its official status is low. The Ossetian language is a remnant of the north-eastern Scythian-Sarmatian branch of the Iranian languages. For almost two thousand years, it has been developing without any direct contacts with Iranian languages. The official status of the Ossetian language is relatively high, but the number of speakers is decreasing.