Academic literature on the topic 'Kajsa Borg'

(Wasaṭiyyah is attached to Islam since he was born and will continue to cling to the Day of Judgment. In its history, after the division in the body of Muslims which gave birth to many schools and schools, the nature of Wasaṭiyyah was attached to the Ahlus Sunnah wa al-jama'ah-leaning group, including the theology of Ash'ariyah and Maturidiyah. Maqashid shari'ah arises due to debate among fiqh experts about shari'ah, which has a certain ‘illat (causa) or not. The debate has led to various kinds of flow including the ulama 'ushul fiqh. Maqhasid al-ahkam is considered as the basis in establishing a law, and can be categorized as the main foundation in law. As information about al-kulliyyat al-khams and their limitations, ḥifzh ad-din (protection of religion), ḥifzh an-nafs (protection of life), ḥifzh al-'aql (intellectual protection), ḥifzh an-nasl (genetic protection), and ḥifzh al-māl (protection of property).
 (Wasaṭiyyah melekat pada islam semenjak ia lahir dan akan terus melekat sampai hari kiamat nanti. Dalam sejarahnya, pasca terjadinya perpecahan dalam tubuh umat islam yang melahirkan banyak madzhab dan aliran, sifat Wasaṭiyyah melekat pada golongan yang berhaluan Ahlus Sunnah wa al-jama’ah, termasuk didalamnya aliran teologi Asy’ariyah dan Maturidiyah. Maqashid syari’ah muncul akibat perdebatan di antara pakar fiqh mengenai syari’ah, yang memiliki ‘illat (kausa) tertentu ataukah tidak. Perdebatan tersebut menimbulkan berbagai macam aliran tak terkecuali di kalangan ulama’ ushul fiqh. Maqhasid al-ahkam dianggap sebagai dasar dalam penetapan suatu hukum, dan dapat dikategorikan sebagai landasan utama dalam hukum. Sebagaimana keterangan mengenai al-kulliyyat al-khams beserta batasannya, ḥifzh ad-din (perlindungan agama), ḥifzh an-nafs (perlindungan jiwa), ḥifzh al-'aql (perlindungan intelektual), ḥifzh an-nasl (perlindungan genetik), dan ḥifzh al-māl (perlindungan harta).

ABSTRAK Sejak 200 tahun yang lalu timah plaser telah dieksplorasi dan diproduksi di Indonesia. Studi pengembangan lapangan pada endapan timah plaser perlu dilakukan untuk mengetahui apakah masih ada potensi keterdapatan bijih timah pada lapangan-lapangan yang sudah berproduksi. Adanya lubang bor eksplorasi yang tidak menyentuh kong dan proses penambangan yang tidak mencapai batas bawah kaksa semakin memperkuat alasan studi ini dilakukan. Daerah penelitian berada di Perairan Tempilang, Bangka Barat, Provinsi Kepulauan Bangka-Belitung. Data yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini berupa 34 lintasan seismik 2D refleksi dangkal dan 9 lubang bor. Lintasan seismik dan data lubang bor diolah, dianalisis serta diinterpretasi menggunakan perangkat lunak, yang menghasilkan Sekuen A, Sekuen B, dan Sekuen C. Sekuen C diinterpretasikan sebagai geometri lembah purba yang terendapkan secara tidak selaras di atas kong, Sekuen B merupakan endapan sedimen yang terendapkan pada lingkungan transisi, dan Sekuen A menggambarkan batimetri dan kondisi dasar laut terkini. Mineral kasiterit (mineral pembawa bijih timah) terakumulasi pada Sekuen C dengan karakteristik material berupa kerikil, pasir kasar hingga pasir halus. Berdasarkan data lubang bor, urutan pengendapan sedimen secara vertikal menunjukkan karakter menghalus ke atas sebagai indikasi pendalaman lingkungan pengendapan. Berdasarkan hasil interpretasi seismik dan data lubang bor diketahui bahwa terdapat lembah berupa alur sungai purba pada bagian timur Blok B di daerah penelitian yang diduga masih berpotensi menghasilkan bijih timah dan belum diproduksi sampai saat ini. Alur sungai tersebut memiliki orientasi relatif baratdaya-timurlaut yang merupakan kemenerusan percabangan sungai purba utama. Ketebalan sedimen plaser di Perairan Tempilang yang berpotensi menghasilkan bijih timah berkisar antara 5-20 milidetik. Kata Kunci: timah, plaser, seismik, tempilang dan sungai purba. ABSTRACT Since 200 years ago tin placer had been explored and produced in Indonesia. The field development studies on tin placer deposits need to be carried out to determine whether the area still have potential or not. The two reasons why this study conducted are the existence of some exploration drill hole that does not reach basement (kong) and the mining process that does not reach the bottom limit of ore (kaksa). The research area is located in Tempilang Waters, West Bangka, Bangka Islands. Data that used in this study are 34 two dimension (2D) shallow reflection seismic and 9 drill holes. Seismic lines and drill hole data were processed geophisically, analyzed and interpreted geologically. Those produce three main horizons consisting of Sequence A, Sequence B, and Sequence C. Sequence C is interpreted as ancient valley geometry, Sequence B is the sediment layer that deposited in transitional zone and Sequence A describes as bathymetry. Cassiterite mineral (tin-bearing mineral) are accumulated at Sequence C with ore characteristics consist of gravel, coarse to fine sand sediment. Furthermore, from the bore hole data it can be seen that vertical succession shows deepening upward and fining upward. Based on seismic interpretation and borehole data it has been known that there are valley in the form of ancient channel path which are potentially contain tin ore and have not been produced untill now. The channel orientation has relatively northeast-southwest which is the continuity of branching of main ancient channel. Finally, the thickness of the potentially tin placer sediment in the Tempilang Waters ranges from 5-10 milliseconds. Keywords: tin, placer, seismic, tempilang, and ancient channelABSTRAK Sejak 200 tahun yang lalu timah plaser telah dieksplorasi dan diproduksi di Indonesia. Studi pengembangan lapangan pada endapan timah plaser perlu dilakukan untuk mengetahui apakah masih ada potensi keterdapatan bijih timah pada lapangan-lapangan yang sudah berproduksi. Adanya lubang bor eksplorasi yang tidak menyentuh kong dan proses penambangan yang tidak mencapai batas bawah kaksa semakin memperkuat alasan studi ini dilakukan. Daerah penelitian berada di Perairan Tempilang, Bangka Barat, Provinsi Kepulauan Bangka-Belitung. Data yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini berupa 34 lintasan seismik 2D refleksi dangkal dan 9 lubang bor.Lintasan seismik dan data lubang bor diolah, dianalisis serta diinterpretasi menggunakan perangkat lunak, yang menghasilkan Sekuen A, Sekuen B, dan Sekuen C. Sekuen C diinterpretasikan sebagai geometri lembah purba yang terendapkan secara tidak selaras di atas kong, Sekuen B merupakan endapan sedimen yang terendapkan pada lingkungan transisi, dan Sekuen A menggambarkan batimetri dan kondisi dasar laut terkini. Mineral kasiterit (mineral pembawa bijih timah) terakumulasi pada Sekuen C dengan karakteristik material berupa kerikil, pasir kasar hingga pasir halus. Berdasarkan data lubang bor, urutan pengendapan sedimen secara vertikal menunjukkan karakter menghalus ke atas sebagai indikasi pendalaman lingkungan pengendapan.Berdasarkan hasil interpretasi seismik dan data lubang bor diketahui bahwa terdapat lembah berupa alur sungai purba pada bagian timur Blok B di daerah penelitian yang diduga masih berpotensi menghasilkan bijih timah dan belum diproduksi sampai saat ini. Alur sungai tersebut memiliki orientasi relatif baratdaya-timurlaut yang merupakan kemenerusan percabangan sungai purba utama. Ketebalan sedimen plaser di Perairan Tempilang yang berpotensi menghasilkan bijih timah berkisar antara 5-20 milidetik. Kata Kunci: timah, plaser, seismik, tempilang dan sungai purba. ABSTRACT Since 200 years ago tin placer had been explored and produced in Indonesia. The field development studies on tin placer deposits need to be carried out to determine whether the area still have potential or not. The two reasons why this study conducted are the existence of some exploration drill hole that does not reach basement (kong) and the mining process that does not reach the bottom limit of ore (kaksa). The research area is located in Tempilang Waters, West Bangka, Bangka Islands. Data that used in this study are 34 two dimension (2D) shallow reflection seismic and 9 drill holes.Seismic lines and drill hole data were processed geophisically, analyzed and interpreted geologically. Those produce three main horizons consisting of Sequence A, Sequence B, and Sequence C. Sequence C is interpreted as ancient valley geometry, Sequence B is the sediment layer that deposited in transitional zone and Sequence A describes as bathymetry. Cassiterite mineral(tin-bearing mineral)are accumulated at Sequence C with ore characteristics consist of gravel, coarse to fine sand sediment. Furthermore, from the bore hole data it can be seen that vertical succession shows deepening upward and fining upward. Based on seismic interpretation and borehole data it has been known that there are valley in the form of ancient channel path which are potentially contain tin ore and have not been produced untill now. The channel orientation has relatively northeast-southwest which is the continuity of branching of main ancient channel. Finally, the thickness of the potentially tin placer sediment in the Tempilang Waters ranges from 5-10 milliseconds. Keywords: tin, placer, seismic, tempilang, and ancient channel

<p>Copyright is a high reality of various values, including economic value, this is because copyright that is born of copyright, taste, and intention is able to color the development of human life through objects born from the copyright process. However, in its development various copyrights were not considered in this country. The rise of piracy on song copyrights for example, is only able to benefit the perpetrators of piracy of song copyright economically. The research method used is a juridical legal research method of analysis with the object of research studies aimed at the laws and regulations relating to copyright and principles - applicable legal principles. Substantially, the material changes in Law No. 28 of 2014 is related to the change of type of criminal offense from ordinary offense to complaint offense and in the meantime there are not many creators who can seek justice about it. The results of the research are increasingly unfair with the existence of Clause 112 to Clause 119 of Law Number 28 of 2014 changing copyright offenses to complaint offenses that increasingly marginalize the rights of the creators of copyrighted works in this country. Therefore it is necessary to have a joint discussion related to the political development of criminal law related to copyright offenses.</p><p> </p><p class="IABSSS">Hak Cipta adalah suatu realitas yang tinggi akan berbagai nilai, termasuk didalamnya nilai ekonomis, hal ini dikarenakan hak cipta yang lahir dari cipta, rasa, dan karsa mampu mewarnai perkembangan kehidupan umat manusia melalui benda yang lahir dari proses cipta tersebut. Namun dalam perkembangannya berbagai hak cipta tidaklah diperhatikan di negara ini. Maraknya pembajakan akan hak cipta lagu misalnya, hanya mampu menguntungkan bagi oknum pelaku pembajakan hak cipta lagu tersebut secara ekonomis, Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode penelitian hukum yuridis analisis dengan objek kajian penelitian yang ditujukan terhadap peraturan perundang-undangan yang berkaitan dengan hak cipta dan prinsip-prinsip hukum yang berlaku. Secara substansial, materi perubahan dalam UU No. 28 Tahun 2014 adalah yang berkaitan dengan perubahan jenis tindak pidana dari delik biasa menjadi delik aduan serta sementara itu pihak pencipta tidak banyak yang dapat mengupayakan keadilan akan hal itu. Hasil dari penelitian semakin bertambah tidak adil dengan adanya Pasal 112 hingga Pasal 119 Undang-Undang Nomer 28 Tahun 2014 merubah delik hak cipta menjadi delik aduan yang semakin memarjinalkan hak dari pencipta suatu karya cipta di negara ini. Oleh sebab itu perlu adanya pembahasan bersama terkait pembangunan politik hukum pidana terkai delik hak cipta.</p>

<p>Copyright is a high reality of various values, including economic value, this is because copyright that is born of copyright, taste, and intention is able to color the development of human life through objects born from the copyright process. However, in its development various copyrights were not considered in this country. The rise of piracy on song copyrights for example, is only able to benefit the perpetrators of piracy of song copyright economically. The research method used is a juridical legal research method of analysis with the object of research studies aimed at the laws and regulations relating to copyright and principles - applicable legal principles. Substantially, the material changes in Law No. 28 of 2014 is related to the change of type of criminal offense from ordinary offense to complaint offense and in the meantime there are not many creators who can seek justice about it. The results of the research are increasingly unfair with the existence of Clause 112 to Clause 119 of Law Number 28 of 2014 changing copyright offenses to complaint offenses that increasingly marginalize the rights of the creators of copyrighted works in this country. Therefore it is necessary to have a joint discussion related to the political development of criminal law related to copyright offenses.</p><p> </p><p class="IABSSS">Hak Cipta adalah suatu realitas yang tinggi akan berbagai nilai, termasuk didalamnya nilai ekonomis, hal ini dikarenakan hak cipta yang lahir dari cipta, rasa, dan karsa mampu mewarnai perkembangan kehidupan umat manusia melalui benda yang lahir dari proses cipta tersebut. Namun dalam perkembangannya berbagai hak cipta tidaklah diperhatikan di negara ini. Maraknya pembajakan akan hak cipta lagu misalnya, hanya mampu menguntungkan bagi oknum pelaku pembajakan hak cipta lagu tersebut secara ekonomis, Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode penelitian hukum yuridis analisis dengan objek kajian penelitian yang ditujukan terhadap peraturan perundang-undangan yang berkaitan dengan hak cipta dan prinsip-prinsip hukum yang berlaku. Secara substansial, materi perubahan dalam UU No. 28 Tahun 2014 adalah yang berkaitan dengan perubahan jenis tindak pidana dari delik biasa menjadi delik aduan serta sementara itu pihak pencipta tidak banyak yang dapat mengupayakan keadilan akan hal itu. Hasil dari penelitian semakin bertambah tidak adil dengan adanya Pasal 112 hingga Pasal 119 Undang-Undang Nomer 28 Tahun 2014 merubah delik hak cipta menjadi delik aduan yang semakin memarjinalkan hak dari pencipta suatu karya cipta di negara ini. Oleh sebab itu perlu adanya pembahasan bersama terkait pembangunan politik hukum pidana terkai delik hak cipta.</p>

During the 15th and 16th centuries, a number of long inscriptions were painted on the walls of parish churches in the territory of the medieval Hungarian Kingdom. The first known example is in the St Elisabeth’s of Kassa (Kaschau, Košice, Slovakia). The earlier inscription in the north-east chapel describes the events between 1387 and 1439 while it is continued in the south transept with a political manifestation on the side of the new-born King Ladislas V, opposed by Wladislas I. Another wall-chronicle is readable in the entrance hall of the St James’ in Lőcse (Leutschau, Levoča, Slovakia). Here the inscription, dated to ca 1500, commemorates events between 1431 and 1494, including local fires and diseases, the coronation of Ladisla V and Wladislas II and the royal meeting of John Albert of Poland and Wladislas II of Hungary held at the city in 1494. On the other side of the entrance hall, a detailed Last Judgement was painted, as the final act of world history. The inscriptions of Lőcse are usually interpreted as a manifestation of the local identity of the Saxons in the Szepes (Zips, Spiš, Slovakia) region, enjoying special privileges. This is probably also true for the second group of wall-chronicles, to be found in Transylvania in the important Saxon towns. The only surviving example is in Szeben (Hermannstadt, Sibiu, Romania), in the gallery of the western hall (Ferula). Beside some national events (coronation of King Matthias, death of Louis II) it is dealing with Transylvanian affairs between 1409 and 1566. A similar chronicle has been documented in Brassó (Kronstadt, Braşov, Romania), which started the narrative with the immigration of the Saxons and ended with 1571, with a special attention to the Ottoman wars. Unfortunately the inscriptions have been covered after the fire of 1689. Other wall-chronicles are documented by secondary sources in Segesvár (Säsßburg, Sighișoara), Medgyes (Mediasch, Mediaș), Beszterce (Bistritz, Bistrița), Muzsna (Meschen, Moșna), Baráthely (Pretai, Brateiu) and Ecel (Hetzeldorf, Ațel, all in Romania). While all these were written in Latin, a Hungarian inscription has been preserved in the Calvinist church of Berekeresztúr (Bâra, Romania) in the Szeklerland from the early 17th century. Although a misunderstanding of the sources led some scholars to suppose an inscription or an images cycle with secular content in Buda, these passages refer in reality to the Franciscan friary at Chambery. In international comparison, the Gothic wall-chronicles seem to be a rarity; the best example is known from the cathedral of Genoa, where the rebuilding of the cathedral in the early 14th century is connected to the legendary origin of the city, counterbalancing the civil war between the citizens.Decorating the walls of churches with letters instead of images is certainly aniconic, but not necessarily un-pretentious. Letters always play a decorative function whenever written on the walls. The letters, especially for the illiterate people, was a special type of ornament. Nevertheless, inscriptions, as far as their letters are readable and languages are understandable, tend to be informative. Interpreting their content depends on different levels of literacy. But they work for all as visual symbols. The longish Latin wall chronicles of Late Gothic parish churches were probably understood by the rich patricians; but the large surfaces close to the entrances might have been meaningful for all others who recognized their significance in local identity-building. The illiterate local people of the Protestant villages were unable to decipher the exact meaning of the inscriptions, even if they were in their native Hungarian language. However, these letters were necessarily eloquent for the entire community: the fact itself that there are letters decorating the walls instead of images was meaningful, reflecting the transformation of Christian culture. The letters themselves, legible or not, had a symbolic value which can be decoded taking into consideration their location, forms and context.

During the 15th and 16th centuries, a number of long inscriptions were painted on the walls of parish churches in the territory of the medieval Hungarian Kingdom. The first known example is in the St Elisabeth’s of Kassa (Kaschau, Košice, Slovakia). The earlier inscription in the north-east chapel describes the events between 1387 and 1439 while it is continued in the south transept with a political manifestation on the side of the new-born King Ladislas V, opposed by Wladislas I. Another wall-chronicle is readable in the entrance hall of the St James’ in Lőcse (Leutschau, Levoča, Slovakia). Here the inscription, dated to ca 1500, commemorates events between 1431 and 1494, including local fires and diseases, the coronation of Ladisla V and Wladislas II and the royal meeting of John Albert of Poland and Wladislas II of Hungary held at the city in 1494. On the other side of the entrance hall, a detailed Last Judgement was painted, as the final act of world history. The inscriptions of Lőcse are usually interpreted as a manifestation of the local identity of the Saxons in the Szepes (Zips, Spiš, Slovakia) region, enjoying special privileges. This is probably also true for the second group of wall-chronicles, to be found in Transylvania in the important Saxon towns. The only surviving example is in Szeben (Hermannstadt, Sibiu, Romania), in the gallery of the western hall (Ferula). Beside some national events (coronation of King Matthias, death of Louis II) it is dealing with Transylvanian affairs between 1409 and 1566. A similar chronicle has been documented in Brassó (Kronstadt, Braşov, Romania), which started the narrative with the immigration of the Saxons and ended with 1571, with a special attention to the Ottoman wars. Unfortunately the inscriptions have been covered after the fire of 1689. Other wall-chronicles are documented by secondary sources in Segesvár (Säsßburg, Sighișoara), Medgyes (Mediasch, Mediaș), Beszterce (Bistritz, Bistrița), Muzsna (Meschen, Moșna), Baráthely (Pretai, Brateiu) and Ecel (Hetzeldorf, Ațel, all in Romania). While all these were written in Latin, a Hungarian inscription has been preserved in the Calvinist church of Berekeresztúr (Bâra, Romania) in the Szeklerland from the early 17th century. Although a misunderstanding of the sources led some scholars to suppose an inscription or an images cycle with secular content in Buda, these passages refer in reality to the Franciscan friary at Chambery. In international comparison, the Gothic wall-chronicles seem to be a rarity; the best example is known from the cathedral of Genoa, where the rebuilding of the cathedral in the early 14th century is connected to the legendary origin of the city, counterbalancing the civil war between the citizens.Decorating the walls of churches with letters instead of images is certainly aniconic, but not necessarily un-pretentious. Letters always play a decorative function whenever written on the walls. The letters, especially for the illiterate people, was a special type of ornament. Nevertheless, inscriptions, as far as their letters are readable and languages are understandable, tend to be informative. Interpreting their content depends on different levels of literacy. But they work for all as visual symbols. The longish Latin wall chronicles of Late Gothic parish churches were probably understood by the rich patricians; but the large surfaces close to the entrances might have been meaningful for all others who recognized their significance in local identity-building. The illiterate local people of the Protestant villages were unable to decipher the exact meaning of the inscriptions, even if they were in their native Hungarian language. However, these letters were necessarily eloquent for the entire community: the fact itself that there are letters decorating the walls instead of images was meaningful, reflecting the transformation of Christian culture. The letters themselves, legible or not, had a symbolic value which can be decoded taking into consideration their location, forms and context.

<p>ABSTRAK<br />Tembakau bondowoso merupakan tembakau lokal rajangan yang<br />berkembang di Kabupaten Bondowoso, Jawa Timur. Saat ini ada delapan<br />kultivar dengan karakter produksi, mutu, dan ketahanannya terhadap<br />penyakit yang berbeda. Layu bakteri (Ralstonia solanacearum), busuk<br />batang berlubang (Pectobacterium carotovorum), dan lanas (Phytophthora<br />nicotianae) merupakan penyakit yang sering menyebabkan turunnya<br />produksi tembakau bondowoso. Evaluasi ketahanan delapan kultivar<br />tembakau bondowoso (Samporis, Serumpung, Marakot, Samporis Lokal,<br />Samporis AH, Samporis CH, Samporis B. Disbun, dan Deli) terhadap<br />ketiga patogen tersebut dilaksanakan di laboratorium dan rumah kasa Balai<br />Penelitian Tanaman Pemanis dan Serat (Balittas) mulai bulan April sampai<br />dengan Oktober 2011. Penelitian terhadap ketiga patogen tersebut<br />dilakukan secara terpisah. Masing-masing kultivar ditanam sebanyak 10<br />tanaman, 1 tanaman/polibag. Setiap perlakuan (kultivar) diulang 3 kali dan<br />disusun dalam rancangan acak kelompok (RAK). Inokulasi R.<br />solanacearum dan P. carotovorum dilakukan secara terpisah 24 jam<br />sebelum transplanting. Inokulasi P. nicotianae dilakukan dengan dua cara,<br />yaitu melalui akar dan pangkal batang. Inokulasi akar sama dengan cara<br />inokulasi bakteri. Inokulasi pangkal batang dilakukan pada tanaman<br />berumur 2 minggu setelah transplanting. Pengamatan intensitas penyakit<br />dilakukan setiap minggu selama 11 minggu. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan<br />bahwa kultivar Samporis CH, Samporis, dan Deli tahan terhadap P.<br />carotovorum, R. solanacearum, dan P. nicotianae. Kultivar Samporis CH.,<br />Samporis, dan Deli ketahanannya lebih tinggi terhadap ketiga patogen,<br />dengan intensitas penyakit berkisar antara 3,3%-6,7%. Kultivar Marakot<br />sangat rentan terhadap ketiga patogen tersebut dengan tingkat keparahan ≥<br />50%. Demikian pula kultivar Samporis AH yang rentan terhadap R.<br />solanacearum, P. nicotianae dan P. carotovorum dengan intensitas<br />penyakit 23,3-53,3%. Oleh karena itu, kultivar Samporis CH, Samporis,<br />dan Deli cocok dikembangkan pada lahan endemik penyakit tular tanah di<br />Kabupaten Bondowoso.<br />Kata kunci: tembakau bondowoso, Pectobacterium carotovorum<br />Phytophthora nicotianae, Ralstonia solanacearum,<br />ketahanan</p><p>ABSTRACT<br />Bondowoso tobacco is a local type of sliced tobacco which is<br />restrictedly cultivated in Bondowoso Regency, East Java. There are eight<br />cultivars known, ie. Samporis, Serumpung, Marakot, Samporis Lokal,<br />Samporis AH, Samporis CH, Samporis B. Disbun, and Deli with their own<br />distinctive characters on their production, quality, and resistance to<br />diseases. Bacterial wilt (Ralstonia solanacearum), hollow stalk rot<br />(Pectobacterium carotovorum), and blackshank (Phytophthora nicotianae<br />are the main cause of bondowoso tobacco production loss. Evaluation on<br />the resistance level of the cultivars to the three pathogens above has been<br />conducted at a laboratory and screen house scale in Indonesian Sweetener<br />and Fibre Crops Research Institute from April to October 2011. The<br />evaluation of each pathogen was conducted separately. Each evaluation of<br />the pathogen per cultivar used 10 plants planted individually in a polybag.<br />The experiment was arranged in a randomized block design with 3<br />replicates. R. solanacearum and P. carotovorum were separately<br />inoculated on the test plants 24 h before transplanting. The inoculation of<br />P. nicotianae was done twice via the root and stem. Disease intensity was<br />observed weekly for 11 weeks. The results showed that Samporis CH,<br />Samporis, and Deli cultivars were resistant to P. carotovorum, R.<br />solanacearum and P. nicotianae, whereas Samporis and Deli cultivars<br />were more resistant to the pathogens (disease intensity ranged 3.3-6.7%).<br />Marakot cultivar was very susceptible to all of the three pathogens (disease<br />intensity ≥ 50%). Similarly, Samporis AH cultivar was also susceptible to<br />the pathogens with disease intensity ranged 23.3-53.3%. The study<br />indicated that Samporis CH, Samporis, and Deli cultivars are suitable to be<br />cultivated in the endemic soil born pathogen areas of Bondowoso<br />Regency.<br />Key words: bondowoso tobacco, Pectobacterium carotovorum,<br />Phytophthora nicotianae, Ralstonia solanacearum,<br />resistance</p>

This research is a study of the political participation of new voters in the 2014 legislative elections. The study of indigenous peoples is motivated by the use of local cultural symbols namely "Jou Kasa Ngom Kage" during legislative elections which refers to the obedience, and loyalty of indigenous peoples to the Sultan. The purpose of this research is (1) to find out the attractiveness of the beginner voters to the candidates who fight, (2) to find out the forms of political participation of first-time voters among indigenous peoples and (3) to find out the obstacles that hamper voter political participation beginners in the 2014 legislative elections. This type of research is qualitative research using observation, interview and documentation techniques. The results of this study indicate that (1) political participation of beginner voters in Kulaba sub-district, Ternate Island in the 2014 legislative elections, still tended to be dominated by the strength and attractiveness of charismatic traditional leaders. (2) the form of political participation of first-time voters in Kulaba Sub-District, Ternate Island as seen from involvement of novice voters in the dissemination of the stages of legislative elections, participation in campaign activities to deliver the vision and mission of political parties as well as the delivery of the vision and mission of candidates for legislative members and their presence in voting rights during elections and"Jou kasa ngom kage" (Ternate Malay) which means Jou'ou or Sultan where the people are there, this is the language of the press (media) which is trying to be manipulated by political actors in the run-up to the elections both legislative elections and Regional head elections with destination forget support from the community in the sultanate's cultural circle not a language that was born together with the birth of the kingdom of the sultan of Ternate. (3) constraints as a barrier to the participation of political voters in determining their voting rights are still influenced by the behavior of some legislative candidates who manipulate custom symbols for their political interests. Other than that there is still a lack of education level for novice voters who do not have a mature attitude in determining their choices as citizens who are free in determining their political choices. Keywords: Political Participation, Beginner Voter, Legislative Election and Kulaba Village

I was born illegitimate. Born on an existential precipice. My unwed mother was 36 years old when she relinquished me. I was the fourth baby she was required to give away. After I emerged blood stained and blue tinged – abject, liminal – not only did the nurses refuse me my mother’s touch, I also lost the sound of her voice. Her smell. Her heart beat. Her taste. Her gaze. The silence was multi-sensory. When they told her I was dead, I also lost, within her memory and imagination, my life. I was adopted soon after but not told for over four decades. It was too shameful for even me to know. Imprinted at birth with a psychological ‘death’, I fell, as a Late Discovery Adoptee (LDA), into a socio-cultural and psychological abyss, frozen at birth at the bottom of a parturitive void from where, invisible within family, society, and self I was unable to form an undamaged sense of being.Throughout the 20th century (and for centuries before) this kind of ‘social abortion’ was the dominant script. An adoptee was regarded as a bastard, born of sin, the mother blamed, the father exonerated, and silence demanded (Lynch 28-74). My adoptive mother also sinned. She was infertile. But, in taking me on, she assumed the role of a womb worthy woman, good wife, and, in her case, reluctant mother (she secretly didn’t want children and was privately overwhelmed by the task). In this way, my mother, my adoptive mother, and myself are all the daughters of bereavement, all of us sacrificed on the altar of prejudice and fear that infertility, sex outside of marriage, and illegitimacy were unspeakable crimes for which a price must be paid and against which redemptive protection must be arranged. If, as Thomas Keneally (5) writes, “original sin is the mother fluid of history” then perhaps all three of us all lie in its abject waters. Grotevant, Dunbar, Kohler and Lash Esau (379) point out that adoption was used to ‘shield’ children from their illegitimacy, women from their ‘sexual indiscretions’, and adoptive parents from their infertility in the belief that “severing ties with birth family members would promote attachment between adopted children and parents”. For the adoptee in the closed record system, the socio/political/economic vortex that orchestrated their illegitimacy is born out of a deeply, self incriminating primal fear that reaches right back into the recesses of survival – the act of procreation is infested with easily transgressed life and death taboos within the ‘troop’ that require silence and the burial of many bodies (see Amanda Gardiner’s “Sex, Death and Desperation: Infanticide, Neonaticide, and Concealment of Birth in Colonial Western Australia” for a palpable, moving, and comprehensive exposition on the links between 'illegitimacy', the unmarried mother and child murder). As Nancy Verrier (24) states in Coming Home to Self, “what has to be understood is that separation trauma is an insidious experience, because, as a society, we fail to see this experience as a trauma”. Indeed, relinquishment/adoption for the baby and subsequent adult can be acutely and chronically painful. While I was never told the truth of my origins, of course, my body knew. It had been there. Sentient, aware, sane, sensually, organically articulate, it messaged me (and anyone who may have been interested) over the decades via the language of trauma, its lexicon and grammar cellular, hormonal, muscular (Howard & Crandall, 1-17; Pert, 72), the truth of my birth, of who I was an “unthought known” (Bollas 4). I have lived out my secret fatality in a miasmic nebula of what I know now to be the sequelae of adoption psychopathology: nausea, physical and psychological pain, agoraphobia, panic attacks, shame, internalised anger, depression, self-harm, genetic bewilderment, and generalised anxiety (Brodzinsky 25-47; Brodzinsky, Smith, & Brodzinsky 74; Kenny, Higgins, Soloff, & Sweid xiv; Levy-Shiff 97-98; Lifton 210-212; Verrier The Primal Wound 42-44; Wierzbicki 447-451) – including an all pervading sense of unreality experienced as dissociation (the experience of depersonalisation – where the self feels unreal – and derealisation – where the world feels unreal), disembodiment, and existential elision – all characteristics of Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD). In these ways, my body intervened, acted out, groaned in answer to the social overlay, and from beyond “the dermal veil” tried to procure access, as Vicky Kirby (77) writes, to “the body’s opaque ocean depths” through its illnesses, its eloquent, and incessantly aching and silent verbosities deepened and made impossibly fraught because I was not told. The aim of this paper is to discuss one aspect of how my body tried to channel the trauma of my secret fatality and liminality: my pre-disclosure art work (the cellular memory of my trauma also expressed itself, pre-disclosure, through my writings – poetry, journal entries – and also through post-coital glossolalia, all discussed at length in my Honours research “Womb Tongues” and my Doctoral Dissertation “The Womb Artist – A Novel: Translating Pre-verbal Late Discovery Adoption Trauma into Narrative”). From the age of thirty onwards I spent twelve years in therapy where the cause of my childhood and adult psychopathology remained a mystery. During this time, my embodied grief and memories found their way into my art work, a series of 5’ x 3’ acrylic paintings, some of which I offer now for discussion (figures 1-4). These paintings map and express what my body knew but could not verbalise (without language to express my grief, my body found other ways to vent). They are symptom and sign of my pre-verbal adoption trauma, evidence that my body ‘knew’ and laboured ceaselessly and silently to find creative ways to express the incarcerated trauma. Post disclosure, I have used my paintings as artefacts to inform, underpin, and nourish the writing of a collection of poetry “Womb Tongues” and a literary novel/memoir “The Womb Artist” (TWA) in an ongoing autoethnographical, performative, and critical inquiry. My practice-led research as a now conscious and creative witness, fashions the recontextualisation of my ‘self’ into my ‘self’ and society, this time with cognisant and reparative knowledge and facilitates the translation of my body’s psychopathology and memory (explicit and implicit) into a healing testimony that explores the traumatised body as text and politicizes the issues surrounding LDAs (Riley 205). If I use these paintings as a memoirist, I use them second hand, after the fact, after they have served their initial purpose, as the tangible art works of a baby buried beneath a culture’s prejudice, shame, and judgement and the personal cries from the illegitimate body/self. I use them now to explore and explain my subclinical and subterranean life as a LDA.My pre-disclosure paintings (Figures 1-4) – filled with vaginal, fetal, uterine, and umbilical references – provide some kind of ‘evidence’ that my body knew what had happened to me as if, with the tenacity of a poltergeist, my ‘spectral self’ found ways to communicate. Not simply clues, but the body’s translation of the intra-psychic landscape, a pictorial and artistic séance into the world, as if my amygdala – as quasar and signal, homing device and history lesson (a measure, container, and memoir) – knew how to paint a snap shot or an x-ray of the psyche, of my cellular marrow memories (a term formulated from fellow LDA Sandy McCutcheon’s (76) memoir, The Magician’s Son when he says, “What I really wanted was the history of my marrow”). If, as Salveet Talwar suggests, “trauma is processed from the body up”, then for the LDA pre-discovery, non-verbal somatic signage is one’s ‘mother tongue’(25). Talwar writes, “non-verbal expressive therapies such as art, dance, music, poetry and drama all activate the sub-cortical regions of the brain and access pre-verbal memories” (26). In these paintings, eerily divinatory and pointed traumatic, memories are made visible and access, as Gussie Klorer (213) explains in regard to brain function and art therapy, the limbic (emotional) system and the prefrontal cortex in sensorimotor integration. In this way, as Marie Angel and Anna Gibbs (168) suggest, “the visual image may serve as a kind of transitional mode in thought”. Ruth Skilbeck in her paper First Things: Reflections on Single-lens Reflex Digital Photography with a Wide-angled Lens, also discusses (with reference to her photographic record and artistic expression of her mother’s death) what she calls the “dark matter” – what has been overlooked, “left out”, and/or is inexplicable (55) – and the idea of art work as the “transitional object” as “a means that some artists use, conceptually and yet also viscerally, in response to the extreme ‘separation anxiety’ of losing a loved one, to the void of the Unknown” (57). In my case, non-disclosure prevented my literacy and the evolution of the image into language, prevented me from fully understanding the coded messages left for me in my art work. However, each of my paintings is now, with the benefit of full disclosure, a powerful, penetrating, and comprehensible intra and extra sensory cry from the body in kinaesthetic translation (Lusebrink, 125; Klorer, 217). In Figure 1, ‘Embrace’, the reference to the umbilical is palpable, described in my novel “The Womb Artist” (184) this way; “two ropes tightly entwine as one, like a dark and dirty umbilical cord snaking its way across a nether world of smudged umbers”. There is an ‘abject’ void surrounding it. The cord sapped of its colour, its blood, nutrients – the baby starved of oxygen, breath; the LDA starved of words and conscious understanding. It has two parts entwined that may be seen in many ways (without wanting to reduce these to static binaries): mother/baby; conscious/unconscious; first person/third person; child/adult; semiotic/symbolic – numerous dualities could be spun from this embrace – but in terms of my novel and of the adoptive experience, it reeks of need, life and death, a text choking on the poetic while at the same time nourished by it; a text made ‘available’ to the reader while at the same narrowing, limiting, and obscuring the indefinable nature of pre-verbal trauma. Figure 1. Embrace. 1993. Acrylic on canvas.The painting ‘Womb Tongues’ (Figure 2) is perhaps the last (and, obviously, lasting) memory of the infinite inchoate universe within the womb, the umbilical this time wrapped around in a phallic/clitorial embrace as the baby-self emerges into the constrictions of a Foucauldian world, where the adoptive script smothers the ‘body’ encased beneath the ‘coils’ of Judeo-Christian prejudice and centuries old taboo. In this way, the reassigned adoptee is an acute example of power (authority) controlling and defining the self and what knowledge of the self may be allowed. The baby in this painting is now a suffocated clitoris, a bound subject, a phallic representation, a gagged ‘tongue’ in the shape of the personally absent (but socially imposing) omni-present and punitive patriarchy. Figure 2. Womb Tongues. 1997. Acrylic on canvas.‘Germination’ (Figure 3) depicts an umbilical again, but this time as emerging from a seething underworld and is present in TWA (174) this way, “a colony of night crawlers that writhe and slither on the canvas, moving as one, dozens of them as thin as a finger, as long as a dream”. The rhizomic nature of this painting (and Figure 4), becomes a heaving horde of psychosomatic and psychopathological influences and experiences, a multitude of closely packed, intense, and dendridic compulsions and symptoms, a mass of interconnected (and by nature of the silence and lie) subterranean knowledges that force the germination of a ‘ghost baby/child/adult’ indicated by the pale and ashen seedling that emerges above ground. The umbilical is ghosted, pale and devoid of life. It is in the air now, reaching up, as if in germination to a psychological photosynthesis. There is the knot and swarm within the unconscious; something has, in true alien fashion, been incubated and is now emerging. In some ways, these paintings are hardly cryptic.Figure 3. Germination.1993. Acrylic on canvas.In Figure 4 ‘The Birthing Tree’, the overt symbolism reaches ‘clairvoyant status’. This could be read as the family ‘tree’ with its four faces screaming out of the ‘branches’. Do these represent the four babies relinquished by our mother (the larger of these ‘beings’ as myself, giving birth to the illegitimate, silenced, and abject self)? Are we all depicted in anguish and as wraithlike, grotesquely simplified into pure affect? This illegitimate self is painted as gestating a ‘blue’ baby, near full-term in a meld of tree and ‘self’, a blue umbilical cord, again, devoid of blood, ghosted, lifeless and yet still living, once again suffocated by the representation of the umbilical in the ‘bowels’ of the self, the abject part of the body, where refuse is stored and eliminated: The duodenum of the damned. The Devil may be seen as Christopher Bollas’s “shadow of the object”, or the Jungian archetypal shadow, not simply a Judeo-Christian fear-based spectre and curmudgeon, but a site of unprocessed and, therefore, feared psychological material, material that must be brought to consciousness and integrated. Perhaps the Devil also is the antithesis to ‘God’ as mother. The hell of ‘not mother’, no mother, not the right mother, the reluctant adoptive mother – the Devil as icon for the rich underbelly of the psyche and apophatic to the adopted/artificial/socially scripted self.Figure 4. The Birthing Tree. 1995. Acrylic on canvas.These paintings ache with the trauma of my relinquishment and LDA experience. They ache with my body’s truth, where the cellular and psychological, flesh and blood and feeling, leak from my wounds in unspeakable confluence (the two genital lips as the site of relinquishment, my speaking lips that have been sealed through non-disclosure and shame, the psychological trauma as Verrier’s ‘primal wound’) just as I leaked from my mother (and society) at birth, as blood and muck, and ooze and pus and death (Grosz 195) only to be quickly and silently mopped up and cleansed through adoption and life-long secrecy. Where I, as translator, fluent in both silence and signs, disclose the baby’s trauma, asking for legitimacy. My experience as a LDA sets up an interesting experiment, one that allows an examination of the pre-verbal/pre-disclosure body as a fleshed and breathing Rosetta Stone, as an interface between the language of the body and of the verbalised, painted, and written text. As a constructed body, written upon and invented legally, socially, and psychologically, I am, in Hélène Cixous’s (“To Live the Orange” 83) words, “un-forgetting”, “un-silencing” and “unearthing” my ‘self’ – I am re-writing, re-inventing and, under public scrutiny, legitimising my ‘self’. I am a site of inquiry, discovery, extrapolation, and becoming (Metta 492; Poulus 475) and, as Grosz (vii) suggests, a body with “all the explanatory power” of the mind. I am, as I embroider myself and my LDA experience into literary and critical texts, authoring myself into existence, referencing with particular relevance Peter Carnochan’s (361) suggestion that “analysis...acts as midwife to the birth of being”. I am, as I swim forever amorphous, invisible, and unspoken in my mother’s womb, fashioning a shore, landscaping my mind against the constant wet, my chronic liminality (Rambo 629) providing social landfall for other LDAs and silenced minorities. As Catherine Lynch (3) writes regarding LDAs, “Through the creation of text and theory I can formulate an intimate space for a family of adoptive subjects I might never know via our participation in a new discourse in Australian academia.” I participate through my creative, self-reflexive, process fuelled (Durey 22), practice-led enquiry. I use the intimacy (and also universality and multiplicity) and illegitimacy of my body as an alterative text, as a site of academic and creative augmentation in the understanding of LDA issues. The relinquished and silenced baby and LDA adult needs a voice, a ‘body’, and a ‘tender’ place in the consciousness of society, as Helen Riley (“Confronting the Conspiracy of Silence” 11) suggests, “voice, validation, and vindication”. Judith Herman (3) argues that, “Survivors challenge us to reconnect fragments, to reconstruct history, to make meaning of their present symptoms in the light of past events”. I seek to use the example of my experience – as Judith Durey (31) suggests, in “support of evocative, creative modes of representation as valid forms of research in their own right” – to unfurl the whole, to give impetus and precedence for other researchers into adoption and advocate for future babies who may be bought, sold, arranged, and/or created by various means. The recent controversy over Gammy, the baby boy born with Down Syndrome in Thailand, highlights the urgent and moral need for legislation with regard to surrogacy (see Kajsa Ekis Ekman’s Being and Being Bought: Prostitution, Surrogacy and the Split Self for a comprehensive examination of surrogacy issues). Indeed, Catherine Lynch in her paper Doubting Adoption Legislation links the experiences of LDAs and the children of born of surrogacy, most effectively arguing that, “if the fate that closed record adoptees suffered was a misplaced solution to the question of what to do with children already conceived how can you justify the deliberate conception of a child with the intention even before its creation of cruelly removing that child from their mother?” (6). Cixous (xxii) confesses, “All I want is to illustrate, depict fragments, events of human life and death...each unique and yet at the same time exchangeable. Not the law, the exception”. I, too, am a fragment, an illustration (a painting), and, as every individual always is – paradoxically – a communal and, therefore, deeply recognisable and generally applicable minority and exception. In my illegitimacy, I am some kind of evidence. Evidence of cellular memory. Evidence of embodiment. Evidence that silenced illegitimacies will manifest in symptom and non-verbal narratives, that they will ooze out and await translation, verification, and witness. This paper is offered with reverence and with feminist intention, as a revenant mouthpiece for other LDAs, babies born of surrogacy, and donor assisted offspring (and, indeed, any) who are marginalised, silenced, and obscured. It is also intended to promote discussion in the psychological and psychoanalytic fields and, as Helen Riley (202-207) advocates regarding late discovery offspring, more research within the social sciences and the bio-medical field that may encourage legislators to better understand what the ‘best interests of the child’ are in terms of late discovery of origins and the complexity of adoption/conception practices available today. As I write now (and always) the umbilical from my paintings curve and writhe across my soul, twist and morph into the swollen and throbbing organ of tongues, my throat aching to utter, my hands ready to craft latent affect into language in translation of, and in obedience to, my body’s knowledges. It is the art of mute witness that reverses genesis, that keeps the umbilical fat and supple and full of blood, and allows my conscious conception and creation. 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Teesid: Oktoobrirevolutsiooni järgne vene emigratsioon, mida teaduskirjanduses traditsiooniliselt nimeta takse esimeseks laineks, valgus mööda ilma laiali ning oli seninägematult arvukas, haarates kaasa miljoneid endise Tsaari-Venemaa elanikke. Sellele nähtusele on pühendatud tuhandeid humanitaartea duslikke, sotsioloogilisi, politoloogilisi jm uurimusi, mis kajastavad vene eksiilkultuuri eri tahke. Vene emigratsioon puudutas ka Eestit ning enamik käsitletud ilmingutest olid otseselt seotud siinse vene kogukonnaga, ent kohati väga erineva tähendusega. Käesoleva artikli eesmärk on lühidalt kirjeldada vene emigratsiooni sotsiaalset ja demograafilist struktuuri, selle keskusi, emigrantide rolli oma ja võõra kultuuri säilitamisel, põlvkondadevahelist aspekti, eelkõige kirjanduselus, ning haridusküsimusi. Lähemalt on käsitletud vene emigrantide rolli Eesti kultuuris muu maailma taustal. SU M M A R Y After the October Revolution a mass of emigrants, all citizens of the former Tsarist Russia dispersed in the world. In the scholarly literature this dispersal of upwards of a million people has come to be referred to as the first wave of Russian emigration. Thousands of scholarly articles from the humanities, sociology, political science and other disciplines have been devoted to various aspects of Russian exile culture: descriptions of exile cultural centres (including Paris, Berlin, Constantinople, Brazil, and the USA); various cultural phenomena (literature, film, theatre, fashion, journalism, art, etc.). As was true of the large part of Europe, the Russian emigration impacted Estonia, as it did across the rest of Europe; however, the fate of the Russian community in Estonia had strikingly original features. Some of these derived principally from Estonia’s position as a border state, as well as from the fact that even in the days of the Russian Empire, over 40000 Russians resided in Estonia. Theoretically, this should have made it easier for Russian emigrants to assimilate to Estonian conditions (for example, Russian schools existed from an earlier period, along with the requisite complement of teachers; Russian-language journalism existed, etc.). However, in reality, most of the promoters of local Russian culture emerged from among the emigrants, new settlers in Estonia.The purpose of this article is briefly to describe the social and demographic structure of the Russian emigration (military personnel will be treated separately) and the question of their legalization, which was solved in 1921 by the renowned Norwegian explorer Fridtjof Nansen. At his initiative, the Intergovernmental Conference of the representatives of 34 nations that met in Geneva adopted the designation refugee, which for the time being only referred to stateless people of Russian origin. The legitimation of these people as refugees was contingent on the acceptance of a statute confirming the use of a heretofore nonexistent International identity document, the so-called Nansen Certificate. This certificate enabled Russian emigrants to claim refugee status in several nations, which included the attribution of rights and freedoms equal to those of citizens of these nations. Approximately 450 000 Nansen Certificates were issued over a period of several years.The article contains brief descriptions of centres of exile, the circumstances and chronology of their foundation, the perceived role of emigrants in the preservation of their own culture and a culture foreign to them. The intergenerational conflict that occurred in cultural, in particular literary life is discussed. Among other topics considered are issues concerning publication, journalistic activity, and educational activities; a brief consideration is given to the positions of different nations on the support and preservation of Russian-language education. A very important influence on Russian emigration was Vladimir Lenin’s so-called „gift“— the expulsion of over 200 scholars from Soviet Russia in the year 1921.A special place is accorded in this article to the role of Russian emigrants in Estonian culture, including the role played by Russian cultural figures (scholars, military personnel, artists, etc.) in building up the young Estonian Republic. The most active participation of Russians was occasioned by the creation of Estonia’s own legal system. In addition, Russians participated in organizing the Estonian postal system and local transportation. The role of Russian emigrants in the development of the educational system of the Estonian Republic is also significant. The article describes the leadership provided by the local Russian community, particularly in the establishment in 1924 of the tradition of Russian cultural festivals, which was then disseminated globally in Russian exile culture.Brief consideration is given to local Russian culture and its importance in the development of Estonian culture. The most important facet of this was the Estonian ballet, born of Russian traditions and experience. Reportedly the first professional ballet troupe was assembled in Tallinn in 1918 by Sessy Smironina-Sevun, but the first actual ballet was performed in 1922, premiering with Coppelia, choreographed by the Moscow Bolshoi Ballet prima ballerina Viktorina Krieger, who played the lead role, and was later to be the artistic director of the Estonia ballet. In 1919, Jevgenia Litvinova, a former ballerina from the Maria Theatre, founded the first ballet studio in Tallinn.Another topic addressed in the article is local publishing and literary activity in the Russian language. Besides Russian publishing houses (Bibliofiil, Koltso, Alfa, Russkaja Kniga), Estonian-language publishing houses printed Russian-language books, textbooks, magazines and newspapers. Up to the year 1940, 91 publishing houses in Estonia printed Russian-language material, many of them only a few Russian books. In addition to publication activities, literary circles were active at different times. Among them was the Revel Literary Circle, founded in 1898, the oldest and most unusual gathering place for educated people. Poets’ workshops in Tallinn and Tartu were among the more interesting societies in Estonia, aimed more specifically at poets of the younger generation. Members of the Tallinn workshop created their own almanac, „Nov“, and published a magazine, Polevõje Tsvetõ.All of these phenomena and problems must be situated in the context of the larger world. The Russian emigration is far from being merely a unique phenomenon of life and work outside of the homeland; indeed, it exerted a strong influence on the culture, scholarship, and literature of the countries of settlement. Among the greatest achievements of 20th century humanity are the works of Nobel laureate and writer Ivan Bunin, prose writer Vladimir Nabokov, artists Marc Chagall, Konstantin Korovin, Aleksander Benois, and Vassily Kandinsky; the theories of Noble laureate, physicist and chemist Ilya Prigogine; the works of composers Sergei Rachmaninoff, and Igor Stravinsky; actor and theatre director Mikhail Chekhov; constructor Igor Sikorsky; chemist Vladimir Ipatjev. No less important in Estonian culture were poet Igor Severjanin, architect Aleksander Vladovski, representatives of Russian classical ballet (Tamara Beck, Jevgenia Litvinova); artists Anatoli Kaigorodov, Nikolai Kalmakov, and Andrei Jegorov.

Kursplaner revideras kontinuerligt och det innebär att lärare behöver tolka kursplaner på nytt. Min startpunkt för undersökningen är utifrån ett personligt intresse, men allt eftersom arbetet har fortskridit, så har min kunskap om komplexiteten bakom kursplanens texter vecklat ut sig. Syftet med denna kvalitativa undersökning är att ta reda på vad skillnaderna är i den reviderade kursplanen jämfört med den nuvarande kursplanen i slöjd och att placera kursplanen i en större kontext för att se vilka konsekvenserna kan vara för slöjdämnet. I delar av metod, analys och diskussion har jag tagit ett socialkonstruktivistiskt perspektiv och kunskap om läroplansteori har fungerat som en teori ur vilken jag kan förstå kursplanetexternas koppling till samhälle och politik. Genom att använda både en komparativ och induktiv ansats under textanalysen av de två kursplanerna syftar undersökningen till att få ett resultat om det nya innehållet. Den komparativa analysens resultat visar att i den reviderade kursplanen Lgr11 har antalet ord minskat från 1806 till 1471, samt vilket innehåll som förvinner eller tillkommer i form av begrepp och ämnesinnehåll. Den induktiva ansatsens resultat genererade åtta kategorier, vilka berör det nya innehållet i den reviderade kursplanen med ett jämförande med den nuvarande kursplanen Lgr11. Därefter genomförde jag en analys av utvalda delar av Kajsa Borgs forskning för att vidga perspektivet runt kursplanetexten. Efter noggrann läsning fann jag att slöjdens kursplan kan studeras ur både strukturell- och deltagarnivå, vilka påverkar varandra och ger konsekvenser för slöjdämnet, vilka kan vara både positiva och negativa för slöjdämnets utveckling. Den reviderade kursplanens textmängd kortas ner, begrepp tas bort och nya tillkommer, omformuleringar förtydligar eller förskjuter innehållet. Hållbarhet och miljö tar en mer framträdande roll i kursplanen och ålderanpassning blir synlig i det centrala innehållet och kunskapskraven. En stor del av det centrala innehållet som beskrev slöjdens estetiska och kulturella uttrycksformer, raderas helt och ersätts med en mer generell beskrivning. De bakomliggande visionerna för slöjdämnet på en strukturellnivå förmedlas inte till de tolkande slöjdlärarna på en deltagarnivå, vilka kommer möta en reviderad kursplan med samma generella språk som i den nuvarande kursplanen. Ett språk som till stor del gör att slöjdens ämnesinnehåll förblir otydligt och detta gör den även svårtolkad. Å andra sidan kan denna otydlighet öppna upp för olika tolkningar på deltagarnivå, vilket kan bjuda in till kreativitet för slöjdläraren.

Assessing early Vaiṣṇava, epic, ritualistic and literary sources and iconographic evidence, this chapter discusses how an archetypical cult of an early Durgā, the form of the goddess prior to her absorption of other identities, acquired prestige from obscure origins between the 3rd and 5th centuries, while empire under the Guptas was in its heyday. Beginning in the 3rd century, the chapter examines the roots of Durgā in the black-hued, yellow-robed, ghost-encircled, liquour-loving, peacock-feather crested Vaiṣṇava goddess of Death, Time and Sleep, Nidrā-Māyā-Kālarātri-Kālī and examines her cult of averting dangers in that period. Within Vaiṣṇava thought, Kālarātri-Nidrā is Viṣṇu's yogic sleep and creative, active magical power (māyā) embodied, the great night of aeonic destruction too, while in her earthly form, she is Kṛṣṇa's savior from Kaṃsa, the intercessory salvific sister Nidrā born on the dark Navamī, who puts beings to sleep and is also responsible for their deaths at the end of their lifetimes. This goddess, who was also worshipped in Cambodia and Indonesia, her belief systems and her ritual worship with buffalo sacrifice on Navamī, the Dark Ninth of Śrāvaṇa, provided the idea-matrix—the classical archetype—for Durgā's later characterizations and ritual modifications.