Academic literature on the topic 'Kantian Peace Theory'
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Journal articles on the topic "Kantian Peace Theory"
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HeajeongLee. "Paradox of the Democratic Peace Theory: Kantian Peace Distorted and Abused." Journal of Korean Political and Diplomatic History 29, no. 2 (2008): 129–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.18206/kapdh.29.2.200802.129.
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Couloumbis, Theodore A., and Alexander E. Kentikelenis. "Greek–Turkish Relations and the Kantian Democratic Peace Theory." Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 7, no. 4 (2007): 517–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683850701725999.
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CAVALLAR, GEORG. "Kantian perspectives on democratic peace: alternatives to Doyle." Review of International Studies 27, no. 2 (2001): 229–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500002291.
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As for the philosophers, they make imaginary laws for imaginary commonwealths, and their discourses are as the stars, which give little light, because they are so high.Francis BaconThe article argues that Doyle's interpretation of Kant's first definitive article in Perpetual Peace is mistaken. I distinguish between Kant's pragmatic argument (his democratic peace proposition) and his a priori, or transcendental claim. Both are distinct from Doyle's approach which emphasizes institutional restraint and shared cultural norms. Doyle must be criticized for taking Kant's transcendental claims as statements that can be verified empirically. I propose that we drop Doyle's juxtaposition of liberal and illiberal as a fallacy of essentialism. Kant's distinction between republican and despotic is a methodological abstraction belonging to ideal theory (the system of rights). Kantian non-ideal theory (his political philosophy) sees the distinction among states as a matter of degree rather than kind. Kant favours an inclusive global federation encompassing liberal as well as non-liberal states, rather than an exclusive federation and ‘separate peace’ of liberal states.
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Simpson, Sid. "Making liberal use of Kant? Democratic peace theory and Perpetual Peace." International Relations 33, no. 1 (2018): 109–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117818811463.
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The work of Immanuel Kant has been foundational in modern democratic peace theory. His essay Toward Perpetual Peace gives three prescriptions for attaining peace between democracies: republican institutions, a pacific union between states, and an ethos of universal hospitality. Contemporary democratic peace theory, however, has warped the Kantian framework from which it draws inspiration: the third prescription has been gradually substituted for commerce and trade. I argue that this change in emphasis produces tensions between Perpetual Peace and the body of democratic peace theory literature it spawned. Moreover, I contend that a look back at Kant’s essay sheds light on why this transformation occurred. Finally, I use this new look back at Perpetual Peace to reformulate the relationship between peace, democracy, and commerce so as to offer a new perspective on the democratic peace theory/capitalist peace theory debate.
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Riley, Patrick. "Hannah Arendt on Kant, Truth and Politics." Political Studies 35, no. 3 (1987): 379–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1987.tb00195.x.
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Hannah Arendt is right to give prominence to Kant's Critique of Judgment—for that work contains Kant's fullest treatment of ‘ends' and purposes, and Kantian politics (embracing universal republicanism and eternal peace) is meant to be a ‘legal’ realization of moral ends (when ‘good will’ alone is too weak to produce what ought to be). But Arendt is wrong to try to extract a ‘new’ Kantian politics from Judgment's aesthetic ideas: Kantian politics is already ‘there’, and need not be squeezed out of his theory of art. She has chosen the right work, but given it a bizarre reading.
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Musiał, Aleksandra. "Common Concepts of Immanuel Kant's "The Perpetual Peace" and The Charter of the United Nations." Studies in Global Ethics and Global Education 10 (June 22, 2019): 47–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.2506.
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The essay compares selected Kantian ideas stated in The Perpetual Peace with the institutions established by the Charter of the United Nations and the Statute of the International Court of Justice. The concept of a nation and its position in international law in view of the Charter will be presented and linked with the Kantian theory of sovereignty of Nations. The core of the paper is an afterthought on the supremacy of three separate powers over the Nations, hence the question of the rules of procedure held by the International Court of Justice will be regarded as the consequence of the idea of sovereign equality. The Kantian concept: "Nations, as states, may be judged like individuals”: (Kant, 1917, p. 128) is observed from the perspective of state’s demand for independence. The institution of the International Court of Justice is presented as a universal supreme body. The key issue of the essay is the federative character of union as a guarantee of eternal peace seen as common point in both of the documents discussed.
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Kumankov, Arseniy D. "Kantian Project of Perpetual Peace in the Context of Modern Ethical and Political Concepts of War." Russian Journal of Philosophical Sciences 63, no. 1 (2020): 85–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.30727/0235-1188-2020-63-1-85-100.
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The article considers the modern meaning of Kant’s doctrine of war. The author examines the context and content of the key provisions of Kant’s concept of perpetual peace. The author also reviews the ideological affinity between Kant and previous authors who proposed to build alliances of states as a means of preventing wars. It is noted that the French revolution and the wars caused by it, the peace treaty between France and Prussia served as the historical background for the conceptualization of Kant’s project. In the second half of the 20th century, there is a growing attention to Kant’s ethical and political philosophy. Theorists of a wide variety of political and ethical schools, (cosmopolitanism, internationalism, and liberalism) pay attention to Kant’s legacy and relate their own concepts to it. Kant’s idea of war is reconsidered by Michael Doyle, Jürgen Habermas, Ulrich Beck, Mary Kaldor, Brian Orend. Thus, Doyle tracks democratic peace theory back to Kant’s idea of the spread of republicanism. According to democratic peace theory, liberal democracies do not solve conflict among themselves by non-military methods. Habermas, Beck, Kaldor appreciate Kant as a key proponent of cosmopolitanism. For them, Kant’s project is important due to notion of supranational forms of cooperation. They share an understanding that peace will be promoted by an allied authority, which will be “governing without government” and will take responsibility for the functioning of the principles of pacification of international relations. Orend’s proves that Kant should be considered as a proponent of the just war theory. In addition, Orend develops a new area in just war theory – the concept of ius post bellum – and justifies regime change as the goal of just war.
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Sofka, James R. "Metternich's Theory of European Order: A Political Agenda for “Perpetual Peace”." Review of Politics 60, no. 1 (1998): 115–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500043953.
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This article examines the foreign policy of Prince Clemens Metternich of Austria, the chief architect of the Vienna Treaty of 1815, in the light of Enlightenment political thought. Metternich is commonly considered a reactionary and practitioner of callous balance-of-power diplomacy, and this article seeks to refute this conclusion. By examining Metternich's deeply held theoretical beliefs on the nature of the European state system, and above all his Kantian belief in progress and federalism, this essay concludes that Metternich pursued a reformist, and indeed idealistic, program in international politics which cannot be divorced from late Enlightenment philosophy. His Conference System, which was designed to regulate European politics in the aftermath of the Napoleonic Wars, represented a novel experiment in European union which remains a pressing concern in the contemporary international system.
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Church, Jeffrey. "The Flies of Summer: A Kantian Reply to Burke." Review of Politics 82, no. 2 (2020): 225–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670520000145.
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AbstractThis paper takes up a deep objection to liberalism associated most clearly with Edmund Burke, that liberalism's tendency to rapid change from generation to generation frustrates a fundamental human desire to participate in what is unchanging. To address this criticism, I examine Kant's political theory from the 1780s and 1790s, focusing on the themes of perpetual peace, revolution, and punishment. I argue that for Kant, the liberal community is best understood as an enduring partnership for the liberation of humanity, rather than as a partnership to protect material interests or rights. Understanding Kant's liberalism in this way confronts Burke's challenge and also helps solve some difficult puzzles in Kant scholarship.
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Milstein, Brian. "Perpetual Peace and Cosmopolitical Method." Danish Yearbook of Philosophy 50, no. 1 (2017): 107–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24689300-05001007.
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This article explores the bases of Kant’s cosmopolitanism in his more systematic writings on freedom, judgment, and community. My argument is that, if we peer beneath his more explicitly normative prescriptions for achieving “perpetual peace,” we find the tools not just of a cosmopolitan vision but what we might call a “cosmopolitical method.” While many assume Kant’s political thought descends directly from his moral philosophy, a look back at relevant passages in the first Critique reveals an alternative reading that points toward his theory of reflective judgment, which combines practical freedom with judgments based on theoretical concepts. Of particular importance is Kant’s conception of community as commercium, through which Kant discerns all matters of right to concern the way free actors are constrained to share the earth in common. These considerations allow for a broader way of thinking about Kantian cosmopolitanism, one that is responsive to the reflective judgment of world citizens as they encounter new challenges.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Kantian Peace Theory"
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Nie, Jing. "Kantian Peace Theory and the Taiwan Strait." Connect to full text in OhioLINK ETD Center, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=toledo1260832420.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Toledo, 2009.<br>Typescript. "Submitted to the Graduate Faculty as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts Degree in Political Science." "A thesis entitled"--at head of title. Bibliography: leaves 76-85.
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Castellano, Isaac M. "Kantian Peace Extended: Liberal Influences and MIlitary Spending." UKnowledge, 2013. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/polysci_etds/4.
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The Kantian Triangle of democratic institutions, IGOs, and economic interdependence has received a great deal of attention by international relations scholars. This project expands on liberal theory by arguing the pacific effects of the Kantian Triangle extend beyond dyadic context, and shapes state decision making on defense spending decisions. This project asserts that as states (1) build democratic institutions, (2) increase the number of memberships in international intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), and (3) exposes domestic markets to the global economy and subsequent interdependence on foreign markets for both imports and exports, they are less likely to allocate resources toward the military. To test this argument I employ both quantitative and qualitative methods. I first utilize a pooled time series data set of all states from 1960-2000. I then examine the case of Brazil and its relationship with the Kantian Triangle and subsequent military planning decisions. I conclude that there is mixed evidence to support the notion that the Kantian Triangle reduces military spending. I establish that while democracies reduce military spending, consolidated democracies enjoy no additional benefit in military spending. However, the longer states are democracies the more likely they are to reduce spending, and if they have electoral systems based on consensus designs. I find that IGO memberships reduce military spending, however, the bulk of influence IGOs have on military spending decisions are retained by security focused organizations. Lastly, I find that international trade and overall economic globalization increases military spending, while regional trade decreases it. In all the Kantian Triangle has a substantial influence on military spending, yet it is clear from this project that this influence is not universal among all elements of the Kantian Triangle, and that the liberal influences are not completely pacific.
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Sullivan, Dennis J. "Uncivil wars: does Kantian Adaptive Networks Theory provide significant indications and warning of intra-state conflict." Thesis, 2016. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/14551.
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Reviewing inter-state warfare literature, I observe a correlation between the growth of international institutions, economic interchange, and levels of democracy, and corresponding decreases in incidents of international war. Conversely, internal conflicts comprise most conflicts in the post-1945 world, compared to inter-state conflicts.
Within the larger intra-state literature, I note an underlying lineage to concepts evolving from Kant’s writings, specifically Kantian democratic peace theory (DPT) literature posited by Russett and ONeal (2001), and the informal social-juridical relationship within Metaphysics of Morals.
From that pedigree, could a deeper understanding of internal political risks gained through application of Kantian DPT, interpolating Putnam’s (2002) Social Capital Theory (SCT) hold potential to provide researchers and policy makers insight into propensity for descent into conflict early enough to implement corrective actions?
This investigation initially questions existence of intra-state processes performing similar ameliorating or exacerbating functions observed at inter-state level. Assessing that intra-state dynamics exhibit an elevated dependence on social factors necessitates adjustments to DPT to accommodate the adaptable nature of social constructs, leading to the designation of my theory as Kantian Adaptable Networks Theory (KANT).
To test hypotheses, I start with DPT, incorporate elements of SCT, and identify a hybrid combination presenting greater explanatory power than either DPT or SCT factors alone. Fund for Peace’s Fragile State Indices (FSI) for 2005-2013 provides the dataset to conduct regression analysis to determine significance of DPT and/or SCT elements in static and time-series. Initial results indicate DPT/SCT provides explanatory value at the intra-state level with the Group Grievance factor generally presenting the most significant effect on probability of conflict.
To assess resilience to intra-state conflict, I then explore brittleness of social-contract dynamics through the lens of Clausewitz’ center of gravity theory. In my exploration of applicability of KANT at the case level, I analyze FSI data for Syria and Kenya to determine resilience to shocks and ratcheted pressures, and explanation for differing outcomes.
Based on the results of quantitative and case analysis, I present policy prescription considerations. Finally, I discuss additional avenues for follow-on research of issues and opportunities identified during the course of the investigation.
Books on the topic "Kantian Peace Theory"
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Stone Sweet, Alec, and Clare Ryan. A Cosmopolitan Legal Order. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198825340.001.0001.
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The book provides an introduction to Kantian constitutional theory and the European system of rights protection. Part I sets out Kant’s blueprint for achieving Perpetual Peace and constitutional justice within and beyond the nation state. Part II applies these ideas to explain the gradual constitutionalization of a Cosmopolitan Legal Order: a transnational legal system in which justiciable rights are held by individuals; where public officials bear the obligation to fulfil the fundamental rights of all who come within the scope of their jurisdiction; and where domestic and transnational judges supervise how officials act. The authors then describe and assess the European Court’s progressivie approach to both the absolute and qualified rights. Today, the Court is the most active and important rights-protecting court in the world, its jurisprudence a catalyst for the construction of a cosmopolitan constitution in Europe and beyond.
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Kearney, Richard, and Melissa Fitzpatrick. Radical Hospitality. Fordham University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5422/fordham/9780823294428.001.0001.
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This volume addresses a timely and challenging subject for contemporary philosophy: the ethical responsibility of opening borders, psychic and physical, to the stranger. Drawing on key critical debates on the question of hospitality ranging from phenomenology, hermeneutics and deconstruction to neo-Kantian moral critique and Anglo-American virtue ethics, the book engages with urgent moral conversations regarding the role of identity, nationality, immigration, peace, and justice. The volume is divided into two parts. In the first part, entitled “Four Faces of Hospitality: Linguistic, Narrative, Confessional, Carnal,” Richard Kearney develops his recent research on the philosophy of hospitality, which informs the international Guestbook Project of which he is a founder and director (guestbookproject.org). This part elaborates an ethics of hosting the stranger. In the second part, entitled “Hospitality and Moral Psychology: Exploring the Border between Theory and Practice,” Melissa Fitzpatrick adumbrates a new ethics of hospitality in a robust reengagement with the philosophies of Kant, Levinas, Arendt, and contemporary virtue ethicist Talbot Brewer. In the concluding chapters, Kearney and Fitzpatrick chart novel options for the pedagogical application of an ethics of hospitality to our contemporary world of border anxiety, boundary disputes, migration crisis, and the looming ecological challenge.
Book chapters on the topic "Kantian Peace Theory"
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Giladi, Paul. "Recognition Theory and Kantian Cosmopolitanism." In The Nature of Peace and the Morality of Armed Conflict. Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-57123-2_2.
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"The Realist, Kantian and Neo-Kantian Conceptions of Peace." In Positive Peace in Theory and Practice. Brill | Nijhoff, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004305618_003.
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"The Kantian peace as a process of cosmopolitan community- building." In Kant and International Relations Theory. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203122754-7.
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Schuett, Robert. "Kelsen’s Enemies." In Hans Kelsen's Political Realism. Edinburgh University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474481687.003.0002.
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Why is Kelsen such a consequential and controversial, perhaps even misunderstood, political thinker and actor? Who wants to make us believe that Kelsen was a naïve idealist dreaming up a Kantian peace and throwing white sand at battle cruisers? The chapter is a rebuttal of the many clichés propounded by Schmittians and the other pseudo-realists that are thrown at Kelsen and the project of a Pure theory of law, state, and international legal order. The fact that the FBI was after Kelsen as an alleged communist is as ridiculous as it is tragic, and even two of his own students, Hans J. Morgenthau and John H. Herz, did not seem to understand legal positivism’s cold analysis of political and international life. The same goes for the fact that Kelsen was, actually, a tough Freudian human nature realist who turned the tables on natural law ideologues. Who’s naïve now?
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Korstanje, Maximiliano Emanuel, and Babu George. "The End of Tourism as We Know It." In Advances in Hospitality, Tourism, and the Services Industry. IGI Global, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-6983-1.ch002.
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The present chapter posits an interesting discussion revolving around the term Thana Capitalism, which was originally formulated in earlier works. Originally formulated to serve as an opposite alternative against neo-pragmatism, neoliberalism toyed with the belief that the world can be united through the consumption and free trade. During 80s and 90s decades, the theory of development adopted tourism as an efficient instrument to struggle with poverty. Under the auspices of neoliberalism, modern tourism not only paved the ways for an “Kantian eternal peace,” but also conducted a much deeper process of democratization beyond the borders of Western civilization. After the recent, stock market crisis in 2008, tourism not only was placed in jeopardy by the advance of jihadist terrorism but mutated towards more morbid forms of consumption, which made from human suffering as a tantalizing criterion of attraction. Thana-Tourism, War tourism, Dark Tourism or slum tourism are indicators that the society is changing towards new horizons.
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Jones, David Martin. "The End of History and the Kantian Moment." In History's Fools. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197510612.003.0002.
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This chapter examines the economic, technological and financial changes that facilitated liberal globalization. To understand, The technological advances of the 1980’s that facilitated globalization rendered rigid, closed, bureaucratic regimes redundant. The economic process established the structural preconditions that enabled the idea that history had ended and a new borderless world of political and economic convergence had emerged. The rise of the middle classes under global market conditions inexorably presaged modernization leading to democratization. Although, for a brief period after 1989, it seemed there might be an illiberal Asian alternative to the end of history, the Asian Financial Crisis (1997) demonstrated the ultimate redundancy of authoritarian alternatives to global liberalism. At the millennium, a democracy friendly ‘golden straightjacket’ shrank the state everywhere and opened it to a liberal institutional order, affording the preconditions for what Immanuel Kant foresaw in 1794 as a universal cosmopolitan and perpetual peace. However, the fact that some undeveloped countries and the blue collar working classes within developed states had lost out in this process of globalization, required, not more liberalization but a new borderless, post ideological, post historical third way in politics to realize perpetual global peace.
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Joas, Hans, and Wolfgang Knöbl. "Conclusion." In War in Social Thought, translated by Alex Skinner. Princeton University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691150840.003.0008.
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This concluding chapter considers a convincing conception of enduring peace and the need to move beyond monothematic diagnoses of the contemporary world and of social change. It argues that none of the debates on peace-engendering structures and processes that have taken place since the 1980s in social theory have produced convincing results. The thesis of the “democratic peace” has proved essentially unviable, at least with respect to the so-called Kantians' initial claim of global validity for their statements. The discussion of “failed states” and “new wars” has focused largely on processes of state decline or marketization but has done little to place these processes within a broader theoretical framework. Finally, the arguments put forward by theorists of an American imperium, which entail antithetical positions, have failed to show that this attempt to spread American power throughout the world will in fact succeed and bring about peace.
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Oas, Ian. "Shifting the Iron Curtain of Kantian Peace : NATO Expansion and the Modern Magyars." In The Geography of War and Peace. Oxford University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195162080.003.0026.
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As the head of Latvia’s minute military, Colonel Raimanos Graube, notes, the ascension of the Latvian state into NATO is part of a much larger process than military security alone: “This means we are moving to our goal, which is to be a firm and permanent part of the West.” Though such a viewpoint is common among the populaces of ascending member states, it helps raise numerous questions as to several inherent contradictions in the reasoning behind NATO expansion. To begin with, why are numerous states that just over ten years ago regained their sovereign independence from the Soviet empire so suddenly willing to join a new, hegemonic-backed Western empire? Furthermore, what are the true reasons that underlie NATO members’ interest in expanding their military alliance into nation-states with military forces comprised of only 5,500 members (e.g., Latvia)? There is more at play in NATO expansion than simple geopolitical security as defined by the international relations (IR) field. Indeed, it will be argued that above and beyond security for central Europe, contemporary NATO expansion is a moment in the cycle of the U.S. rise to world power. Moreover, it will be illustrated that ascension of central and Eastern European states into NATO may represent the final surrender of the socialist modernity as global competitor to the West. In this historical battlefield between Eastern and Western modernities, the socialist modernity that dominated during much of the region’s twentieth-century history is now reviled by these civil societies and viewed as the antithesis of modernity. In the meantime, the Western lifestyle of mass consumption and suburbanism, as well as other dominant core processes from Western Europe in general, raised the flag of market capitalism and democratic institutions in these states and filled the power vacuum just as quickly as the Soviet red stars came down. In this way, NATO is becoming increasingly synonymous with a “zone of peace” wherein all members ascribe to democracy, free trade, and interdependent relations. By joining NATO, new member states are making a political effort to shed the yoke of the failed Soviet modernity and join the hegemonic-led “Western” world (i.e., become “part of Europe”).