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Journal articles on the topic 'Karamanlides'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 22 February 2023

Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

Aytac, Selenay. "The karamanlidika digital library project: Connecting karamanlides memories." Proceedings of the American Society for Information Science and Technology 51, no. 1 (2014): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/meet.2014.14505101071.

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2

Irakleous, Stelios, and Nikolas Bakirtzis. "Karamanlides at the monastery of Saint John Lampadistis in Kalopanagiotis: pilgrimage votives, architecture and sacred landscape." Cahiers du Centre d'Etudes Chypriotes, no. 50 (December 1, 2020): 383–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/cchyp.526.

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3

Clive, Nigel. "The 1985 Greek Election and its Background." Government and Opposition 20, no. 4 (1985): 488–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1985.tb01100.x.

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IN EARLY 1985, MOST POLITICAL OBSERVERS WOULD HAVE forecast the probability of Constantinos Karamanlis's reelection to his second term as president, which seemed the likely prelude to the election due before the end of October 1985. This, it was assumed, would have given Andreas Papandreou's Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) a good chance to repeat the advantage which his party undoubtedly enjoyed in its convincing victory at the election in October 1981, when a significant portion of the electorate, notably from the centre of the political spectrum, felt that it could well afford the risks of voting for all that was implied in PASOK's electoral slogan ‘Change’, so long as Karamanlis remained at the helm with the special powers reserved for the president under the 1975 constitution. The outlook was consequently for an election in or before the autumn of 1985. In fact, PASOK's victory on 2 June was achieved at a different time, for quite different reasons and in quite different circumstances.

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4

Tzermias, Pavlos. "Konstantinos Karamanlis (1907-1998)." Comparative Southeast European Studies 47, no. 5-6 (1998): 257–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-1998-475-605.

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5

Gregory, Timothy E., and C. M. Woodhouse. "Karamanlis: The Restorer of Greek Democracy." History Teacher 18, no. 2 (1985): 298. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/493949.

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6

Balta, Evangelia. "Periodisation et typologie de la production des livres Karamanlis." Bulletin of the Centre for Asia Minor Studies 12 (January 1, 1997): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/deltiokms.78.

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7

Kinis, Dionysios, Georgios Palantzas, and Dimitrios Nalmpantis. "Evaluation of the functionality, safety, and environmental impact of the new pop-up bicycle lane on Konstantinos Karamanlis Avenue in Thessaloniki, Greece." IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science 1123, no. 1 (2022): 012054. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/1755-1315/1123/1/012054.

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Abstract The COVID-19 pandemic had some positive results regarding the established policy of the European Union (EU) of promoting active mobility, such as the creation of temporary bicycle lanes and paths, to facilitate mobility in the era of social distancing. Such a bicycle lane was constructed in the city of Thessaloniki, Greece, on Konstantinos Karamanlis Avenue. In the summer of 2020, during the COVID-19 pandemic, a bicycle lane was constructed on Konstantinos Karamanlis Avenue. In the present paper, a questionnaire survey is presented regarding the functionality, effectiveness, safety, and environmental impact of this specific bicycle lane. In total, 228 people participated in the survey. They were able to evaluate the different problems encountered on the bicycle lane and the behavior of the other road users and to make judgments and suggestions for its improvement. Important conclusions emerge from the collected data, such as that the citizens believe that there are significant problems with the safety of the bicycle lane and less important problems with its operation. Finally, it seems that there is a great desire to strengthen active mobility and especially cycling in the city of Thessaloniki, given that the infrastructure will provide the appropriate safety.

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8

Soucek, Svat, and Seton Dearden. "A Nest of Corsairs. The Fighting Karamanlis of the Barbary Coast." Journal of the American Oriental Society 107, no. 3 (1987): 532. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/603503.

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9

Prevelakis, George. "The relevance of Jean Gottmann in today's world." Ekistics and The New Habitat 70, no. 422/423 (2003): 295–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.53910/26531313-e200370422/423255.

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The author is Professor of Cultural and Political Geography at the Sorbonne University (Paris 1) and the Constantine Karamanlis Professor in Hellenic and Southeastern European Studies at the Fletcher School (Tufts University). He is the author of Les Balkans, cultures et géopolitique (Paris, Nathan, 1994), The Networks of Diasporas (Paris, L'Harmattan, 1996), Géopolitique de la Grèce (Brussels, Complexe, 1997) and Athènes, urbanisme, culture et politique (Paris, L'Harmattan, 2000). His books have been translated into Italian, Rumanian and Greek. His actual research focuses on the Geography of Diasporas, on Globalization and Culture, and on European Geopolitics.

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10

ΠΕΤΡΟΠΟΥΛΟΥ, ΙΩΑΝΝΑ. "ΙΣΤΟΡΙΟΓΡΑΦΙΚΕΣ ΠΡΟΣΕΓΓΙΣΕΙΣ TOΥ ΟΘΩΜΑΝΙΚΟΥ ΠΑΡΕΛΘΟΝΤΟΣ ΣΤΗΝ ΧΡΙΣΤΙΑΝΙΚΗ ΑΝΑΤΟΛΗ - 19ος αιώνας. ΜΙΑ ΔΕΙΓΜΑΤΟΛΗΨΙΑ". Μνήμων 23 (1 січня 2001): 269. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/mnimon.713.

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<p>Ioanna Petropoulou, Le passé ottoman: approches histor io graphiques del'Anatolie chrétienne au 19ème siècle à travers quelques textes</p><p>L'article présent examine l'historiographie publiée au 19ème siècle (engrec on en écriture karamanlie) concernant le passé ottoman. À traversles textes on constate que la conception historique de la période ottomanes'inscrit dans le processus du nationalisme qui se développe toutau long du 19ème siècle. C'est pour cette raison que l'analyse ne peuts'effectuer qu'en relation étroite avec le facteur national - l'hellénisme,et le facteur religieux - l'orthodoxie.</p>

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11

Fouskas, Vassilis K. "Constantine Karamanlis and the Cyprus Crisis of July-August 1974: A Re-assessment." Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies 24, no. 2 (2021): 223–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2021.2006518.

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12

Bistis, George. "From Karamanlis to Tsipras: The Greek Debt Crisis through Historical and Political Perspectives." Mediterranean Quarterly 27, no. 1 (2016): 30–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-3488049.

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13

Hatzivassiliou, Evanthis. "Greece and the Arabs, 1956-1958." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 16 (1992): 49–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307013100007540.

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In the second half of the 1950s, Greek foreign policy was dominated by the Cyprus question, while in the Middle East the same period was marked by a series of crises. The developments in the Middle East were important to the Greek government partly because Cyprus’s fate depended primarily on British decisions — and these decisions were connected to Britain’s position in the Middle East. Simultaneously, the turbulence in the region endangered the Greek communities in it, mainly the large community in Egypt. Yet, it may be said that Athens was rather slow in making an approach to the Arabs, on whose votes the United Nations debates on Cyprus largely depended: such approach took place only in Spring 1956, after the British had deported the Greek Cypriot leader, Archbishop Makarios, and after the new government of Constantinos Karamanlis had scored its first electoral victory.

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14

Brendemoen, Bernt. "Karamanlidic literature and its value as a source for spoken Turkish in the 18th and 19th centuries." Turkic Languages 20, no. 1 (2017): 5–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.13173/tl/2016/1/5.

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15

Sfetas, Spyridon. "In the shadow of the Macedonian issue international realignments and Balkan repercussions: From the Greek-Yugoslav agreements of 18 june 1959 to the 1960 crisis in relations between Athens and Belgrade." Balcanica, no. 39 (2008): 189–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0839189s.

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The 1960s were a decade of important developments in the Balkans. Skopje?s stirring up of the issue of the supposed "Macedonian" minority led to a series of diplomatic clashes between Greece and Yugoslavia, culminating in the 1960-1962 crisis. A major role in developments in the Balkans was played by the Soviet Union, which, directly or indirectly, greatly influenced the shaping of Yugoslav foreign policy. The crisis began in August 1960 when for the first time since 1950, the Yugoslavia Foreign Ministry publicly raised the question of protecting the rights of the "Macedonian minority". While the Athens-Belgrade crisis was not serious enough to lead them to break off diplomatic relations, it did have a catalytic effect on the shaping of Bulgarian policy with regard to the Macedonian question. After the restoration of democracy in Greece (1974), and despite her need for support from Yugoslavia on the Cyprus issue, the Karamanlis government did not repeat the "mistakes" of 1959. Belgrade, having secured in 1975 a renewal of the agreement on the free zone in the Port of Thessaloniki, did not insist on signing a border agreement. The Macedonian question had become of no more than academic interest in the discussions of politicians on both sides of the border, and the crisis of 1960-62 merely a forgotten flareup.

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16

Skoulariki, Athena. "Conspiracy theories before and after the Greek crisis: Discursive patterns and political use of the “enemy” theme." Επιστήμη και Κοινωνία: Επιθεώρηση Πολιτικής και Ηθικής Θεωρίας 37 (May 14, 2018): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/sas.14656.

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Conspiracy theories have been associated to a paranoid way of thinking; however they are not always marginal and utterly irrational. Conspiracist narratives reflect rival strategies of interpretation, and can have a real impact on the social and political praxis. More than factual accuracy, I suggest that what distinguishes a conspiracy theory is a type of discourse, its key features being: suspicion, intentionality, personification, speculation and denunciation.This paper examines conspiracy theories that dominated Greek public discourse before and after the economic crisis of the years 2010s, particularly those introduced by political actors as a means of political persuasion and mobilisation. Greek political culture and the discredit of the political system since 2010 led to frequent expressions of distrust towards political elites and foreign “powers”. My analysis focuses on the acceptability of conspiracy theories in relation with social representations, dominant stereotypes and widely shared interpretative schemata.The following cases of conspiracy theories are discussed: a) the wildfires that ravaged large parts of Greece in 2007, supposedly set by “foreign agents”; b) the alleged assassination plot in 2008-2009 against the PM Karamanlis by Western / US secret services; c) the conspiracy theories attributing the economic crisis to a deliberate foreign plot against Greece. The paper examines in particular the attribution of blame to presumed “enemies”, in line with nationalist discursive themes and stereotypes.

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17

Tasoulas, Argyrios. "The Role of the Cyprus Issue in the Greek-Soviet Relations (1956-1960)." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 1 (2021): 148–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-1-148-156.

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The article examines the role of the Cyprus issue in the bilateral relations between Greece and the USSR in 1956-1960. It is based on primal archival research realised at the Constantine Karamanlis Archive (AKK) and at the Diplomatic and Historical Archive of the Greek Foreign Ministry (DIAYE) in Athens. The analysis of the recently declassified documents relate to the events which took place in 1954, when the Soviet Union supported the Greek claims for self-determination of the Cypriot people in the United Nations on the basis of the anti-colonial principles. This contributed to the impressive increase in trade between Greece and the USSR, especially after the unofficial visit of the Soviet Foreign Minister D.T. Shepilov to Athens in 1956. Against the backdrop of the deterioration of the international situation in 1957, Kremlin heavily criticized NATOs decision to deploy the US Intermediate Range Ballistic Missiles (IRBMs) in Europe and applied diplomatic pressures to NATO member-states including Greece. The shift from tensions to a peaceful offensive strategy, characteristic of the Soviet diplomacy towards Greece, proved to be a double-edged sword for Moscow in the long term. The author concludes that both countries exploited the Cyprus issue for their benefit. Thus, Moscow managed to take advantage of the Greek discontent with the NATO allies as a means of increasing its own prestige in the region, while the Greek governments capitalized on the Soviet tactics in order to increase its political leverage in confronting NATO on Cyprus.

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18

Tasoulas, Argyrios. "Decolonization of Cyprus and position of the Soviet Union (1953-1959(." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 2 (February 2020): 42–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2020.2.33136.

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This article examines the process of decolonization of Cyprus and support of the Soviet Union in the struggle against British colonialism. The author substantiates why the case of Cyprus deserves special attention, and how its national characteristics alongside other factors, including the position of Great Britain, Greece, and Turkey impacted decolonization process of the island. It is underlined that the Soviet policy in support of national identity of the Cypriots, as demonstrated by diplomatic steps in the United Nations Security Council in 1954-1958, pursued two directions: weakening of British positions in the Eastern Mediterranean, and initiation of a split in relations between the two NATO members &ndash; Greece and Turkey, using their national interests in Cyprus. The unpublished Greek and Soviet materials served as methodological framework for this research. The author leans on the archival foreign policy materials of the Russian Federation, diplomatic and foreign policy archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Greece, as well as the Foundation of the Prime Minister of Greece Konstantinos Karamanlis. The use of vast array of sources on the three languages dedicated to the topic allowed concluding that the tactics of the Soviet Union pertinent to Cyprus question of 1953-1959, was ineffective, since the gap between Greece and Turkey and NATO has been overcome after signing the Cyprus Agreements of 1959. A sovereign Cyprus State within the framework of the Non-Aligned Movement, and political protection of the Cypriot Communists (the strongest Communist Party in the region), would be the best way for ensuring Soviet security, since these subjects could control the use of the British military facilities, and thus, expand Soviet influence in the region.

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19

YUN, Hee-Doo. "A Study on the Courses of Establishment Greek Democratic System in Connection with the European Community Accession(1961-1981): Focusing on the Role of Konstantinos Karamanlis." Korean Society for European Integration 10, no. 2 (2019): 51–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2019.19.51.

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20

Coufoudakis, Van. "Andreas in Jail and in Exile: Junta, Resistance, Americans, Karamanlis [in Greek] (Ο Ανδρέας στη Φυλακή και την Εξορία: Χούντα, Αντίσταση, Αμερικανοί, Καραμανλής) by Stan Draenos". Mediterranean Quarterly 29, № 2 (2018): 81–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-6898123.

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21

Guler, Okan, Zoya N. Kirillova, and Liaisan Sahin. "LANGUAGE FEATURES OF BOOKS FOR CHRISTIAN TATARS AND KARAMAN TURKS." Gênero & Direito 8, no. 7 (2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.22478/ufpb.2179-7137.2019v8n7.50046.

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This article is carried out in line with comparative studies and is devoted to the study of the specific language features of baptized Tatars and Karamanlid Turks. The need to study this topic is caused by increased attention to the Kryashen and Karamanlid dialects, their linguistic features and history. The objects of study were religious texts, textbooks and literary works in Kryashen and Karamanlid dialects. As the subject of the study, the language features of these texts were examined, as well as the history of the appearance of baptized Tatars and Karamanlid Turks. The scientific novelty of this work lies in the fact that the Kryashen and Karamanlid dialects were studied for the first time in a comparative aspect. The analysis was based on data from a continuous sample of explanatory, etymological, encyclopedic dictionaries of the Tatar, Turkish, and Ottoman-Turkish languages based on the following sources: religious texts, textbooks, and literary works. The theoretical basis of this study is the following main points: language and religion are interconnected and interdependent; phonetic and lexical features reflect the specifics of the language; sacred texts, textbooks and literary works make it possible to identify the history and origin of the people, the belonging of the language to certain language groups

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22

Tasoulas, Argyrios. "Greek–Soviet relations 1959–1962: the Greek response to the Kremlin's challenge." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies, December 1, 2020, 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/byz.2020.22.

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In 1959–62, relations between Greece and the USSR entered a new phase. The tactics of the Soviet Union regarding Cyprus in 1955–9 did not pay off, as the rift between Greece, Turkey, and NATO was largely bridged in the aftermath of the 1959 Cyprus agreements. However, the search for a Cold War détente engendered pervasive insecurity in a frontline state like Greece, always afraid that its larger allies might abandon it. Nuclear intimidation, Greek anti-communism on the one hand; on the other, the impressive development of trade relations, created a complex environment. This article, based on the archives of the Greek Foreign Ministry, and the personal archive of the Greek prime minister, Constantine Karamanlis, discusses Athens’ response to the new Soviet policy.

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23

Asimakopoulos, Vassilis, and Vassilis K. Fouskas. "Greece: The Return of the Right." Political Quarterly, November 14, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.13339.

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AbstractNew Democracy (ND), the centre‐right party founded by Constantine Karamanlis in summer 1974 and currently led by Kyriakos Mitsotakis, scion of a powerful political family, won the twin electoral contest of May/June 2023 with a landslide. The victory was comprehensive both in terms of the votes received—over 40 per cent of those who cast their vote (abstention was over 45 per cent)—and because of the near collapse of Syriza (17.83 per cent) and the weak recovery of the other centre‐left party, PASOK (11.46 per cent). Moreover, far right and conservative parties, three in total, entered parliament, amassing some 12 per cent of the vote. We argue that two interlinked phenomena account for these developments. The first was the eclipse of conditions that created the Syriza phenomenon in Greece (the 2010–15 debt crisis); the second was the lack of a credible programmatic alternative that spoke to the middle classes on behalf of both centre‐left parties.

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24

KAHYA, Hayrullah. "Amerikan Board Misyonerleri Yayınlarında İkna’nın Görünümü: Grek Harfli Türkçe Çocuk Dergisi Angeliaforos Çocuklar İçün Örneği." Osmanlı Medeniyeti Araştırmaları Dergisi, October 22, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.21021/osmed.1356794.

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In the 19th century, missionaries effectively penetrated the Ottoman Empire through their missionary activities. Upon entering Ottoman lands, missionaries primarily aimed to attain a deeper understanding of the local community. They meticulously acquired insights into individuals' daily lives and endeavored to establish meaningful connections through educational, healthcare, and publishing initiatives. Among these missionary organizations, the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (ABCFM), which operated within Ottoman territories from 1820, emerged as a prominent missionary institution. With a primary focus on non-Muslim elements, ABCFM also encompassed the Karamanli community, perceived as Greek due to their religious affiliation. Their objectives encompassed the conversion of Orthodox Turkish-speaking Karamanlis and even the printing of Turkish materials using Greek script in their own printing presses. This study examines one of these works, the illustrated children's magazine Angeliaforos Çocuklar İçün (AÇİ), with a specific focus on the presentation of its persuasive principles. The study's findings underscore that AÇİ serves as an exemplary manifestation of alignment with ABCFM's persuasive principles, affirming their comprehensive preparation and alignment with their mission.

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