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Journal articles on the topic 'Kaunda'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 August 2024

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1

Kydd, Jonathan. "Coffee After Copper? Structural Adjustment, Liberalisation, and Agriculture in Zambia." Journal of Modern African Studies 26, no. 2 (June 1988): 227–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00010454.

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In contrast to its policies in the economic sphere, Zambia has one of Africa's most liberal approaches to press freedom. To convey the flavour of public debate during, or immediately after, the 19-month experiment with a market-determined exchange rate, 10 quotations are presented below:Large scale mining will continue for 12 to 20 years, but small-working may go on for 50–60 years.– Francis Kaunda, Chairman, Zambia Consolidated Copper Mines, June 1987.Coffe after copper.– Campaign slogan of the Coffee Growers Committee of the Commercial Farmers' Bureau.Even real socialist countries have to find and use foreign exchange.– Kebby Musokotwane, Prime Minister, replying to a question in the National Assembly, August 1986.Zambia's cardinal mistake was to subsidise consumption for a long time, thereby delaying diversification.– Kenneth Kaunda, President of Zambia, May 1986.The economic reform programme has begun to succeed: devaluation has stimulated exports.– Kenneth Kaunda, August 1936, Opening the 21st U.N.I.P. National Council Meeting.It was not socialist principles which ruined the Zambian economy, but unfavourable economic terms which the North has imposed on the South…I have no power…we agreed to the IMF reform programme much against out better judgement.– Kenneth Kaunda, August 1986, interviewed by Swedish, West German, and Cuban journalists.

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2

Kirkman, W. P. "Kenneth Kaunda: a forward-looking internationalist." Round Table 110, no. 4 (July 4, 2021): 516–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2021.1956750.

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3

SCHLER, LYNN. "DILEMMAS OF POSTCOLONIAL DIPLOMACY: ZAMBIA, KENNETH KAUNDA, AND THE MIDDLE EAST CRISIS, 1964–73." Journal of African History 59, no. 1 (March 2018): 97–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853717000731.

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AbstractThis article examines Zambia's engagement with the Middle East conflict from 1964–73 as a window into the political strategies and ideological ambitions of Kaunda's government in the first decade of independence. At the start of independence, Kaunda's domestic agenda led him to establish ties with Israel and to advance a program for cooperative development based on Israeli technical assistance. However, broader international concerns, filtered through the struggle against white minority regimes in southern Africa, ultimately led Kaunda to embrace a leadership role in international protests against Israel's policies towards its neighboring states. Zambia's foray into Middle East diplomacy in the first decade of independence enables a focused examination of Kaunda's presence in the international arena, while also revealing the compromises he made in the face of conflicting interests. Zambia's role in the Middle East conflict highlights this era as a time of confidence and claim-making by African leaders, but also one of concessions.

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4

Kanduza, Ackson M. "Steve Biko and Kenneth Kaunda: Sampling youth in history." New Contree 62 (November 30, 2011): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/nc.v62i0.346.

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The paper examines history from the perspective of the youth as a marginalized social group in most societies. They are young, lacking influential skills and preparing for imagined futures. The paper argues that youth do not often use the democratic power embedded in numbers. The paper advances to show that history as selected speculation, fails to empower the youth in not explaining that major historical eras emerged from political challenges that the youth initiated and led. The author take the case of Steve Biko from South Africa and Kenneth Kaunda from Zambia to demonstrate the historical foundations of changes that came later in their respective states. During their youth Biko and Kaunda entered politics and precipitated changes of an enduring nature. When borrowing from Kaunda, Biko argued that respect for human dignity and freedoms laid foundations for struggles that improved social values and justice by rejecting colonial systems. It is further argued that comparative studies of people during their youth could improve quality of historical studies or learning, and appeal to young people to develop interest in history, and historical research.

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5

Scarritt, James R. "President Kenneth Kaunda's Annual Address to the Zambian National Assembly: a Contextual Content Analysis of Changing Rhetoric, 1965–83." Journal of Modern African Studies 25, no. 1 (March 1987): 149–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00007655.

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Most writers on Zambia are agreed that President Kenneth Kaunda has grown more powerful over the last two decades by having learned to deal with changing circumstances, and that he has developed a unique position as an able and trusted mediator among political factions. There is also a consensus among those authors, however, that Kaunda's powers are rather severely constrained by the bourgeoisie-in-formation, by the weakening of the governing United National Independence Party (U.N.I.P.), by a declining economy, and by a difficult international environment, and that these limitations are growing stronger as time passes despite his ideological initiative in formulating what is known as ‘Zambian Humanism’.1

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6

Tembo, Mwizenge S., and Patrick Wele. "Kaunda and the Mushala Rebellion: The Untold Story." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 23, no. 3 (1989): 496. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485212.

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7

Wilson, Donald. "Kaunda and Southern Africa: image and reality in foreign policy." International Affairs 69, no. 2 (April 1993): 398–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621696.

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8

Dixon-Fyle, Mac, and Munyonzwe Hamalengwa. "Class Struggles in Zambia and the Fall of Kenneth Kaunda." International Journal of African Historical Studies 26, no. 2 (1993): 398. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219556.

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9

Zaffiro, James J., Stephen Chan, Richard J. Payne, and Paul-Henri Bischoff. "Kaunda and Southern Africa: Image and Reality in Foreign Policy." African Studies Review 38, no. 1 (April 1995): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/525493.

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10

Anthony, Kanu, Ikechukwu. "Kenneth Kaunda and the Quest for an African Humanist Philosophy." International Journal of Scientific Research 3, no. 8 (June 1, 2012): 375–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.15373/22778179/august2014/114.

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11

DeRoche, Andy. "Asserting African Agency: Kenneth Kaunda and the USA, 1964-1980." Diplomatic History 40, no. 5 (September 27, 2015): 975–1001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/dh/dhv047.

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12

DeRoche, Andy. "Dreams and Disappointments: Kenneth Kaunda and the United States, 1960–64." Safundi 9, no. 4 (October 2008): 369–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17533170802349507.

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13

Saunders, Chris. "Kenneth Kaunda, the United States and Southern Africa, by Andy DeRoche." English Historical Review 133, no. 560 (December 19, 2017): 241–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cex411.

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14

McLoughlin, Stephen, and Maartje Weerdesteijn. "Eliminating Rivals, Managing Rivalries: A Comparison of Robert Mugabe and Kenneth Kaunda." Genocide Studies and Prevention 9, no. 3 (February 2016): 116–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1911-9933.9.3.1318.

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15

Geisler, Gisela. "Sisters under the Skin: Women and the Women's League in Zambia." Journal of Modern African Studies 25, no. 1 (March 1987): 43–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0000759x.

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In March 1985 the Second National Women's Rights Conference was held on the Copperbelt. Although Betty Kaunda, wife of the President, addressed the 135 participants in her opening speech as if they were representing the Women's League of the United National Independence Party (U.N.I.P.), surprisingly only two of them, apart from the invited guests of honour, claimed to be associated with this organisation. Hardly any of the issues raised by the League entered the discussions during the three-day conference, and the recommendations were far form being a reflection of its stated aims.1

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16

Kalinga, Owen. "Independence Negotiations in Nyasaland and Northern Rhodesia." International Negotiation 10, no. 2 (2005): 235–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1571806054741001.

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AbstractThis article examines the processes of negotiations for autonomy from British rule in Nyasaland and Northern Rhodesia in the late 1950s and early 1960s. It shows that developments in the Zambezia region, in particular African resistance to the Central African Federation, influenced the nature and pace of the negotiations. African nationalists conducted horizontal negotiations among themselves in addition to intense negotiations with colonial authorities divided between the Federation and London. In the end, the negotiations succeeded in transferring power to the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) led by Kamuzu Banda and the United National Independence Party (UNIP) under Kenneth Kaunda.

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17

Panford, Kwamina, and Munyonzwe Hamalengwa. "Class Struggles in Zambia, 1889-1989, and the Fall of Kenneth Kaunda, 1990-1991." Industrial and Labor Relations Review 47, no. 2 (January 1994): 352. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2524447.

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18

Kangwa, Jonathan. "Indigenous African Women’s Contribution to Christianity in NE Zambia – Case Study: Helen Nyirenda Kaunda." Feminist Theology 26, no. 1 (August 22, 2017): 34–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0966735017711871.

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This article explores the contribution of indigenous African women to the growth of Christianity in North Eastern Zambia. Using a socio-historical method, the article shows that the Presbyterian Free Church of Scotland in North Eastern Zambia evangelized mainly through literacy training and preaching. The active involvement of indigenous ministers and teacher-evangelists was indispensable in this process. The article argues that omission of the contribution of indigenous African women who were teacher-evangelists in the standard literature relating to the work of the Presbyterian Free Church of Scotland in North Eastern Zambia exposes a patriarchal bias in mission historiography. In an effort to redress this omission, the article explores and evaluates the contribution and experience of an indigenous African woman, Helen Nyirenda Kaunda. Based on relevant research the article concludes that indigenous African women were among the pioneers of mission work in North Eastern Zambia.

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19

DeRoche, Andy. "Attempting to Assert African Agency: Kenneth Kaunda, the Nixon Administration, and Southern Africa, 1968–1973." South African Historical Journal 71, no. 3 (March 13, 2019): 466–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2019.1583683.

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20

Coombs, Mary. "Kaunda v. President of the Republic of South Africa. Case CCT 23/04. 2004 (10) BCLR 1009." American Journal of International Law 99, no. 3 (July 2005): 681–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1602300.

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21

Magesa, Laurenti. "African Theology, Philosophy, and Religions: Celebrating John Samuel Mbiti’s Contribution, edited by Chammah J. Kaunda and Julius Gathogo." Mission Studies 38, no. 3 (December 15, 2021): 481–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341821.

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22

Kangwa, Jonathan. "Reading The Bible With African Lenses: Exodus 20:1–17 As Interpreted by Simon Kapwepwe." Expository Times 132, no. 11 (June 23, 2021): 465–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00145246211021861.

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The bible has been differently received, read, interpreted and appropriated in African communities. Political freedom fighters in Zambia used the bible to promote black consciousness and an awareness of African identity. The first group of freedom fighters who emerged from the Mwenzo and Lubwa mission stations of the Free Church of Scotland in North Eastern Zambia read and interpreted the bible in a manner that encouraged resistance against colonialism and the marginalization of African culture. This paper adds to current shifts in African biblical scholarship by considering Simon Mwansa Kapwepwe’s interpretation of Exodus 20:1–17 in the context of Zambia’s movement for political and ecclesiastical independence. Kapwepwe belonged to the first group of freedom fighters - fighting alongside Kenneth Kaunda who would become the first President of Zambia. The present paper shows how Kapwepwe brought the biblical text into dialogue with the African context to address urgent issues of his time, including colonialism.

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23

Swarts, Pieter. "Humanising life orientation pedagogy through environmental education." South African Journal of Education 43, no. 1 (February 28, 2023): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.15700//saje.v43n1a2208.

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In this article I focus on an initiative to determine how a group of 7 purposefully recruited Grade 10 in-service life orientation teachers in the Dr Kenneth Kaunda district of the North West province conceptualise socio-environmental issues and aim to determine whether their teaching-learning practices are aligned with the expectations of the Curriculum and Assessment Policy Statement. A qualitative research design was used to generate data through semi-structured interviews. The data were analysed thematically. A critical finding was that a need exists to include a situated knowledge approach to real-life socio-environmental issues for the purpose of humanising life orientation for learners. With this article, I wish to contribute to a particular discourse with regard to real-life socio-environmental issues through humanising life orientation pedagogies through environmental education. The potential merits of such a transformative approach, which is grounded in a critical pedagogical paradigm, are discussed as well.

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24

Tembo, Mwizenge S. "Kaunda and Mushala Rebellion: the untold story by Patrick Wele Lusaka, Multimedia Publications, 1987. Pp. ix + 179. $5.00 paperback." Journal of Modern African Studies 27, no. 4 (December 1989): 712–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00020632.

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25

Carmen, R. E. "John M. Mwanakatwe, End of Kaunda Era. Lusaka: Multimedia, 1994, 302 pp., £13.95 ($25.00), ISBN 9982 30 065 2." Africa 67, no. 4 (October 1997): 665–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161123.

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26

Nxumalo, K. K. S., and M. A. Antwi. "Impact of Proactive Land Acquisition Strategy on Physical Capital Livelihood of Beneficiaries in Dr. Kenneth Kaunda District, South Africa." Journal of Human Ecology 44, no. 2 (November 2013): 161–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09709274.2013.11906654.

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27

Good, Kenneth. "Systemic Agricultural Mismanagement: the 1985 ‘Bumper’ Harvest in Zambia." Journal of Modern African Studies 24, no. 2 (June 1986): 257–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0000687x.

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After years of agricultural production significantly below domestic consumption needs for key commodities, in 1985 Zambia looked forward to a good harvest of maize, the nation's staple. The Minister of Co-operatives, Justin Mukando, said in February that more than eight million bags were anticipated, and the Prime Minister, Kebby S. K. Musokotwane, declared in May that ‘we expect about ten million bags of maize’.1 In the Zambian system of presidentialism and state capitalism, the purchasing, transportation, and storage of crops, as with many other agricultural functions, was in the hands of the state. This was so in terms of the close involvement of political figures at the highest level, and through the continued reliance upon the National Agricultural Marketing Board (Namboard) and the quasi-parastatal provincial co-operative marketing unions. President Kenneth Kaunda committed himself and his Government to success in the forthcoming harvest when he told Parliament in January: ‘I am not prepared to see a recurrence of what happened last year when thousands of bags of maize remained uncollected in various depots’; the state would ensure that the agencies involved in the collection of produce improved their performance.

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28

Munyinda, Nosiku. "WASTE WATER- AN ASSET OR LIABILITY? A Study on the Use of Waste Water for Irrigation in Lusaka’s Kaunda Square Compound." ISEE Conference Abstracts 2013, no. 1 (September 19, 2013): 4365. http://dx.doi.org/10.1289/isee.2013.p-2-34-12.

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29

Munyinda, Nosiku Sipilanyambe, Chilekwa Mibenge, and Edgar Chilanzi Mulwanda. "Waste Water- An Asset Or Liability? A Study On The Use Of Waste Water For Irrigation In Lusaka's Kaunda Square Compound." ISEE Conference Abstracts 2015, no. 1 (August 20, 2015): 1252. http://dx.doi.org/10.1289/isee.2015.2015-1252.

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30

Munyinda*, Nosiku, and Chilekwa Mibenge. "Waste Water- an Asset or Liability? A Study on the Use of Waste Water for Irrigation in Lusakas Kaunda Square Compound." ISEE Conference Abstracts 2014, no. 1 (October 20, 2014): 2466. http://dx.doi.org/10.1289/isee.2014.p2-400.

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31

Ndambwa, Biggie Joe, and Aaron Wiza Siwale. "Reinterpreting Domestic Sources of Zambia’s Foreign Policy: The Party and the President." Journal of Contemporary Governance and Public Policy 3, no. 1 (April 17, 2022): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.46507/jcgpp.v3i1.64.

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This article examines the domestic factors that have determined and influenced Zambia’s foreign policy. While this attempt has not been as successful as one would wish, some useful insights are obtainable through analysis of the role of the governing parties from the liberation hero and founding President Kenneth Kaunda and the United National Independence Party (UNIP) and subsequent heads of state and their respective parties, the Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD), the Patriotic Front (PF) and the United Party for National Development (UPND), that have led the country throughout this period. The article contributes to both the rational-actor model and spatial leadership model which measures differential changes in foreign policy decision-making across regimes. The model is a major contribution to the development of viable analysis in changing foreign policy in emerging nations and is an enduring contribution to the modern foreign analysis. This article is an interesting and exciting addition to this model. It also contributes to the discourse on domestic issues that determine political behavior in international affairs. In particular, it discusses the subtleties of presidential power and demonstrates that in the case of Zambia, changes in foreign policy decisions across regimes are mediated by the intervention and personal interests of the president and the influence of the governing parties.

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32

Myeki, Lindikaya W., Nkhanedzeni B. Nengovhela, Livhuwani Mudau, Elvis Nakana, and Simphiwe Ngqangweni. "Estimation of Technical, Allocative, and Economic Efficiencies for Smallholder Broiler Producers in South Africa." Agriculture 12, no. 10 (October 2, 2022): 1601. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/agriculture12101601.

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The prevailing economic conditions as a result of COVID-19, climate change, and the Russia–Ukraine conflict, have led to renewed global interest in the efficiency of the agricultural sector. As a result of this, we investigated the efficiencies of 64 broiler producers in three districts covering the North West and Limpopo provinces in South Africa from 2019 to 2022, using a two-stage data envelopment analysis method with input orientation. The results show that producers operate on the upper bounds toward efficiency, but room for improvement still exists at 10%, 20%, and 28% on technical, allocative, and cost efficiencies. This indicates that inputs can still be reduced without changing the level of output and that the input combination is incompatible with cost minimization. Consequently, only 13%, 8%, and 4% of the sampled broiler producers exhibited technical, allocative, and cost efficiencies, respectively; the majority were women. The Vhembe, Capricorn, and Dr. Kenneth Kaunda (DRKK) districts had vastly different scores for each efficiency type, indicating that their differences in resource endowments, technology, and climate, necessitate the formulation of district-specific policies. The mortality rate, heating costs, and investments in health emerged as significant efficiency determinants. Overall, the findings provide insights into refocusing the country’s poultry sector in light of current shocks and the notable aspirations of the poultry master plan.

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33

Ojwang, J. B., and D. R. Salter. "Legal Education in Kenya." Journal of African Law 33, no. 1 (1989): 78–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300008007.

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Legal education in Africa has attracted and will continue to attract the attention of scholars. An important reason is that African countries have enjoyed sovereign statehood for only a comparably short time, during which period transition, experiment, change, and even turmoil, have been the hallmark of society: all factors which must have a profound impact on received law (and, of course, on the primeval law), if this law is to serve effectively as a regulatory and stabilising device. This law, in its received cast, is thrown into a dilemma of turbulence; will it serve in wonted fashion, to give regularity, predictability, and a measure of reason? Or will it readily respond to inevitable change, so as to uphold new institutional positions? As President Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia has observed:“We live in a changing world, and one in which the pace of change is becoming even greater. Neither the character nor the needs of any given society can remain static, and if the law is to fulfil its proper function it must keep pace with the changes. This is not to say that the law must be a straw in the wind; if law is to be an effective instrument of social order it must be a stabilising influence, but it must be flexible and it must be progressive, else it will hinder society in its progress and development. …”

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34

Rathod, Sujit D., Tessa Roberts, Girmay Medhin, Vaibhav Murhar, Sandesh Samudre, Nagendra P. Luitel, One Selohilwe, et al. "Detection and treatment initiation for depression and alcohol use disorders: facility-based cross-sectional studies in five low-income and middle-income country districts." BMJ Open 8, no. 10 (October 2018): e023421. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2018-023421.

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ObjectivesTo estimate the proportion of adult primary care outpatients who are clinically detected and initiate treatment for depression and alcohol use disorder (AUD) in low-income and middle-income country (LMIC) settings.DesignFive cross-sectional studies.SettingAdult outpatient services in 36 primary healthcare facilities in Sodo District, Ethiopia (9 facilities); Sehore District, India (3); Chitwan District, Nepal (8); Dr Kenneth Kaunda District, South Africa (3); and Kamuli District, Uganda (13).ParticipantsBetween 760 and 1893 adults were screened in each district. Across five districts, between 4.2% and 20.1% screened positive for depression and between 1.2% and 16.4% screened positive for AUD. 96% of screen-positive participants provided details about their clinical consultations that day.Primary outcomesDetection of depression, treatment initiation for depression, detection of AUD and treatment initiation for AUD.ResultsAmong depression screen-positive participants, clinical detection of depression ranged from 0% in India to 11.7% in Nepal. Small proportions of screen-positive participants received treatment (0% in Ethiopia, India and South Africa to 4.2% in Uganda). Among AUD screen-positive participants, clinical detection of AUD ranged from 0% in Ethiopia and India to 7.8% in Nepal. Treatment was 0% in all countries aside Nepal, where it was 2.2%.ConclusionsThe findings of this study suggest large detection and treatment gaps for adult primary care patients, which are likely contributors to the population-level mental health treatment gap in LMIC. Primary care facilities remain unfulfilled intervention points for reducing the population-level burden of disease in LMIC.

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35

Zaire, Dennis, and Tapiwa Victor Warikandwa. "The African Continental Free Trade Area Agreement: Aiding Intra-African trade towards deeper continental integration." Journal of Corporate and Commercial Law & Practice, The 7, no. 2 (2021): 16–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.47348/jccl/v7/i2a2.

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The signing of the African Continental Free Trade Area Agreement (AfCFTA) reflected many years of hard work by the continent’s forefathers who include Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Julius Nyerere of Tanzania, Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya, Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia, Patrice Lumumba of Congo, Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe and Frantz Fanon of Algeria, but to mention a few. The AfCFTA also depicts the novel work of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), and later the African Union (AU), towards shaping a vision of continental integration, embedded in the vision of the African Economic Community (AEC), a by-product of the Abuja Treaty. Vision 2030 and the long-term continental vision of Agenda 2063: ‘The Africa We Want’ are also designed to contribute towards deeper and successful continental integration. However, by now the excitement over the AfCFTA signing has subsided. For each member state, the reality of being an AfCFTA party has started to sink in. Some member states have expressed concern and fear over problems such as opening their markets and accepting continental competition, allowing free movement of persons and trade across borders. Others find it too expensive to deal with the internal political fallout from their populace’s scepticism regarding the agreement’s effects on jobs (due to increased competition) and livelihoods. This article examines the AfCFTA to determine its impact and related advantages in respect of continental trade policies. It discusses the advantages of the AfCFTA and its potential challenges.

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36

Musambachime, Mwelwa C. "End of Kaunda Era by John M. Mwanakatwe, Lusaka, Multimedia Publications, 1994, distributed by African Books Collective, Oxford, Pp. iii+302. ZMK6,000.00. $25.00. £13.95 paperback." Journal of Modern African Studies 34, no. 2 (June 1996): 357–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00055427.

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37

Petersen, I., S. Rathod, T. Kathree, O. Selohilwe, and A. Bhana. "Risk correlates for physical-mental multimorbidities in South Africa: a cross-sectional study." Epidemiology and Psychiatric Sciences 28, no. 04 (December 4, 2017): 418–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2045796017000737.

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Aims.The aim of this study was to identify the risk correlates for coexisting common mental disorders (CMDs) in the chronic care population in South Africa, with the view to identifying particularly vulnerable patient populations.Methods.The sample comprised 2549 chronic care patients enrolled in the baseline and endline rounds of a facility detection survey conducted by the Programme for Improving Mental Health Care in three large facilities in the Dr Kenneth Kaunda district in the North West province of South Africa. Participants were screened for depression using the Patient Health Questionnaire (PHQ9) and for alcohol misuse using the Alcohol Use Disorders Identification Test (AUDIT). Data were analysed according to the number of morbidities, disorder type (physical or mental) and demographic variables. Multimorbidity was defined as the presence of two or more disorders (physical and/or mental).Results.Just over one-third of the sample reported two or more physical conditions. Women were more at risk of being depressed than were men, with men more at risk of alcohol misuse. Those who were employed were at lower risk of having coexisting CMDs, while being younger, HIV positive, and food deprived were all found to be associated with higher risk for having coexisting CMDs.Conclusion.In the face of the large treatment gap for CMDs in South Africa, and the role that coexisting CMDs can play in exacerbating the burden of chronic physical diseases, mental health screening and treatment interventions should target HIV-positive, younger patients living in circumstances where there is household food insecurity.

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38

Kangwa, Jonathan. "David Julizya Kaunda and Paul Bwembya Mushindo in a History of the United Church Of Zambia: Reflections on a Journey and Vision for the Paradigm Shift." Expository Times 127, no. 4 (May 11, 2015): 166–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524615585079.

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39

Haruna, Abdallah Imam, and A. Abdul Salam. "Rethinking Russian Foreign Policy towards Africa: Prospects and Opportunities for Cooperation in New Geopolitical Realities." European Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 1, no. 2 (April 30, 2021): 10–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejsocial.2021.1.2.24.

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Diplomatic ties between Africa and the Russian Federation dates back to Africa’s dark decades of collective struggle for continental decolonization and severance in relations with its European colonizers. There is a vestige of historical evidence to support the claim that Russia had contributed immensely to this struggle in the early 1950s. Historically, the Russian Revolution of 1917 set the stage for the strenuous global struggle against colonialism and imperialism. This revolution, subsequently, inspired leaders of the nationalist movements on the African continent like Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Nnamdi Azikiwe of Nigeria, Haile Selassie of Ethiopia, Nelson Mandela of South Africa and Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia, among others to champion the fight for the liberation of Africa. Between 1945 and 1991, international politics was in a hegemonic geopolitical tension between the Soviet Union and the United States and their respective global allies. This power struggle polarized the world into the contrasting ideologies of Capitalism and Socialism. Some African nationalists situated the crusade for self-rule within the Eastern Bloc led by the Soviet Union. The collapse of the USSR on 26 December 1991 and the fall of the Berlin wall on 9 November 1989 heralded a new era in global politics. This paper is on the assumption that three decades into the demise of the Soviet Union, it is now time to reflect on the influence of Russia in international politics, with particular focus on Moscow’s foreign policy towards Sub-Saharan Africa. This rethinking is crucial because of the criticism that Russia’s renewed interest in Africa is a grand strategy to dominate affairs of the continent, rather than a search for new opportunities for economic cooperation and geopolitical alliances.

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Steyn, Bianca, Fatima Mmusi, and Wim Roestenburg. "Evaluation of the content of assessment frameworks used for screening prospective foster parents in the north west province, South Africa." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 10, no. 3 (May 28, 2022): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2022.1034.

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Purpose of the study: To propose a universal assessment and screening framework for prospective foster carers within Dr. Kenneth Kaunda and Ruth Mompati districts in the North-West Province, South Africa. Methodology: This study used a quantitative, descriptive, and exploratory approach, principally directed by an evaluation paradigm. The above-mentioned strategy was backed by the adoption of a cross-sectional survey design (Creswell, 2014). The researchers were able to quantify the degree of agreement between two or more respondents thanks to the fully-crossed design. To examine the inter-rater agreement of the five specified assessment frameworks, data were collected from respondents at one point in time using a self-developed, paper-based survey using a 5-point Likert scale. Main Findings: As seen by differences in sample frameworks according to the quantitative component of this study, there is a lack of standardization in the use of assessment frameworks during the screening and assessment of potential foster parents. Furthermore, these frameworks were not always subjected to scientific scrutiny and best practice evaluation. Applications of the study: There is a need to standardize processes that will lead to higher-quality practices and client services in the long run. This research will help to develop a consistent, uniform baseline framework for assessing foster placements, as well as identify viable screening instruments and improve the structure of assessment processes. Novelty/Originality of the study: This research proposes that by identifying ideal framework elements and gathering information regarding them in existing assessment frameworks, evidence-based practice in foster care, specifically in the screening and assessment of potential foster parents, can be improved.

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Nkengbeza, David, and Jan Heystek. "Teachers and principals’ assessment of schools as professional learning communities in a district in the North-West Province of South Africa." Scientific Bulletin of Mukachevo State University Series “Pedagogy and Psychology” 9, no. 4 (November 27, 2023): 65–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.52534/msu-pp4.2023.65.

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As researchers continue to seek strategies to bring systemic change in schools, many have turned to professional learning communities due to the valuable possibilities that these communities offer in reforming schools. The study aims to analyse how teachers and principals in the Dr Kenneth Kaunda District in the North-West Province of South Africa perceive their schools as professional learning communities. A quantitative approach was used to sample 87 schools for this study. Questionnaires were given to 1,260 teachers and principals in this district. The questionnaire was based on the conceptual framework of professional learning communities. The Statistical Package for the Social Sciences software program was used to analyse the data. Assessing schools as professional learning communities remains a significant way to re-examine educational institutions to determine their performance outcome. The main findings included respondents who strongly agreed to all the core components ranging from 21% (Supportive conditions – structures) to 28% (Shared supportive leadership and Supportive conditions – relationships). Respondents who agreed with all the core components rated all the components above 50% and ranged from 55% (Supportive conditions – structures) to 65% (Additional statements). While respondents who disagreed ranged from 9% to 18%, respondents who strongly agreed only ranged from 1% to 6%. Principals rated their schools as professional learning communities more than the teachers. This study also established other problems facing educational institutions in this district, adding to those already highlighted by previous researchers. Schools should be encouraged to use this self-assessment method for their respective evaluations. This article is intended mainly for teachers and principals and all those who are involved in schools' reconstruction, including the Ministry of Education

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Lebina, Limakatso, Mary Kawonga, Olufunke Alaba, Natasha Khamisa, Kennedy Otwombe, and Tolu Oni. "Organisational culture and the integrated chronic diseases management model implementation fidelity in South Africa: a cross-sectional study." BMJ Open 10, no. 7 (July 2020): e036683. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2019-036683.

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ObjectiveTo assess whether organisational culture influences the fidelity of implementation of the Integrated Chronic Disease Management (ICDM) model at primary healthcare (PHC) clinics.DesignA cross-sectional study.SettingThe ICDM model was introduced in South African clinics to strengthen delivery of care and improve clinical outcomes for patients with chronic conditions, but the determinants of its implementation have not been assessed.ParticipantsThe abbreviated Denison organisational culture (DOC) survey tool was administered to 90 staff members to assess three cultural traits: involvement, consistency and adaptability of six PHC clinics in Dr. Kenneth Kaunda and West Rand (WR) health districts.Primary and secondary outcome measuresEach cultural trait has three indices with five items, giving a total of 45 items. The items were scored on a Likert scale ranging from one (strongly disagree) to five (strongly agree), and mean scores were calculated for each item, cultural traits and indices. Descriptive statistics were used to describe participants and clinics, and Pearson correlation coefficient to asses association between fidelity and culture.ResultsParticipants’ mean age was 38.8 (SD=10.35) years, and 54.4% (49/90) were nurses. The overall mean score for the DOC was 3.63 (SD=0.58). The involvement (team orientation, empowerment and capability development) cultural trait had the highest (3.71; SD=0.72) mean score, followed by adaptability (external focus) (3.62; SD=0.56) and consistency (3.56; SD=0.63). There were no statistically significant differences in cultural scores between PHC clinics. However, culture scores for all three traits were significantly higher in WR (involvement 3.39 vs 3.84, p=0.011; adaptability 3.40 vs 3.73, p=0.007; consistency 3.34 vs 3.68, p=0.034).ConclusionLeadership intervention is required to purposefully enhance adaptability and consistency cultural traits of clinics to enhance the ICDM model’s principles of coordinated, integrated, patient-centred care.

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Scarritt, James R. "Measuring Political Change: The Quantity and Effectiveness of Electoral and Party Participation in the Zambian One-Party State, 1973–91." British Journal of Political Science 26, no. 2 (April 1996): 283–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400000478.

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The introduction of a ‘one-party participatory democracy’ in Zambia in 1973 under the United National Independence Party (UNIP) of President Kenneth Kaunda made significant changes in the nature and extent of political participation, regime structure and public policy in that country. Among a number of constitutional changes, the proscription of the opposition parties – African National Congress (ANC) and United Progressive Party (UPP) – was probably the most important. There is a relatively extensive literature describing these changes and evaluating their significance. A number of further changes which affected these political variables in varying degrees occurred during the life of the one-party system, which lasted until 1991, but much less has been written about these changes, at least in part because they have been assumed to be insignificant. This Note describes the collection of a systematic events dataset on changes in electoral and political party participation (including changes in policies towards participation and changes in party structures affecting participation), regime structure (including party–government relations, central government structure and central–local government relations), and policies affecting the economy, class structure and culture in Zambia from 1973 through 1985. It then describes the use of expert judges to scale events in the dataset and evaluate their cumulative significance for dimensions of change delineated by the investigator or themselves. Finally, it presents one substantive application of this methodology: specification of the overall directions and extent of change in electoral and party participation under the one-party system. Two contradictory directions of change not so far identified in the literature on the Zambian one-party state are uncovered. It is suggested that changes in the one-party state helped to undermine its support, even among some of those Zambians who initially believed in it.

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Mijere, Nsolo J. "African Proletarians and Colonial Capitalism: the origin, growth and struggles of the Zambian labour movement to 1964 by Henry S. Meebelo Lusaka, Kenneth Kaunda Foundation, 1986. Pp. xiv+560. ZK 41.20." Journal of Modern African Studies 25, no. 4 (December 1987): 702–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00010193.

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Mbaku, John Mukum. "Constitutions and Citizenship: Lessons for African Countries." International and Comparative Law Review 17, no. 1 (June 1, 2017): 7–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/iclr-2018-0001.

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Summary Since the colonial period in Africa, ruling elites have manipulated laws regulating citizenship to advance their political and economic interests. The European colonialists used citizenship laws to enhance their ability to maintain control over the colonies and minimize the ability of Africans to fight for independence. Many Africans believed that independence and the establishment of new institutional arrangements would allow them to develop a common national citizenship, one in which all the citizens of each country would have equality before the law and be granted equal opportunity for self-actualization within all parts of the country, regardless of their racial or ethnic affiliation. However, in the post-independence period, incumbent political elites have been acting like their colonial counterparts and have used citizenship laws to get rid of critical and opposing voices by depriving these people of their nationality. In 1996, for example, Zambia’s ruling political party, the Movement for Multi-Party Democracy (MMD), adopted a new constitution, which effectively stripped the country’s independence president, Kenneth Kaunda, of his Zambian citizenship and prevented him from challenging the MMD for leadership of the country. Similarly, in 2000, then president of Côte d’Ivoire, Henri Konan Bédié, changed the constitution and introduced a citizenship clause that effectively disqualified the candidacy of his main opposition, Alassane Ouattara. South Africa’s apartheid regime, on the other hand, introduced a racially-based multilayered citizenship system in which individuals of European origin were placed at the top, enjoying full citizenship rights, and Africans were relegated to the bottom with extremely attenuated citizenship rights. Some African groups were actually forced to lose their South African citizenship. Citizenship is a complex issue and one that citizens of a country must deal with. The paper suggests that in doing so, African countries must not allow citizenship to be defined by race, ethnicity, religion, or other ascriptive traits, but by allegiance or fidelity to a set of values or ideals (e.g., democracy, rule of law, equality before the law) that define the nation.

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Anthony, David. "Unwritten History: African Work in the YMCA of South Africa." History in Africa 32 (2005): 435–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2005.0004.

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In mid-1995, walking out of the door of my house, I received a telephone call. On the other end of the line was a distinct, well-spoken, but clearly faraway male voice. The man introduced himself, saying:My name is Vusi Kaunda, calling from Johannesburg, South Africa. I recently read an article you wrote about the YMCA, referring to events that took place some 75 years ago. I have been working for the South African YMCA for 10 years and I never knew anything about all this. Where did you get your information?Conditions did not permit us to take this conversation to its logical conclusion. I was on the way to conduct a history class; we had clearly connected at an inconvenient time. But that verbal exchange has stayed on my mind ever since. It demonstrated the power of the written word to connect people separated by thousands of miles, yet discover that they have a common purpose. Ours is to tell the story of the African voice in a new inclusive historiography of South Africa's Young Men's Christian Association.My discovery of the YMCA of South Africa came as a result of researching the life of Max Yergan, an African-American YMCA Secretary who, representing the “jim crow” “Colored Work” Department of a segregated North American YMCA, entered the Union of South Africa after considerable opposition, on the second day of January 1922. This was Yergan's third overseas posting and second African assignment, the first being in Kenya, and then Tanganyika during the East Africa campaign of World War I. He had joined the YMCA as a Shaw University sophomore in Raleigh, North Carolina in 1911, rapidly rising in its ranks to become a national figure in their Black “Y” network. Yergan became the third “non-white” YMCA Traveling Secretary in South Africa and the first to attempt to do so on a full-time basis, succeeding J. K. Bokwe and D. D. T. Jabavu.

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Weinhardt, C., E. G. Bergmann, T. Thorban, and K. D. Heller. "Konus-Kauda-Syndrom." Aktuelle Traumatologie 35, no. 1 (February 2005): 40–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-2005-837547.

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De Gutierrez, Adriana N., Emma E. Sigstad, César A. N. Catálan, Alicia B. Gutiérrez, and Werner Herz. "Guaianolides from Kaunia lasiophthalma." Phytochemistry 29, no. 4 (January 1990): 1219–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0031-9422(90)85432-f.

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Santasalo, Tuomas. "Miksi kaupunkisuunnittelussa kauppa ja palvelut suunnitellaan selvityksien kautta? Eikö palveluita voisi suunnitella niin kuin asuntoja ja liikenneväyliä?" Yhdyskuntasuunnittelu 59, no. 2-3 (December 21, 2021): 7–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.33357/ys.113040.

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Satrio, Faisal Amri, Sri Estuningsih, and Ni Wayan Kurniani Karja. "Gambaran Histopatologi Kauda Epididimis Domba yang Disimpan pada Suhu 4ºC dalam Dulbecco’s Modified Eagle Medium." Jurnal Veteriner 22, no. 2 (June 30, 2021): 175–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.19087/jveteriner.2021.22.2.175.

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Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis kerusakan jaringan kauda epididimis domba selama empat hari penyimpanan dengan atau tanpa DMEM pada suhu 4 ºC. Sebanyak 15 pasang kauda epididimis dikoleksi dari tempat pemotongan hewan dan disimpan dengan cara salah satu dari setiap pasang kauda epididimis dimasukan ke dalam DMEM dan bagian lainnya disimpan tanpa menggunakan DMEM. Preparat histopatologi jaringan kauda epidimis dilakukan setelah penyimpanan pada suhu 4 ºC (H-0), lalu dilanjutkan setelah penyimpanan pada suhu 4 ºC selama 24 jam (H-1), 48 jam (H-2), 72 jam (H-3), dan 96 jam (H-4). Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa kapsula kauda epididimis secara nyata mengalami penebalan pada H-2 untuk penyimpanan tanpa DMEM dan H-4 untuk penyimpanan menggunakan DMEM (P<0,05). Kerusakan epitel kauda epididimis mengalami peningkatan mulai H-1, namun jumlah kerusakan di H-4 pada penyimpanan menggunakan DMEM lebih sedikit dibandingkan tanpa menggunakan DMEM (P<0,05). Penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa penyimpanan kauda epididimis pada suhu 4 ºC menggunakan DMEM dapat mengurangi tingkat kerusakan epitel kauda epididimis hingga jam ke-96 dan memperlambat kerusakan kapsula kauda epididimis hingga jam ke-48.

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