Relevant bibliographies by topics / Kazakhstan, politics and government

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Kazakhstan, politics and government'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 27 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Kazakhstan, politics and government"

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Zhifeng, Peng. "Formation and evolution of informal politics in Kazakhstan." BULLETIN of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University.Political Science. Regional Studies. Oriental Studies. Turkology Series. 145, no. 4 (2023): 154–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-6887/2023-145-4-154-164.

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Kazakhstan’s informal politic has experienced a long-term historical development. According to the principle of the organization, the informal politic of Kazakhstan isn’t limited only to clan, political, economic, and other structures, but also manifests itself in the form of «teams». According to the form of the operation, the informal politic of Kazakhstan manifests itself in the form of “patron-client», which includes three forms, such as «blood ties», «promises of the leader» and «pro-presidential parties». The characteristics of Kazakhstan’s informal politic are pluralism-internal mobility, and closeness to ordinary people. The informal politic is a tool of the President of Kazakhstan to overcome the crisis of political transformation, it is an addition to immature formal politics, but it also generated a wave of elite teams fighting and caused doubts in society about its legitimacy. To solve the above problems, the first President of Kazakhstan — N.Nazarbayev tried to implement the “integration” of informal and formal politics, and Tokayev promoted the transition from informal to formal politics through “infiltration”. The organic interaction of the two types of politics has once again stimulated the viability of Kazakhstan’s development as a whole. Tokayev filled a gap in the benign interaction between society and the government and reflected a completely new direction of modernization of the political system of Kazakhstan. Nevertheless, as long as the «infiltration» does not lead to qualitative changes, the complementarity and competition of the two policies will remain the political reality of the country in the long term.
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Kaliyev, Ildar, Meiramgul Altybassarova, Arman Akishev, Amergaly Begimtayev, and Boris Polomarchuk. "Mass media and social networks in the modern politics of Kazakhstan." Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University Series Physics, no. 55 (February 5, 2024): 586–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.54919/physics/55.2024.58bt6.

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Relevance. Kazakhstan has recently joined the group of countries affected by the concept of "networked social movements". Since 2013, many blogs have started to appear on YouTube and Facebook. Using social networks blogs, political activists have begun to voice their discontent and question the legitimacy of the political regime that has emerged since independence in 1990. While social movements and controversial politics are integral to political systems, autocratic regimes are inherently opposed to controversial collective action because they contribute to the destruction of such regimes. Purpose. The goal of such regimes is to retain power as long as possible. The Internet provides new channels for citizens' voices, minority perspectives and political mobilisation. Methodology. Blogs, online forums, Facebook, and Twitter are already providing citizens with a new form of the public sphere and an alternative source of news and information, which is seen as a new platform for exchanging news. Data from blogs and print media were taken, which reported on the worst civil conflict in the post-Soviet history of Kazakhstan. Consequently, many information sources supported the government's claims. Results. This example demonstrates both the importance of an active online community in Kazakhstan and the government's understanding of the importance of online interaction with its citizens. What can be learned from the Zhanaozen case about the role of social networks on the Internet in political transformation in Kazakhstan? What role does the government of Kazakhstan play in combating political dissent through cyberspace? Conclusions. This study will contribute to a better understanding of current political processes in Kazakhstan and demonstrate the link between the increased use of social networks on the Internet and political activism in Kazakhstan.
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Knox, Colin. "Kazakhstan: modernizing government in the context of political inertia." International Review of Administrative Sciences 74, no. 3 (September 2008): 477–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852308095314.

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Kazakhstan declared its independence from the Soviet Union in 1991 and joined the Commonwealth of Independent States. Since then it has witnessed a remarkable economic transformation under the leadership of President Nursultan Nazarbayev. Pursuing a policy of `economy first and then politics', Kazakhstan is under growing pressure to engage in political reforms which include a modernization agenda to improve public service provision. Recent constitutional reforms have received a lukewarm reaction from the international community that Kazakhstan is keen to become part of. At the same time a progressive agenda of public services reform is well under way rooted in new public management and a desire to become much more customer focussed in their orientation. This article examines the parallel themes of political reforms and public services modernization in Kazakhstan. Points for practitioners This article offers two key points for practitioners. First, it describes the detail of public sector reforms taking place in a developing country which secured its independence approximately 16 years ago, and the significant progress since then. Second, it poses questions about the political context in which administrative reform can take place. Has the existence of a highly centralized and autocratic form of presidential leadership resulted in a top-down imperative which has helped the pace of public services modernization in Kazakhstan?
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Goldstein, Jeff. "Kazakhstan's Chairmanship of the OSCE: Challenges and opportunities in the human dimension." Security and Human Rights 20, no. 1 (2009): 62–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187502309787858075.

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AbstractKazakhstan's 2010 chairmanship of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) has potentially far reaching consequences for Europe's premier international human rights organization and for democratization and human rights in Kazakhstan and other OSCE participating States. Some have argued that Kazakhstan's chairmanship will help tamp down dissatisfaction among some participating states that the organization devotes too much attention to human rights and democracy in the countries of the CIS and the Balkans. Others worry how a Kazakhstani Chairman would react in case of events such as the violence in Andijon in 2005 or the Russian attack on Georgia in 2008. Another significant question is whether the upcoming chairmanship will spur reform in Kazakhstan. To date, unfortunately, the Government of Kazakhstan has failed to deliver the real reforms in promised at the 2007 OSCE Ministerial.
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Amrebaev, Aidar, and Dina Eshpanova. "About Mass Political Consciousness Kazakhstani in the Conditions of Transition From Post-Soviet to «New Kazakhstan»." Adam alemi 93, no. 3 (September 15, 2022): 72–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.48010/2022.3/1999-5849.07.

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The purpose of the article is to study the mass political consciousness in Kazakhstani society. The paper provides a theoretical substantiation of the phenomena of “political consciousness” and “mass political consciousness”, as well as analyzes the materials of sociological surveys. As a result, some characteristic features of the mass political consciousness were revealed. The article notes that in the mass political consciousness of Kazakhstanis, opposite attitudes and guidelines are combined: on the one hand, support for democracy and human rights, and on the other, political passivity and distrust of government institutions, inability to civil self-organization. The real political behavior of citizens is characterized by a high emotional involvement and a low level of real activity. A feature of the mass political consciousness of Kazakhstanis is the alienation of society from politics and power. In this process, the issues of both the transformation of the mass political consciousness of the population itself and the renewal of the strategy of the authorities for managing public consciousness on the basis of certain ideological narratives are extremely relevant. This issue is of applied importance for the conceptualization of the “New Kazakhstan».
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DUISEKINA, Aidana, Kulipa BAISULTANOVA, and Zhanar ASHINOVA. "CHINA AND KAZAKHSTAN: BELT AND ROAD COOPERATION." CENTRAL ASIA AND THE CAUCASUS 22, no. 2 (June 30, 2021): 101–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.2.09.

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Throughout its fairly short history, the Belt and Road initiative has demonstrated its good prospects, which explains why the government of Kazakhstan heeds a lot of attention to economic cooperation with China within this project. It has the greatest stake in the initiatives related to further development of cargo traffic routes and pipelines in different directions (primarily, Africa, the Middle East and Europe) and their potential impact on Kazakhstan’s economic health. Comprehensive studies are especially necessary in the current time of crisis, when the active realization of the Chinese initiative has run into certain problems. The authors examine the key ideas of the Chinese initiative to reveal the basic conceptual provisions and trends and analyze the problems and prospects of its realization. It is even more important to consider the ways to coordinate it with the projects of the Eurasian Economic Union and Kazakhstan’s Nurly Zhol (Bright Path) program. The possible threats and challenges that the Chinese initiative may create for Kazakhstan, or the positive effects that will help Kazakhstan realize its national interests should not be overlooked, either. The various processes related to the initiative and its numerous trends should be carefully studied against the background of the current dynamic changes in world politics.
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Aikerim Assylbekovna, Kamaldinova, Nassimova Gulnar Orlenbaevna, Saitova Nina Alekseevna, and Khalikova Shakhnaza Bahitzhanovna. "Development of political culture of Kazakhstani students: Political and cultural determinants." New Trends and Issues Proceedings on Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 2 (January 12, 2016): 148–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/prosoc.v2i2.427.

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Nowadays the problem of political activity and political culture of students has assumed some current character. The following article considers the degree of interest and participation of Kazakhstani youth in the politics and their political orientation in accordance with the results of content- analysis. The content-analysis was held within the framework of scientific project "The development of political culture in students of Kazakhstan as a strategic resource of the country ". The research and the analysis were fulfilled on the base of materials and publications in 15 associations with social-political direction registered in social network. The research period is March - May 2015, in the period of preparations and conducting the extraordinary president elections in the RK. According to the results of the research it was revealed that most Kazakhstani students are equally interested in political processes and show interest in social-political life of the country. Also the results let us reveal the level of social state and students' attitude towards different directions of the government policy, the level of possibility of students' protesting mood. In conclusion the author gives recommendations for organs of government authority to think of the system of organisation of social monitoring of Kazakhstani youth's election mood. By organisation it could be realised on the level of helding social interviewing, focus-teaming and expert interviewing, also by content-analysis of communities registered in social network.Keywords: Kazakhstan student youth, political culture, political activity, determinants of youth political culture, elections, modernization.
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Sheryazdanova, G. R. "Impact of digitalization and e-government on good governance: achievements and challenges in Kazakhstan." Bulletin of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Political Science. Regional Studies. Oriental Studies. Turkology Series 146, no. 1 (2024): 70–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-6887/2024-146-70-81.

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The article examines the achievements and challenges, goals, and objectives of e-government and digitalization within the framework of the theory of information society. The purpose of the article is to study the impact of digitalization and e-government on good governance in Kazakhstan. Namely, it examines how the economy, social relations, management, public service, politics, and democracy based on new electronic information and communication technologies can change governance for the better. Special attention is paid to the modern problems of digitalization in Kazakhstan, key indicators are compared to digital development, such as the e–government Readiness Index (EGDI – e-Government Readiness Index), an indicator of Internet penetration and Internet speed. The article used methods of content analysis of regulatory documents, Internet resources, media materials, and the method of SWOT analysis. The result of the SWOT analysis indicates the strengths and weaknesses of digitalization, as well as challenges dictated by the geopolitical features of Kazakhstan, such as digital inequality, low speed of "Internet penetration", lack of high-quality domestic platforms, and corruption in the implementation of state programs. As a result, we recommend creating new parameters, indicators that will measure the impact of electronic public services on corruption risks in Kazakhstan.
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Orazgaliyeva, Shynar, Zaira Satpayeva, Samal Tazhiyeva, and Gulmira Nurseiytova. "E-government as a tool to improve the efficiency of public administration: The case of Kazakhstan." Problems and Perspectives in Management 21, no. 2 (June 21, 2023): 578–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/ppm.21(2).2023.53.

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Digitalization contributed to the modernization of public administration, particularly e-government development. The purpose of this study is to determine the role of e-government in improving the efficiency of public administration in Kazakhstan. The research methods are comparative, economic-statistical, and qualitative content analysis. The sources of statistical data were the Bureau of National Statistics, the Committee of public services, the e-government portal, and reports of international organizations and national development institutions. The study determined that e-government is a modern paradigm of public administration that contributes to the efficiency of public administration; its development and efficiency are significantly influenced by financial, economic, technological, and legal factors. Kazakhstan has a high level of e-government development. The e-government development portal in Kazakhstan has contributed to improving public administration, especially during the pandemic. However, e-government requires further development, as its functioning has various issues (low degree of information relevance, insufficient portal filling, and low share of automated functions). At the same time, the readiness of public administration organizations for digital transformation is medium. The study proposes recommendations for Kazakhstan’s e-government development to improve public administration, mainly developing technological infrastructure and digital human capital. The results can contribute to the further e-government development in Kazakhstan and enrich the theoretical base in increasing the efficiency of public administration in the context of digital transformation. AcknowledgmentsThis study is supported by the Science Committee of the Ministry of Education and Science of the Republic of Kazakhstan (Grant “Priorities and mechanisms of inclusive regional development of Kazakhstan in the context of overcoming the economic recession,” IRN AP09259004).
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Kalkamanova, Assem. "Social media as the platform for political mobilization: case study of Kazakhstan." Central and Eastern European eDem and eGov Days 338 (July 16, 2020): 431–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24989/ocg.338.34.

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This paper focuses on the role of social media in the rise of the protest movements and political mobilization in Kazakhstan. The country has been seeing an increase in the social networks based civil activists since recently. I argue that the emergence of the Democratic Choice of Kazakhstan that operates only within the realm of social media platforms promoted political activism and civil protests in the country. Most importantly, I argue that in contrast to the conclusions of the Kazakhstani court’s decision in March 2018, the movement leader’s Facebook blog reveals no violence either towards the government or some specific political elite. Using text mining methods, I analyzed the texts of his Facebook posts from the announcement date in 2017 till the end of 2019: the rhetoric of the position of the Democratic Choice is informational, first, and protest calling, second. Also, the analysis of seven most popular political Youtube bloggers shows that the people’s discontent with injustices and undemocratic polity manifested in the poignant interest towards the creator of this system, Mr. Nazarbayev and his closest circle. The SMM software allowed to find out the areas of Kazakhstani politics that are of most interest to the audience of Kazakhstani political activists.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Kazakhstan, politics and government"

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Niyazbekov, Nurseit. "Protest mobilisation and democratisation in Kazakhstan (1992-2009)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:494a3742-e7d6-4adf-8728-e644a3f7f249.

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This thesis consists of two objectives which divide it into two parts. Thus, part one explores the cyclicity of protest mobilisation in post-Soviet Kazakhstan in the 1992–2009 period and part two investigates the relationship between protest mobilisation and democratisation in the 1990s, a decade marked by early progress in democratisation followed by an abrupt reversal to authoritarianism. Acknowledging the existence of numerous competing explanations of protest cyclicity, the first part of this study utilises four major social movement perspectives – relative deprivation (RD), resource mobilisation (RMT), political opportunity structures (POS) and collective action frames (CAF) – to explain variances in protest mobilisation in Kazakhstan over time and four issue areas. Adopting a small-N case study and process-tracing technique, the thesis’s first research question enquires into which of these four theoretical perspectives has the best fit when seeking to explain protest cyclicity over time. It is hypothesised that the ‘waxing and waning’ of protest activity can best be attributed to the difficulties surrounding the identification and construction of resonant CAFs. However, the study’s findings lead to a rejection of the first hypothesis by deemphasising the role of CAFs in predicting protest cyclicity, and instead support the theoretical predictions of the POS perspective, suggesting the prevalence of structural factors such as the regime’s capacity for repression and shifts in elite alignments. The second research question revolves around variations in protest mobilisation across four issue areas and explores the reasons why socioeconomic grievances mobilised more people to protest than environmental, political and interethnic ones. According to the second hypothesis, people more readily protest around socioeconomic rather than political and other types of grievances due to the lower costs of participation in socioeconomic protests. While the regime’s propensity for repressing political protests could explain the prevalence of socioeconomic protests in the 2000s, the POS perspective’s key explanatory variable failed to account for the prevalence of socioeconomic protests in the early 1990s, resulting in the rejection of the second hypothesis. The second part of the thesis attempts to answer the third research question: How does protest mobilisation account for the stalled transition to democracy in Kazakhstan in the 1990s? Based on the theoretical assumption that instances of extensive protest mobilisation foster democratic transitions, the study’s third research hypothesis posits that transition to democracy in Kazakhstan stalled in the mid-1990s due to the failure of social movement organisations to effectively mobilise the masses for various acts of protest. This assumption receives strong empirical support, suggesting that protest mobilisation is an important facilitative factor in the democratisation process. The thesis is the first to attempt to employ classical social movement theories in the context of post-communist Central Asian societies. Additionally, the study aims to contribute to the large pool of democratisation literature which, until recently (following the colour revolutions), seemed to underplay the role of popular protest mobilisation in advancing transitions to democracy. Finally, the research is based on the author’s primary elite-interview data and content analysis of five weekly independent newspapers.
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Ostrowski, Wojciech. "Regime maintenance in post-Soviet Kazakhstan : the case of the regime and oil industry relationship (1991-2005)." Thesis, St Andrews, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/407.

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Ayazbekov, Anuar. "Independent Kazakhstan and the 'black box' of decision-making : understanding Kazakhstan's foreign policy in the early independence period (1991-4)." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/4895.

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This thesis presents a foreign policy decision-making analysis of Kazakhstan's foreign relations in the initial post-independence period. The study applies a neoclassical realist theoretical framework in order to provide the understanding of Kazakhstan's external behaviour. The thesis conceptually assumes that the integration of the presidential decision-making element in the analysis of the republic's foreign policy is essential to account for Kazakhstan's foreign strategies, which would otherwise appear to be anomalous from the deterministic perspective of the structural theories of international relations. The set objective of the work is to produce a theoretically informed historical narratives of Almaty's policymaking during three episodes in the republic's diplomatic history – the elaboration of a distinct balancing strategy; the relinquishment of the nuclear arsenal; and the Nagorno-Karabakh peace mission. The reconstruction of events behind the decisions made by president Nursultan Nazarbayev and his key advisors through the assessment of primary materials sourced from the archives of Kazakhstani foreign policy demonstrates that foreign decision-making process played a crucial role in the identification of national interests and development of appropriate policy responses in each of the episodes under examination. Chapter IV illustrates how the nation's policymakers developed a unique balancing strategy to ascertain the country's sovereignty and eliminate security risks under overwhelming geopolitical pressures that emanated from Russia and China. Chapter V discusses the episode when Nazarbayev was subjected to direct international pressure to surrender the inherited Soviet nuclear arsenal on the terms imposed by the USA, in response to which Nazarbayev devised a deliberately ambivalent and protracted strategy in regard to the republic's nuclear status. Chapter VI reveals the adaptability of the republic's policymaking to the changing international context as the regression of the Nagorno-Karabakh peace initiative demonstrates. The exposition of intricate policy planning and profound diplomatic endeavours reflected in archival documents reinforces the thesis's premise about the non-deterministic nature of Kazakhstan's foreign policy.
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Kennedy, Ryan. "LIFTING THE CURSE: DISTRIBUTION AND POWER IN PETRO-STATES." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1211481058.

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Eggeling, Kristin Anabel. "Brand new world : the politics of state-branding in Kazakhstan and Qatar." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/16789.

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This thesis explores the political use of branding in international relations by focusing on the branding exercises of the Republic of Kazakhstan and the State of Qatar over the last two decades. In most of the existing literature, branding is theorised as a representational and instrumental practice that is strategically used to increase a country's competitive edge. Adopting a critical constructivist lens to the study of International Relations (IR), this thesis challenges this reading and argues instead that branding is a productive and inherently political practice that (re)produces dominant interpretations of state-identity rather than merely describing them. Based on the core constructivist claim that much of politics revolves around the competition to give meaning to the world, this thesis argues that the version of the state promoted through branding is neither neutral nor brand new, but inherently politicised and tied to the conversation and legitimation of the incumbent political regime. Inspired by the ongoing practice turn in IR, the starting point for the analysis is a focus on the display of the state through a range of everyday practices long ignored by IR scholars. In particular, it focuses on how the political leadership in both Kazakhstan and Qatar has used the urban development of their capital cities, the hosting of international sports events, and the construction of 'world-class' universities to present new ideas about their state to various inter/national audiences. Using an original data corpus of multimodal primary and secondary material, the analysis traces how branding practices produce and normalise a certain interpretation of Kazakhstani and Qatari statehood, and then interrogates how we can understand this interpretation as politicised and tied to the interests of the regime. The goal of the analysis is twofold. First, this thesis aims to elucidate how relevant instances of state- branding unfold and travel across different empirical contexts (Kazakhstan and Qatar) and cases (urban development, sports and education). Second, it aims to push current scholarly understandings by (re)conceptualising branding as a genre of contemporary identity politics, and produce broader insights about the characteristics and mechanisms of this increasingly normalised - yet often as politically non-salient dismissed - practice of international relations.
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Isaacs, Rico. "Between informal and formal politics : neopatrimonialism and party development in post-Soviet Kazakhstan." Thesis, Oxford Brookes University, 2009. http://radar.brookes.ac.uk/radar/items/c32d7712-fe83-5eee-f9d1-3049de277b53/1.

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This study is concerned with exploring the relationship between informal forms of political behaviour and relations and the development of formal institutions in post Soviet Central Asian states as a way to explain the development of authoritarianism in the region. It moves the debate on from current scholarship which places primacy on either formal or informal politics in explaining modem political development in Central Asia, by examining the relationship between the two. It utilises Kazakhstan as a case study by assessing how the neopatrimonial system evident in the country has influenced and shaped the development of political parties. It investigates how personalism of political office, patronage and patron-client networks and factional elite conflict have influenced and shaped the institutional constraints affecting party development (institutional choice, electoral design and party law), the type of parties emerging (organisation, ideology and membership) and parties' relationship with society.
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Bissenov, Naubet. "Pro-government and Pro-opposition Newspaper Coverage of the Zhanaozen Conflict in Kazakhstan." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1357657453.

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Yessenova, Saulesh B. "The politics and poetics of the nation : urban narratives of Kazakh identity." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=19505.

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Various sources on Kazakh history demonstrate that a Kazakh culture was generated out of the predominantly pastoral experiences of its people. For centuries, Kazakh communities were engaged in a definite set of practices prescribed by pastoralism. Firmly incorporated into the all-Union structure of Soviet republics, Kazakhstan made an impressive transformation from a predominantly pastoral to an agroindustrial region with one of the most vibrant economies in Central Asia. Sovereignty in 1991 pushed the historic trajectory of the Kazakh nation further ahead, prompting its citizens to engage in self-reflection, and attuning their collective memories to a new set of social and political realities. It also brought the country closer to the city, as hundreds of thousands Kazakh villagers left their homes for urban areas following the downfall of the 'transitional' economy that ensued in the wake of the demise of socialism. This thesis presents an analysis of data that was collected during twelve months of ethnographic fieldwork carried out primarily in Almaty, the former capital of Kazakhstan, in 1999. A principal aim in this study is to unravel emerging subjectivities and congealed meanings that have developed within the context of Kazakh rural to urban migration, especially that which occurred after the breakdown of the Soviet Union. It centers on important themes relating to Kazakh historic ancestry and culture, the colonial encounter, the city and its populace, as well as the recently achieved national independence, as they have unfolded in the narratives of recent arrivals to the city. How have the discourses of ancestry and modernity, mediated by their experiences of migration and displacement, been implicated in migrants' understandings of themselves and their nation? Special attention in my discussion is paid to the issue of whether the recent encounter of rural and urban worlds fostered the contemplation of specific narratives of the Kazakh nation, as it emerges from Socialism.
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Conway, John Edward. "The risk is in the relationship, not the country : politics and mining in Kazakhstan." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/4502.

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How do we account for foreign firms that are successful in politically “risky” countries? While traditional political risk indices may tell us why a country is considered a difficult operating environment, they tell us very little about why some foreign firms are nevertheless able to operate successfully in such countries over long periods of time. In fact, risk indices by their very nature make “success” almost impossible to capture due to their sole focus on “host country” behavior. Rather, as this thesis argues, the political risk is in the relationship between the firm and a series of stakeholders within a given country, not the country itself. This is a thesis of deviant cases: it holds the “successful relationship” between a foreign firm and its stakeholders as the constant dependent variable in the “significantly risky” country of Kazakhstan. Success is defined as the ability of each actor to pursue its own goals to a self-satisfactory degree, with the resources an actor mobilizes to achieve those goals and the constraints that restrict those resources as the independent variables. Three self-contained cases of “successful” foreign mining firms operating in Kazakhstan are analyzed here to determine the distinct causal pathways that led each firm to seeming “success”; the thesis then pivots to a between-subjects examination aimed at drawing out the common themes among the three different foreign firms. Within international relations theory, the relationship between the foreign firm and its stakeholders is considered here as a window into the intersection of the international political economy and the domestic political economy of a country in transition, but critically, allotting agents and structures equal ontological status. Thus the ultimate aim of this investigation is to enrich our understanding of social behavior – here, co-existence – within the context of the agent- structure debate in larger social scientific inquiry.
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Tucker, Penelope. "Government and politics : London 1461-1483." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.297286.

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This thesis discusses the nature of London's governmental and political system and the part played by the city in the political, commercial and legal life of the nation in the late fifteenth century. The first three chapters examine the city's electoral processes, the backgrounds of its most senior governors, and the relationships between its governing bodies and other civic organisations, such as the city companies. From this, it emerges that Edwardian London's political system was hierarchical rather than oligarchic, even though its governors were able to secure election to high office without following a lengthy civic cursus honorum. However, change was already under way, as the aldermen came to rely less on the wards and more on the companies for political support and legitimisation. The more oligarchical style of government clearly visible in the sixteenth century can be shown to have had its roots in the late fifteenth century. Chapters Four and Five examine the effectiveness of the city's financial organisations and system of law courts. In raising revenue for both civic and royal purposes, the city was relatively efficient, though its methods were ponderous and their effectiveness was heavily dependent on individual financial officers. The city's law courts remained busy and responsive to the needs of litigants, contributing to the effectiveness and prestige of civic government by their activities. In the final chapter, London's place in national and international political events is considered. The governors' normal aim was, above all, to protect the city's interests. Although London played an important role in the wider political scene, it had that role largely thrust upon it by others. This stance helped to prevent the city from mirroring the national tumults of the late fifteenth century.
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Books on the topic "Kazakhstan, politics and government"

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Kazakhstan: Contemporary politics. Norwalk, CT: EastBridge, 2009.

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Syrtqy sai︠a︡sat zhăne taldau ortalyghy (Kazakhstan), ed. Politicheskie partii v Respublike Kazakhstan: Nepravitelʹstvennye organizalt︠s︡ii v Kazakhstane. Almaty: T︠S︡entr vneshneĭ politiki i analiza, 2001.

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Instytut svitovoï ekonomiky i miz͡h︡narodnykh vidnosyn (Nat͡s︡ionalʹna akademii͡a︡ nauk Ukraïny), ed. Kazakhstan postsovetskiĭ. Kiev: Nat͡s︡ionalʹnai͡a︡ akademii͡a︡ nauk Ukrainy, Institut mirovoĭ ėkonomiki i mezhdunarodnykh otnosheniĭ, 2002.

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instituty, Qazaqstannyn︠g︡ strategii︠a︡lyq zertteuler, ed. Kazakhstan today. Almaty: The Kazakhstan Institute for Strategic Studies under the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan, 2010.

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Morozov, Anton. Kazakhstan za gody nezavisimosti. Almaty: Kazakhstanskiĭ institut strategicheskikh issledovaniĭ pri Prezidente Respubliki Kazakhstan, 2005.

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Central Asian and Caucasian Prospects (Project) and Russia and Eurasia Programme (Royal Institute of International Affairs), eds. Kazakhstan: Centre-periphery relations. London: Royal Institute of International Affairs, 2000.

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Politics and oil in Kazakhstan. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2009.

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Kazakhstan: Unfulfilled promise? Washington, D.C: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2010.

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Sultanov, B. K. Kazakhstan segodni︠a︡. Almaty: Kazakhstanskiĭ in-t strategicheskikh issledovaniĭ pri Prezidente Respubliki Kazakhstan, 2009.

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M, Arynov E., and Tasmagambetov I. N, eds. Kazakhstan: Ėvoli︠u︡t︠s︡ii︠a︡ gosudarstva i obshchestva. Almaty: In-t razvitii︠a︡ Kazakhstana, 1996.

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Book chapters on the topic "Kazakhstan, politics and government"

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Hartley, Cathy. "Kazakhstan." In The International Directory of Government 2021, 329–31. 18th ed. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003179931-87.

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Emrich-Bakenova, Saule. "Local Government in Kazakhstan." In Global Encyclopedia of Public Administration, Public Policy, and Governance, 1–13. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-31816-5_3654-1.

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Emrich-Bakenova, Saule. "Local Government in Kazakhstan." In Global Encyclopedia of Public Administration, Public Policy, and Governance, 7781–93. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-66252-3_3654.

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Pettitt, Robin T. "Government." In Contemporary Party Politics, 162–77. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-41264-5_9.

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Diaz-Guerrero, Rogelio, and Lorand B. Szalay. "Government, Politics." In Understanding Mexicans and Americans, 175–90. Boston, MA: Springer US, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4899-0733-2_12.

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Jones, Bill. "Local government." In British politics, 342–58. Second edition. | Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: The basics: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429199509-27.

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Game, Chris. "Local government." In Politics UK, 528–59. 10th ed. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003028574-32.

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Forman, F. N. "Local government." In Mastering British politics, 247–67. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11203-6_16.

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Forman, F. N., and N. D. J. Baldwin. "Local Government." In Mastering British Politics, 369–92. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-02159-5_17.

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Forman, F. N., and N. D. J. Baldwin. "Local Government." In Mastering British Politics, 338–65. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-13493-9_16.

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Conference papers on the topic "Kazakhstan, politics and government"

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Kozhabergenova, Aigerim, and Erika Kopp. "Preparation of Economics Teachers in Kazakhstan." In ATEE 2020 - Winter Conference. Teacher Education for Promoting Well-Being in School. LUMEN Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/atee2020/16.

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The current stage of the world development is characterized by the rapid changes in political, economic and social fields caused by scientific and technological progress and globalization with intensified competition in the global market. Entering the top 30 of the most competitive countries was set as one of the main directions of the state policy of Kazakhstan (Strategy “Kazakhstan-2050”, 2012). To increase the competitiveness of the country the government proposed implementation of the new model of the economic growth based on the development of human capital, stimulating of export-oriented production, strengthening the role of the private sector and comprehensive support for entrepreneurship – leading force of the national economy (Strategy “Kazakhstan-2050”, 2012; Kazakhstan Strategic Development Plan until 2025, 2017). Development of the human capital and entrepreneurship activity require the presence of the population that possess relevant knowledge and competencies. Therefore, today, the state pays more attention to economic literacy and the development of entrepreneurial competencies among the population already starting from the school level. In turn, the quality of economic training of students is largely determined by the competence and level of economic preparation of teachers. The implementation of the tasks of school economic education actualizes the need for qualified and competent economics teachers. Therefore, the issues of the preparation of the future economics teachers and the possibilities of the advanced training for the in-service teachers also become relevant. Thus, this study explores the state and main problems of preparing of pre-service and in-service economics teachers in Kazakhstan.
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Büyükakıncı, Erhan. "The Siberian Factor in the Russian Foreign Policy: Economic Instruments and Geopolitical Games." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01297.

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In this paper, we try to discuss how the Siberian part of the Russian territory can present advantages and disadvantages for Russian foreign policy. Situated in the center of the Eurasian geography, Siberia offers many economic opportunities and energy reserves as well as a strategic value for Russia, whose population and interests are mostly concentrated in the western provinces. Long considered as an isolated continent for exile for political dissidents, Siberia has become nowadays a center of the economic strategies of the Russian administration, in relation with its foreign policy perspectives. As an energy source for natural gas and oil and transit corridor toward China and Kazakhstan, Siberia is now supported through governmental policies of restructuration and labour migration. This new perspective can lead to a new policy of regionalism in connection with foreign policy interests. For the federal center, there is an unavoidable correlation between the domestic and foreign policy stakes with Siberia’s integration in world and regional politics.
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Sancar, Muhammet Fatih, Said Kıngır, and Mesut Soyalın. "Tourism Potential between Central Asia Turkish Government and Turkey and examining it in Terms of Economy." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01329.

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Turkey is leading of countries which showing continuous and rapid development in terms of tourism but tourism potential between Turkey and Central Asia Turkish Governments is not sufficient. The origin of most of the people living in Turkey is basing on the Central Asian Turks and Turkey should improve of the tourism activity between the Turkish government in this study has attempted to reveal tourism potential between Central Asia Turkish government and Turkey. In addition, has been mentioned economic impacts of the potential of tourism between the countries. The data were obtained by applying surveys intended for tourism businesses which have activities towards Turkey, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan (Accommodation and Travel Business) and various tourism businesses in these countries in relation to increasing the inadequate tourism potential of among the countries, the causes of problems between the countries and the impact on the economy, tourism businesses. By analyzing the obtained datas, several conclusions are revealed and recommendations were presented. Also it is planned to conduct interviews with Central Asia Turkish Governments consulates and Turkey's consulates in located in Turkey. In this study, legal and political barriers, it has emerged as a major challenge in the development of tourism between countries. The study consists of two parts. In the first section, information about the countries and literature survey subject to was conducted. In the second part, it is interpreted by analysis with the obtained data and information.
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Öngel, Volkan, İlyas Sözen, and Ahmet Alkan Çelik. "An Evaluation of Human Development Index in Central Asian Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00377.

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Economic development and growth had been the most important target among all goverments throughout the history. In this respect, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan in Middle Asian Region had chosen development as primary target in 20 years time after their independence. Human capital is the leading factor to maintain economic development and growth. Development and growth terms over which different meanings and concepts were imposed in time, necessitated several political economic alterations. Before 1970’s, increase in income had been sufficient criterion for the development of a government. But nowadays economic development incorporates factors such as life expectancy at birth, school enrolment ratio, literancy rate, gender discrimination, poverty alleviation, equal distribution of income beyond economic growth. Herewith this change political preference and priorities has started to differentiate. The aim of this study is to discuss human development index (HDI) data of 5 Middle Asian countries in 2010 and changes in HDI in years after their independence. Comparisan between Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and HDI rates are also performed within this analysis. This study consists of data of 5 Middle Asian countries between years 1990-2010. Basic, retrospective, illustrative library method is used as the study method. In conclusion, we find that increase in GDP did not reflect over HDI in Middle Asian Countries within 20-years period.
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Gerni, Cevat, Selahattin Sarı, Ayşen Hiç Gencer, and Ziya Çağlar Yurttançıkmaz. "The Relationships between Competitiveness and Economic Growth: A Study on the Countries of Central Asia and Caucasus." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00424.

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The relationships among input, production and market suddenly broke down after the collapse of the USSR in 1991. The reflections of this disintegration are deeply felt in the Central Asian and in the Caucasian economies, which lack the traditions of being a government. The imbalances in the supply and demand, such as shutting down of factories due to breakdown of production relations and the resulting severe rise in the unemployment rate, caused a transition recession. As well-known in the literature, the main reason behind this is the interdependency of the production structures in these newly independent former Soviet countries. Large industrial establishments were left alone due to lack of sufficient raw materials and other inputs, due to lack of new technologies, and/or due to political void resulting from the transition period. In the newly established economic and political system, all of these countries, namely Azerbaijan, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan, try to realize their economic growth and development by specializing in the production of goods in which they have an economic advantage in terms of competitiveness. In this study, the effects of competitiveness on economic growth is investigated for these 7 countries during the 1995-2010 period using panel data analysis based on the Lafay index. In the light of the results of this research, policy recommendations are attempted in order to determine the sectors in which these countries are more competitive and hence to suggest ways of increasing their economic growth rate.
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Karluk, S. Rıdvan. "Effects of Global Economic Crisis on Kyrgyzstan Economy and Developments in Economic Relations between Turkey and Kyrgyzstan." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00239.

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The global crisis which started in September 2008 adversely affected many global economies and also Kyrgyzstan economy. Kyrgyzstan economy which declined and experienced a severe recession in 2009 due to the crisis started recovering from the adverse effects of the crisis after 2010. What lie beneath this positive development is increased foreign exchange revenues abroad and vigor experienced in construction industry and industrial production. The recovery experienced in economies of Russia and neighbor Kazakhstan resulted in increased exports and thus increased revenues in foreign currencies obtained from foreign countries. The political disturbances experienced in Bishkek in April 2011 and ethnic conflicts experienced in southern Kyrgyzstan in June 2011, created an adverse effect on the economy. The crisis resulted in degradation of investment environment, adversely influenced the foreign investments and increased the current account deficit. These developments adversely influenced the banking sector too. The government attempted to diminish effects of the crisis through financial incentives. The budget deficit emerged as a result of crisis was attempted to be closed through support secured from International Monetary Fund (IMF). IMF, World Bank and Asian Development Bank lent great support to invigorating Kyrgyzstan economy after events of April and July. According to IMF, if political instability goes on in Kyrgyzstan in medium and long term, economic problems shall continue. Uncertainties in banking sector are amongst the main factors which increase the economic risks. Recovery of Kyrgyzstan economy is dependent on medium term financial policy measures to be applied to the economy and balancing the foreign trade.
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Buribaev, Ermek Abiltaevich, Zhanna Amangeldinovna Khamzina, and Adlet Toktamysovich Ermekov. "Legal enforcement of social politics of family and child in Kazakhstan." In IV International Scientific and Practical Conference. TSNS Interaktiv Plus, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.21661/r-117518.

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Kelmendi, Jeton. "GOVERNMENT�S POLITICS FOR HIGH EDUCATION IN KOSOVO." In 2nd International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2015. Stef92 Technology, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2015/b12/s3.060.

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Li, Boyi, and Kyung Ryul Park. "Session details: Open Government Data Policies and Politics." In dg.o '17: 18th Annual International Conference on Digital Government Research. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3247602.

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Ashirbekov, Adil, Aida Sagintayeva, and Zakir Jumakulov. "GOVERNMENT SUPPORT OF UNIVERSITY RESEARCH: CASE OF KAZAKHSTAN." In International Technology, Education and Development Conference. IATED, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.21125/iceri.2016.1971.

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Reports on the topic "Kazakhstan, politics and government"

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Terzyan, Aram. The Politics of Repression in Central Asia: The Cases of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan. Eurasia Institutes, December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/caps-2-2020.

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This paper explores the landscape of repressive politics in the three Central Asian states of Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, and Kyrgyzstan with an emphasis on the phase of “transformative violence” and the patterns of inconsistent repression. It argues that repressions alone cannot guarantee the longevity of authoritarian regimes. It is for this reason that the Central Asian authoritarian leaders consistently come up with discursive justifications of repression, not least through portraying it as a necessary tool for progress or security. While the new Central Asian leaders’ discourses are characterized by liberal narratives, the illiberal practices keep prevailing across these countries.
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Bassetto, Marco, and Thomas Sargent. Politics and Efficiency of Separating Capital and Ordinary Government Budgets. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, January 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w11030.

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Persson, Torsten, and Guido Tabellini. The Size and Scope of Government: Comparative Politics with Rational Politicians. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, December 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w6848.

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Menes, Rebecca. The Effect of Patronage Politics on City Government in American Cities, 1900-1910. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, February 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w6975.

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de Figueiredo, John, and Brian Silverman. How Does the Government (Want to) Fund Science? Politics, Lobbying and Academic Earmarks. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, October 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w13459.

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Becerra, Oscar, Eduardo A. Cavallo, and Carlos Scartascini. The Politics of Financial Development: The Role of Interest Groups and Government Capabilities. Inter-American Development Bank, September 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0010996.

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Although financial development is good for long-term growth, not all countries pursue policies that render full financial development. This paper builds on an extensive political economy literature to construct a theoretical model showing that the intensity of opposition to financial development by incumbents depends on both their degree of credit dependency and the role of governments in credit markets. Empirical evidence for this claim is provided, and the results suggest that lower opposition to financial development leads to an effective increase in credit markets development only in those countries that have high government capabilities. Moreover, improvements in government capabilities have a significant impact on credit market development only in those countries where credit dependency is high (thus, opposition is low). This paper therefore contributes to this rich literature by providing a unified account of credit market development that includes two of its main determinants, traditionally considered in isolation.
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Schneider, Ben Ross. Institutions for Effective Business-Government Collaboration: Micro Mechanisms and Macro Politics in Latin America. Inter-American Development Bank, October 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011517.

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What makes for effective cooperation between government and business in industrial policy? Core research questions on the institutional design of arrangements for business-government interactions focus on three main functions: i) maximizing the benefits of dialogue and information exchange; ii) motivating participation through authoritative allocation; and iii) minimizing unproductive rent seeking. Countries with more experiences of public-private collaboration (PPC) tend to have more pragmatic governments and better organized and informally networked private sectors. Effective cooperation also depends on the macro context, in particular the nature of the political system and the alternative avenues it provides for business politicking, especially through parties, networks and appointments, the media, and campaign finance. Lastly, the structure and strategies of big domestic businesses -mostly diversified, family-owned business groups- affects their preferences and interest in collaborating in industrial policy.
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Mitralexis, Sotiris. Deepening Greece’s Divisions: Religion, COVID, Politics, and Science. Mέta | Centre for Postcapitalist Civilisation, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/mwp11en.

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Instead of being a time of unity and solidarity, the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic has proven to be a time of disunity, a time for deepening Greece’s divisions after a decade of crisis — on a spectrum ranging from politics to religion, and more im-portantly on the public discourse on religion. The present article offers a perspective on recent developments — by (a) looking into how the Greek government weapon-ized science in the public square, by (b) examining the stance of the Orthodox Church of Greece, by (c) indicatively surveying ‘COVID-19 and religion’ develop-ments that would not be covered by the latter, and last but not least by (d) discuss-ing the discrepancy between these two areas of inquiry in an attempt to explain it.
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Harvey, Paul, and Habiba Mohamed. The Politics of Donor and Government Approaches to Social Protection and Humanitarian Policies for Assistance During Crises. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/basic.2022.010.

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This paper examines social protection policy processes in fragile and conflict-affected settings (FCAS). It explores what the policies of donor governments, aid agencies, and crisis-affected governments reveal about the politics of assistance during crises, and how aid agencies are navigating tensions between humanitarian and development approaches to social assistance. It finds that social protection policies are prone to conflict blindness. Commitments to state-building often ignore dilemmas inherent in supporting states that are parties to ongoing conflicts and the political rather than technical challenges involved. Government social protection policies in FCAS often make little mention of the fact that war or conflict are taking place.
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Hallerberg, Mark, and Carlos Scartascini. Research Insights: Does Politics Trump the Ability of Having Successful Tax Reforms? Inter-American Development Bank, October 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0005267.

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The probability of tax reform is higher during banking crises. Tax reform is unlikely to occur during election periodseven if the government is facing financing problemsso reforms that seek to raise taxes should be avoided at those times. The ideology of the president does not explain which taxes are reformed, or how they are changed, but the presence of an IMF program does.
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