To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Kemaliye.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Kemaliye'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 46 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Kemaliye.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Celik, Nur Betul. "Kemalist hegemony from its constitution to its dissolution." Thesis, University of Essex, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.296583.
Full text
2
Amen, Rebin. "Kemalism : En idéanalys av statsideologins påverkan på den turkiska författningsdomstolen." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-91123.
Full text
3
Glyptis, Agapi-Leda. "Kemalism as a language for Turkish politics : cultivation, reproduction, negotiation." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2007. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/423/.
Full textAbstract:
Every political system has a shared language of symbols, narratives and priorities through which legitimation is sought. This language is basic and schematic, yet it generates 'legitimate' priorities and objectives. My interest is two-fold: firstly, how is this language reproduced, disseminated and upheld? Secondly, how is it used, interpreted and adapted to legitimise a wide array of actions, policies or ideas? I seek to answer these questions in light of Turkey's EU ambitions. I sketch the prescriptions of what I call the normative core of Turkish politics, as expressed through national socialisation, the Constitution and the raison d'etre of key institutions. I show how institutions such as the military, judiciary and Presidency legitimise their actions through appeals to this normative core, thus reproducing it with little variation, while simultaneously reproducing a shared language of politics. I also highlight the wide dissemination this language enjoys through education and early learning as well as its symbolic reproduction through spatial narratives such as national sites, museums and monuments. Having demonstrated how this language is institutionally entrenched, widely disseminated and extensively used for the legitimation of public activities, I turn to the question of whether its constraints also create opportunities. I argue that Turkey's EU ambitions have actually led to the proliferation of such opportunities by introducing an alternative value benchmark in the pursuit of political legitimacy. Although the language is not abandoned, it is being actively enriched. After decades of tension and reform, the notions of 'secularism' and 'westernisation', cornerstones of the normative core of Turkish politics, are now open to debate. This could lead to a process of radical re-negotiation of political values. Alternatively, the constraints that the language imposes might actually outweigh the opportunities. For now, a delicate but fascinating process of negotiation is unfolding in the heart of the Turkish political system. My PhD seeks to explain and analyse it.
4
Laciner, Sedat. "From Kemalism to Ozalism : the ideological evolution of Turkish foreign policy." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2001. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/from-kemalism-to-ozalism-the-ideological-evolution-of-turkish-foreign-policy(55e5d147-992b-4516-8b87-a215bfff71d0).html.
Full text
5
Saridal, Lemi Caner. "Kurdish Political Identity within the Realm of Turkish Politics and Kemalism." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, REMESO - Institutet för forskning om migration, etnicitet och samhälle, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-158268.
Full textAbstract:
Kurdish political identity, their quest for recognition has been an everlasting issue in the Turkish politics since the establishment of Turkish Republic (1923). When the Republic was building by the Republican elite during the single-party regime, the Turkish identity and Mustafa Kemal’s principles became constituent elements of Republican agenda which was ideologically aimed to be a modern nation-state that showed no tolerance to those who stayed out of its scope (i.e Kurds). The frames of Turkish identity were firstly secularism, and secondly nationalism which required one language, one identity and territorial integrity. These frames which were copied from Jacobin French nationalism regulated the Turkification process and shaped the assimilationist policies towards non-Turkish ethnic groups. This paper examines the outlines of both Turkish politics and Kurdish resistance. While providing political consequences of reluctant policies toward Kurds and the Turkish perspective of Kurds as threats towards mainstream Turkish identity, the study also touches upon the ideological transition of Kurdish movement that appeared within the Justice and Development Party (AKP) reign. The evolution of Kurdish politics eventually utilized Kurds to emancipate from being a perception of threat to Turkish nationalism and finally offers a possible solution to the conflict.
6
Dogan, Gazi. "The establishment of Kemalist autocracy and its reform policies in Turkey." Diss., Kansas State University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/32147.
Full textAbstract:
Doctor of PhilosophyDepartment of History
Michael Krysko
David Stone
Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, who was a nationalist leader and founder and first president of the republic of Turkey, still remains an important figure in the Turkish political and social landscape. Kemalist historiography, which is based on Mustafa Kemal’s six-day speech (Nutuk) in October 1927, emphasizes the foundation of the Republic as central to Turkish history. While this historiography emphasizes that Mustafa Kemal had an explicit plan during his modernization efforts, this dissertation will cover how Mustafa Kemal was incoherent in his actions and changed his discourses over and over again during the change of the political structure of Turkey. Beyond that, this study will suggest that Mustafa Kemal was an opportunist and pragmatist who utilized every single event to establish a Jacobin style autocracy. This research will discuss how Mustafa Kemal succeeded in using every opportunity, such as the Law of Supreme Commander Act in August 1921, the abolition of Sultanate in 1922, the establishment of Republic in 1923, the abolition of Caliphate in 1924, and the elimination of opposition in 1925, to establish his personal autocracy. In particular, the records of Assembly debates, not sufficiently used by Turkish historians, will be helpful to understand the creation of this personal autocracy. While Kemalist historiography credits Mustafa Kemal Ataturk with the original and unique conception of the social, legal, and educational reforms of the early Republican period, this dissertation argues that this approach is not balanced. Although the Kemalist historiography asserts that Mustafa Kemal and his legacy represent carrying out Enlightenment ideals in an obsolete society almost totally ignorant of these principles, the Kemalist modernization got a great inheritance from its predecessors, the Young Turks. Therefore, the Kemalist overstatement of an idealist figure of Mustafa Kemal is wrong in some degree. This dissertation aims to scrutinize the contribution of the Ottoman reformers and contradictions, mistakes, and overstatements of the Kemalist modernization project in social, legal, and educational areas by the help of wide primary sources which include official reports of the Grand National Assembly, the Republican Era archives and a mass of periodicals which were published in 1920s in Turkey.
7
Çarmikli, Eyup Sabri. "Caught between Islam and the West : secularism in the Kemalist discourse." Thesis, University of Westminster, 2011. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/90126/caught-between-islam-and-the-west-secularism-in-the-kemalist-discourse.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis identifies the defining signifiers for the Kemalist discourse as the West and Islam. Kemalism mainly related to the West through the hegemonic discourse of Orientalism, and the Kemalist attitude towards Islam was characterised by its peculiar brand of secularism. Orientalism portrayed the East as irrational in all aspects of the economic, political and social realms. In contrast the West was rational, enlightened, scientific, determined to keep its destiny at its hands, hardworking, honest, and efficient. There was an essential difference between the two realms, which prevented the East to progress. The numerous aspects of the West-East dichotomy are investigated in detail by utilising a number of Western sources including newspaper stories, travel accounts, and diplomatic correspondence and a plethora of Kemalist texts. The documentary analysis in the thesis is based on original research. The Orientalist view even prescribed a recipe for Turkey’s progress, and Kemalism is defined in the thesis as a discourse whıch argues that Turkey must adopt Western civilization in its totality, including music, dress, alphabet, etc, and completely erase its past as symbolized by Islam. The Kemalist reform agenda amounted to a utopia, to transform Turkey in such a radical manner that Turkey would appear indistinguishable from the West, in its script, dress, music, political organisation, etc. However, this meant a total re-activation o f t he ‘ the s ocial’ i n T urkey a nd everything becoming part of ‘the political.’ But then, Kemalism never acknowledged the antagonistic and conflictual nature of the political. The relationship between ‘Kemalism and Orientalism’ and that between ‘Kemalism and secularism’ have been studied by various authors, however the originality of this work lies in its emphasis on the relationship between ‘the social’ and the political,’ and its careful analysis on the total re-activation of the social through the Kemalist reforms. In its ambitious project, Kemalism regarded Islam, which represented the Ottoman Turkish tradition, as the ‘main problem’ with the potential to nurture formidable opposition. Hence, Kemalist secularism was first and foremost an attack against Islam. Secularism, supported by a strong belief on the power of science and rationality to organise human life, and a strong aversion towards the religious and the traditional, was the central pillar of Kemalism. The thesis shows how Kemalism was caught between Islam and the West, and argues that secularism is the most important aspect of Kemalism, because Kemalism is an ‘Orientalism from within.’
8
Raso, Geneviève-Lea. "La quête identitaire de l'Etat turc : Etats, Nations, nationalismes de 1839 à nos jours." Thesis, Université Côte d'Azur (ComUE), 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017AZUR0005/document.
Full textAbstract:
En Turquie, la question de l’identité est au cœur de bien des problèmes. Après la période de Mustafa Kemal qui a tenté d’imposer une définition de l’Etat, laïc et turc, celle-ci n’a pas résisté à la disparition du fondateur de l’Etat-nation.Les années qui ont suivi ont vu l’arrivée du multipartisme au pouvoir et l’apparition d’une autre définition de l’identité turque, supposée créer un consensus au sein de la Nation turque : la synthèse turco-islamique. Les heurts et les tensions ont montré les limites de la définition étatique de l’identité turque et les années dites de plomb ont été dominées par deux forces nationalistes, l’Etat-profond et l’ultranationalisme des Loups gris, mouvement d’extrême-droite. L’affaire de Susurluk a permis de voir émerger une nouvelle tendance, le nationalisme des Ulusalcilik d’inspiration laïque, mais aussi le néo-ottomanisme, avec l’arrivée au pouvoir de l’AKP et l’émergence d’une nouvelle identité, plus large : Türkyeli (ou de Turquie). Mais les conflits au Moyen-Orient et le glissement de l’AKP vers un régime islamiste, brouille une fois encore l’identité nationaleIn Turkey, the Identity question is the crux of the issue. After the period of Mustafa Kemal who gave a definition of the State, secular and Turkish this one didn’t resist to the death of the founder of the Nation State. The year which followed, saw the emergence of the multiparty system to the power and the birth, of an another definition of the Turkish Identity, creating a consensus within the Turkish Nation: The Turco-Islamic Synthesis. The clashes and the tensions showed the limits of the State definition of the Turkish Identity during the “Lead Years” (1960-1970), a period dominated by two nationalist strengths, the Deep-State and the ultranationalism of the Grey- Wolves, the extreme-right movement. The Susurluk Affair allowed to see the birth of a new tendency, the nationalism of Ulusalcilik of secular inspiration, but also a neo-ottomanism, with the coming of the AKP and the emergence of a new wider identity: Tiirkyeli, that means “to be from Turkey”. But the conflicts in the Middle East and the sliding of the AKP towards Islamism, blurs once more the national Identity
9
Uysal, Yildirim. "The Reflection Of Kemalist Ideology In The Perception Of Metu Students: A Theoretical And Practical Examination." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12610195/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis aims to examine Kemalism perception of METU students. Author intends to display how METU students imagine and think Kemalism. Thesis first examines the ideological journey of Kemalism to indicate the main notions of Kemalism to the reader and by doing so, explains the intellectual ground of the statements which were used in the survey of thesis. The way how Kemalism was constructed, the stages that Kemalism passed through the past, the connections of Kemalism with other ideologies, the formation and standing of current Kemalism and the arguments of Kemalism against globalization, European Union, Kurdish issue and Islamism will all be analyzed.
10
Aytemur, Nuran. "The Populism Of The Village Institutes: A Contradictory Expression Of Kemalist Populism." Phd thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12608293/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACT
THE POPULISM OF THE VILLAGE INSTITUTES:
A CONTRADICTORY EXPRESSION OF KEMALIST POPULISM
Aytemur, Nuran
Ph.D., Department of Political Science and Public Administration
Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Mehmet Okyayuz
March 2007, 217 pages
This thesis analyzes the populism of the Village Institutes by comparing it with
Kemalist populism. In this context it is worth to say that throughout the thesis
populism is defined as government by the people and discussed in relation to
democracy. In order to do so &ndashas a first step - the democratic structure and function(ing) of the Village Institutes are discussed with reference to their fundamental principles, organizational structure, and educational program. Secondly, the contradictory conceptualization of the &ldquo
people&rdquo
and the separation between the &ldquo
intellectual&rdquo
and the &ldquo
people&rdquo
is tried to be analyzed with reference to the writings of ismail Hakki Tonguç
(who is called as the architect of the Village Institutes), the memoirs of the graduates of the Village Institutes, and indepth interviews made with their graduates. The question hereby is to what extent this understanding of populism involve in itself what can be called the &ldquo
paradoxical elitism&rdquo
of the populist ideology, which arises out of the tensive relation between &ldquo
social-egalitarian&rdquo
and &ldquo
administrative-institutional&rdquo
aspects of populism. It is claimed that despite the similarities with Kemalist populism, the Village Institutes shifted the emphasis from the &ldquo
administrative-institutional&rdquo
to the &ldquo
social-egalitarian&rdquo
aspect of populism and surpassed the boundaries of Kemalist populism by implementing democratic principles like &ldquo
equality&rdquo
and &ldquo
self-government&rdquo
, and encouraging participation and by attempting to create a new kind of intellectual through &ldquo
education within work&rdquo
. Keywords: The Village Institutes, Populism, Elitism, Kemalist Populism, Democracy
11
Damar, E. "Kemalism and hegemony : the Turkish experience with secularism in the post-1990s." Thesis, University of Essex, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.573731.
Full textAbstract:
Although Kemalist secularism is often considered as a distinctively unique secularization project, dominant approaches have the tendency of reducing it either to an imitation of idealized West-oriented secularism models, or to a necessary product of specific historical conditions of the Ottoman-Turkish context. This thesis questions these dominant tendencies for they run the risk of disregarding the creative and original interventions of the Kemalist elite through which a distinctively unique conception of secularism, secular identity, and secular subjectivity is formed in Turkey. This thesis suggests that without studying the ideological and subjectivity dimensions, the specificity and complexity of Kemalist secularism cannot be explored adequately. Accordingly, it argues that Kemalist secularism is a distinctively unique modality of secularism because it came into existence in and through the operationalization of a peculiar ideological force, which I call the Orientalist fantasy. Chapter 1 introduces the poststructuralist hegemonic approach and poststructuralist discourse analysis that I employed in this thesis to study what I call the hegemonic formation and operationalization of Kemalist secularism. Drawing on the discourses of the first generation Kemalist elites with special reference to the enactment of the Hat Law in the early Republican era (1923-1938), chapter 2 discusses what is meant by the Orientalist fantasy, and the historical conditions of its emergence. Drawing on the Kemalist secularist discourses on the so-called 'new veiling question', chapter 3 discusses the operational force and main characteristics of the Orientalist fantasy in post1990s Turkey. By introducing the categories of emotional affiliation and structures of feeling, chapters 4 and 5 discuss the endurance of the Orientalist fantasy. Drawing on the Kemalist secularist discourses on the so-called the February 28th (1997) 'postmodern coup' in chapter 4, and on the rise of the 'new Islamic' Justice and Development Party government in chapter 5, I introduce harassment and fear as two central structures of feeling that endure the Orientalist fantasy. The concluding chapter summarizes the main arguments of the thesis, incorporates the normative and ideological implications of the analysis, explicates the advances of the poststructuralist approach over dominant approaches in studying the Turkish experience with secularism, and introduces sorts of research questions the thesis opens up for future research.
12
Balkilic, Ozgur. "Kemalist Views And Works On Turkish Folk Music During The Early Republican Period." Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12606528/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
The main aim of this thesis is to examine the characteristics of Kemalist views and works on Turkish folk music during Early Republican Period. Kemalism, as a modernization project, aimed to transform the Turkish social formation totally. In this respect, one of the indispensable dimension of this project was cultural reforms. The music policies, as a part of the cultural reforms, were given considerable attentions by the Kemalist cadres since the music, according to them, was one of the area to reflect the developmental level of a society. Their views and efforts on Turkish folk music were a significant part of these music policies. In this sense, Kemalist folklore acts are of crucial importance to understand the features of Kemalist ideologic paradigms. Besides, this thesis will deal with the Kemalist folklore acts in order to understand two main principles of Kemalismnationalism and populism which were the important ideological paradigms of Kemalism. In other words, one of the main ab inito of this thesis is to comprehend the nationalism and populism principles which constituted the general framework of Kemalist folklore acts. The thesis also pays attention to the inconsistencies and unmethodological works in folk music acts during the Early Republican Period.
13
Cilingir, Sevgi. "Discourses Of Kemalism And Islamism On The Political Dimension Of Eu - Turkey Relations." Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12606320/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis aims at defining and analyzing the positions of Kemalism and Islamism about the relationship between the European Union and Turkey, with respect to identity and political reform. The study is conducted by the usage of academic literature and examples of the writings of intellectuals from both positionsin order to analyze their discourses on the issue.With respect to the political dimension of EU - Turkey relations, the problems and EU demands on democracy, human rights, minority rights - with emphasis on the Kurdish problem - and Cyprus are explained. The viewpoint and discourses of the two positions on these issues are discussed in relation to their historical attitudes towards the West and the EU.
14
Tabak, Husrev. "Turkey, domestic norms, and Outside Turks : Kosovar Turks' quandary with post-Kemalist norms." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2015. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/turkey-domestic-norms-and-outside-turks-kosovar-turks-quandary-with-postkemalist-norms(c7b41da5-1fd2-480f-b7f3-93d2bede890a).html.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is about foreign policy analysis and what it could learn from an examination of Turkey's Outside Turks policy. More specifically, the thesis explores the implications of the post-Kemalist changes in Turkey on Outside Turks communities in the case of Kosovar Turks and offers a norm-based analysis of the constitutive relationship between domestic politics and foreign policy formation and conduct. Throughout the thesis, accordingly, the domestic norms guiding the way Turkey approaches Outside Turks, the conduct of domestic norms-guided Outside Turks policy and, finally, the implications of such policy for the Kosovar Turks are explored. Based on this, the study establishes firstly that the traditional policy of transforming the religiously defined Turkish speaking Muslim communities in the surrounding countries to nationally thinking and acting ethnic Turkish communities has changed after 1980s, but particularly during the Justice and Development Party rule. The aspiration shifted towards imagining Outside Turks in cultural and religious lines, other than in purely ethnic sense. Thus invoking and safeguarding the practice of Muslim identity, history and culture became a priority concern in the Outside Turks policy agenda. The thesis secondly establishes that this shift in approach has been generated by four post-Kemalist norms, namely Ottomania, de-ethnicized nationhood, Turkish Islam, and Islamic Internationalism. These post-Kemalist norms have manifested themselves as practices of transforming the ethnically mobilized and behaving Turkish community in Kosovo as religiously and historico-culturally thinking and acting community. The thesis thirdly establishes that the post-Kemalist approach to the Outside Turk community in Kosovo has been constitutive for the community. Accordingly, Turkey’s anti-nationalist practices and activities of restoring inter-ethnic relations in Ottoman lines have partly relieved the relations between Turks and Albanians, facilitated the transcending of ethnicity as a bases for organizing relations, and increased the scope for collaboration between Muslim communities in the country. However, such post-Kemalist policies could not deconstruct the dominant nationalist framings, it has rather been counter-productive. Therefore, due to the post-Kemalist approach, the ethnic Turkish identity has been sharpened, Ottomans have been ethnicized as a Turkish emperorship, the nationalism gained a reactionary character, and people now believe that their ethnic survival is jeopardized by Turkey’s anti-nationalism or ‘anti-Turkism’ as the community calls it. This in return has led the community to further embrace Kemalist frames and discourses to resist Turkey’s post-Kemalist approach and norms. The thesis, consequently, introduced a norm-based foreign policy analysis model for examining the overseas implications and influences of domestic norms and norm changes.
15
Cengiz, Fatih Cagatay. "The mutation of Islamic politics and the demise of the Kemalist state in Turkey." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2016. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/23686/.
Full text
16
Bayraktar, Gonca. "A study of Islamism in the context of capitalist development : the case of the Welfare Party." Thesis, University of York, 1999. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/10880/.
Full text
17
Coban, Filiz. "Reimagination of Turkey : the emergence and challenges of post-Kemalist nation-state identity (2001-2011)." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2015. https://ueaeprints.uea.ac.uk/56897/.
Full textAbstract:
This research investigates the emergence of Turkey’s post-Kemalist nation-state identity and its challenges in the post-9/11 era. By challenging the argument that there is essentially one understanding of Turkey’s identity, it exposes competing perspectives on Turkey’s new identity and its place in the world. To reveal the process of domestic power struggle in maintaining and transforming Turkey’s Kemalist identity, the study takes Ruth Wodak’s Discourse-Historical Approach in a search of different discourses on Turkish national identity and foreign policy in Turkish media from 2001 to 2011. On the historical context of Turkish politics in the post-9/11 period, the study argues that Turkey’s post-Kemalist identity crisis in the last decade has shaped both Turkish nation-state identity and foreign policy discourse which has directly targeted the Kemalist and Europeanist world view and empowered the nation’s Muslim and non-European perception of ‘self’ and the perception of Turkey’s place in the world. In this context, this study makes a significant contribution to Turkish politics, nationalism and media studies through a critical observation of different political positions and antagonisms in Turkish media discourse, considering the changes and challenges within the conceptions of new Turkey's identity.
18
Cagaptay, Soner. "Islam, secularism, and nationalism in modern Turkey : who is a Turk ? /." London ; New York : Routledge, 2006. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb402323640.
Full text
19
Evered, Kyle Thomas. "Romancing the region : mapping the discursive terrains in Turkish constructs of a "Türk Dünyasi" /." view abstract or download file of text, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p3072581.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2002.Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 221-234). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.
20
GALIP, SEMRA. "Du patrimonialisme a l etat-nation kemaliste a la quete inachevee d une democratie stable en turquie." Paris 8, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA080432.
Full textAbstract:
Cette these est une tentative en vue de parvenir a mieux cerner les caracteristiques strucutrelles d une4 forme spcifique de transition d un ordre politique "autoritaire theocratique" (qui correspond au modele de l etat patrimonial ottoman defini par max weber comme "pouvoir sultanique" ou "sultanisme") a un nouvel ordre "democratique autoritaire" (c est-a-dire a une forme limitee de democratie placee sous le controle des elites militaires). Elle s efforce d analyser de facon detaillee les mecanismes concrets de ce mode specifique de transition au capitalisme que l on a pu qualifier de "mode de transition centraliste". Elle s attache egalement a mieux cerner la genese et la dynamique du systeme etatiste et a mettre en evidence les tensions et les contradictions qu il susciteIn this work which consists of the passage from a patrimonial syste to a nation state, we have tried to show the structural characteristics of a specific form of transition of a political order named as "theocratical authority" -which corresponds to a model of ottoman patrimonial system defined by max weber as "sultanic power" or "sultanism" - to a new order named "democratic authority" (i. E. Passage to a limited democracy placed under the control of the military elite). We have taken the opportunity to analyse in details the concrete mechanism of this specific transition method to a "capitalism which we have qualified and named as "centralist transition mode". This work shows the genesis and dynamics of an etatist systeme and puts into evidence the tensions and contradictions in its applications
21
Sahinler, Menter. "Origine, influence et actualité du kémalisme." Paris 1, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1995PA010512.
Full textAbstract:
Mouvement empirique et non système dogmatique, le kémalisme s'inscrit dans l'héritage culturel turc et dans la lignée des reformes ottomanes du XIXe siècle. Dans les décennies 1920 et 1930, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk et ses partisans ont assuré l'indépendance de la nation turque et ont instauré une dictature républicaine destinée à imposer les révolutions kémalistes. Le but du régime était l'occidentalisation de la Turquie, c'est-à-dire sa laïcisation, sa modernisation et la création des conditions de la démocratie. Cependant, l'instauration de la démocratie en 1950 à coïncidé avec une dégradation des acquis du kémalisme, et surtout de la laïcité, d'où l'intervention de l'armée, garante de l'héritage kémaliste, en 1960. Le kémalisme se trouve en Turquie en butte à l'opposition des islamistes radicaux, qui menacent la démocratie et la laïcité. Il est également l'objet de critiques généralement fondées sur l'incompréhension de son caractère évolutif et sur sa confusion avec les erreurs des dirigeants se réclamant du kémalisme. Pourtant, si la laïcité kémaliste n'a pas encore abouti en Turquie, et si son influence dans le monde musulman a connu des échecs, le kémalisme est la voie la plus sure de modernisation et de laïcisation des sociétés musulmanes, et à terme d'instauration de la démocratie contre le régime de la chariaBeing an empirical movement and not a dogmatical system, kemalism inscribes itself in the Turkish cultural heritage and at the issue of the Ottomanian reforms of the 19th century. In the decades of 1920 et 1930, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk and his supporters have insured the independence of the Turkish nation and have established a republican dictatorship determined to impose the kamalist reforms. The aim of the government was the westernization of Turkey, in other words its secularization, its modernization and the creation of the necessary conditions for democracy. Nevertheless, the establishment of democracy in 1950 has coincided with a degradation of the acquirements of kemalism, and above all of the secularization, whence the intervention of the army, guarantor of the kemalist inheritance, in 1960. Kemalism in Turkey is exposed to the opposition of the radical Islamists who threaten democracy and secularization
22
Muderrisoglu, M. "Between Islam and Kemalism : a comparative study of republican, liberal and political liberal models of secularism in Turkey." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2011. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1302285/.
Full textAbstract:
Secularism has recently become a topic of deep disagreement in Turkey. There are two main camps in the debate: Kemalist/secularists who defend a rigidly non-religious public sphere as the site of national self-expression; and Sunni believers who seek to redefine 'official secularism' in favour of religious liberty. This thesis attempts to construct two rival normative models of secularism from the republican and liberal traditions, and by delineating the boundaries of reasonable disagreement explore which model runs the best chance of being affirmed by both secular and religious citizens in Turkey. I argue that a third model that synthisises these two, John Rawls' political liberalism, provides the basis for an understanding of secularism that is best equipped to generate agreement between Kemalist and Islamist doctrines. I begin by analysing how political unity is achieved by civic religion in republican 'common ground' secularism, by religious neutrality in liberal 'independent ethic' secularism, and by an interplay between comprehensive and independent reasons in political liberal Rawlsian secularism. Then I provide a systematic survey of the affinities of Kemalist and Islamist conceptions with these normative models. This is accomplished by showing how the Kemalist conception of secularism combines republican and liberal approaches by a dual-commitment to the state-promotion of 'secularised national Islam' and religious neutrality in education and law. Finally, in order to emphasise the normative sources inherent to the Islamist conception of secularism, I explore the Orthodox-Sunni understanding of justice, the Hanafi school of jurisprudence, the Ottoman religious policy, and the reformist-popular Islamic discourse found in the works of Said Nursi and Fethullah Gulen.
23
Karakus, Hakan. "Turkey and the European Union (EU) : Kemalism's effects on the road to the EU /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Sep%5FKarakus.pdf.
Full text
24
Ficker, Alexandr. "Turecko - budoucí regionální velmoc?" Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-201714.
Full textAbstract:
Subject of the master thesis is analysis of the current role of Turkey in the region and the potential of becoming a regional power. Thesis is structured into four chapters. In the first chapter the definition of regional power is outlined. Second chapter analysis the current position of Turkey in the world, while comparing it to other acknowledged regional power. The third part focuses on analysis of Turkey's position in various regions. The last chapter is an analysis of the regional influence on Turkey's internal development and open issues connected with defined region.
25
Ayata, Asude. "(Re)imagining Turkey : Bureaucratic relations in the creation of a national identity during the Kemalist single-party regime 1932-1951." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för etnologi, religionshistoria och genusvetenskap, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-194625.
Full textAbstract:
This study is an exploration of the social engineering of the single-party era through the lenses of state officials in their work of propagating the nationalist state ideology. It aims to bring the state officials, in their (re)production of the beliefs and values as products and as the (re)producers of the state ideology, to the forefront. More specifically, it studies the negotiations and the contestations between state officials in regards to three main social structures which are (ethno)nationalism, womanhood, and laicism. A fourth social structure is the hierarchical relations within the state bureaucracy. A deeper understanding of the social engineering through the lenses of state officials is provided through a discursive close reading of the archival data regarding the activities of Halkevleri (People’s Houses), which were state institutions through which the state ideology was propagated to the people.
26
Bädeker, Lars. ""They Want to Control Everything" - Discourse and Lifestyle in Contemporary Turkey." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för kulturantropologi och etnologi, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-276766.
Full textAbstract:
Based upon anthropological fieldwork and contemporary literature as well as an analysis of media reports and statements by government officials such as current president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, this thesis explores the interrelations between political discourses, lifestyle, and identity construction in contemporary Turkey. In the thesis, it is depicted how certain lifestyle choices are legally limited or (drawing on moral, religious, and nationalist discourses) labeled as 'bad' or 'wrong' by the current AKP government and certain parts of society. The informants interviewed for this thesis, mostly well-educated, young Turkish urbanites, feel like these restrictions of lifestyle choices limit their possibilities to freely construct and express their identities, which leads to feelings of resentment, unhappiness, and discomfort. By analyzing political developments in the 20th and 21st century, it is furthermore illustrated that authoritarianism has been a substantial part of the Turkish state project ever since the founding of the Turkish Republic. The current political events and conflicts about lifestyle and identity construction, it is argued, have to be understood in this context rather than depicting them as based upon a strict dividing line between 'secular' and 'religious' parts of society, as it is often depicted in Western media.
27
Efe, Ibrahim. "Critical discourse analysis of Kemalism and Islamism in Turkish newspapers : the 2008 Indictment Case and the 28th February national Security Council Meeting." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.660119.
Full textAbstract:
In this research project, news reporting of four Turkish dailies (Cumhuriyet, Hurriyet, Vakit and Zaman) on two significant political events is analysed. By doing so, the objective will be to understand how and what roles newspapers play in an ongoing conflict caused by the ideologies of Islam ism and Secularism in Turkey. The historical significance of the social problem under investigation, and the context of the events, therefore, will be delineated at the outset. The data, which consist of images of pertinent news articles, is digitalised and assembled into a corpus. Using a quantitative method, i.e., Corpus Linguistics, the news corpus is analysed and used to select representative texts for a qualitative analysis, which draws on a specific Critical Discourse Analysis approach, namely the Discourse-Historical Approach. The representation of each event and the social actors involved in is the focus of the whole analysis. The analysis findings have shown that the lexical selection and discourse formation of each newspaper is not independent of the agency's attitude towards the events in question. As a result the newspapers are found to be too acquiescent to challenge the definition of the problem independent of the powerful groups. More importantly, the conflict seems to rage not in between two separate ideologies but over different understandings of the same religion, i.e. Islam. Declaration I hereby declare that this thesis is my own work, and has not been submitted in substantially the same form for the award of a higher degree elsewhere.
28
Saygili, Riza. "Un siècle de démocratisation inachevée : partis et courants politiques en Turquie (1908-2008)." Paris 8, 2012. http://octaviana.fr/document/177617330#?c=0&m=0&s=0&cv=0.
Full textAbstract:
Ce travail de recherche vise à étudier les problèmes importants posés à la société turque contemporaine dans le chemin de l’établissement d’un régime démocratique. La Turquie vit depuis un certain temps, une transformation politique permanente, très important pour ce pays, y compris pour ses relations internationales. Le régime politique établi dans les années 1920-30 et renforcé après la deuxième guerre mondiale, est aujourd’hui en panne. Les modifications intervenues à diverses reprises dans l’unique but de sauver la face, ne répondent plus aux aspirations des citoyens, aux exigences des relations internationales, ni même aux besoins du grand capital local, lié étroitement aux monopoles supranationaux. Les difficultés actuelles sont évidemment liées très fortement à l’histoire récente de ce pays. Certaines restent non résolues depuis la fondation de la République de Turquie (1923). La démocratie, pour s’établir a besoin des acteurs sociaux individuels et collectifs. Les partis politiques sont des éléments essentiels d’un système démocratique conforme à cette appellation. A travers l’étude des courants politiques en Turquie, nous allons essayer de soulever quelques vraies questions de dysfonctionnement démocratique. Nous analyserons la création, l’évolution, l’interruption et dans certain cas la réapparition des partis politiques représentatifs des grandes tendances au niveau national, ainsi que leurs contribution positive ou négative dans le processus d’intégration avec l’Europe. L’histoire de multipartisme, la composition et la base sociales des partis, leurs relations avec le pouvoir, le rôle de l’armée en tant que garant du régime politique dans le cas de Turquie, l’interruption de la vie parlementaire due aux coups d’Etat militaires répétitifs, ses effets sur l’existence même des partis politiques et aussi le rôle de l’Europe dans toutes ces évolutions, sont quelques sujets importants étudiés tout au long de ce travailThis study aims to analyse the general outlines of the problems that contemporary Turkish society is faced with on the road to democratisation. Turkey has, for some time, been going through an intense and continuous transformation which carries great significance for the country itself and its place in international relations. The political regime which was placed in the 1920s and 30s and which had been strengthened with new measures after the Second World War has exhausted. The military coups and interventions which had occurred several times in intervals since the 1960s have caused more complexities rather than solving the deep-rooted problems of the country. Measures to save and prolong this repressive, authoritarian and anti-democratic regime are hardly working. It is becoming clear that this regime is unable to respond to the aspirations of the people and the youth, nor is it fit for the requirements of Turkey’s international relations or for the demands of the national and international capital. Some of the pressing questions of Turkey, i. E. The national (Kurdish) question, laicism, fundamental democratic freedoms, etc. Have been accumulating since the foundation of the Republic. Coupled with the problems caused by the dictatorial governments and the power struggles of the last few decades, it becomes evident how entangled the situation in the country is. Democracy can only become settled on the basis of individual and collective social actors. Political parties and currents, the main subject of this study, are in this sense the unalienable elements of a democratic system. Therefore, the study of the important events that took place in Turkey in this long period in question and the development of the main political parties and currents which had determining inputs in these events will also bring to light the weaknesses in the functioning of the political system. 7 This study examines the formation, development, interruption and, in some cases, the return of the main political parties which are represented nationally. In this framework, it deals with issues such as the history of the multi-party system; social composition of the political parties, their relations with power; the role of the army as the saviour of the regime; the repercussions of the military coups that took place ever so often, interrupting the parliamentarian process; the past and the present of the Turkish aspiration of integration with Europe, and the positive and negative effects of the relations with the EU in terms of the democratic progress in Turkey
29
Bal, Zelal. "Pro-kurdiska politiska motståndsstrategier i Turkiet : en diskursiv analys." Doctoral thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-37880.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis focuses on pro-kurdish activism in Turkey during 2005–2009. It is based on a large number of interviews conducted with activists within the Diyarbakır area. The form of activism that this study seeks to describe is civil and political activism conducted within the legal framework ofTurkey’s judicial system and international law.The purpose of this thesis is to examine what kind of resistance strategies are used by pro-Kurdish political activists in Turkey, focusing on how these strategies are reflected in the language used by the respondents. The main question posed in the thesis is: What resistance strategies are used within the pro-Kurdish movement in Turkey? Two additional questions were also posed in order to make it possible to answer the main question. The first of these is: What external conditions influence pro-Kurdish mobilization in Turkey during the study’s time frame? In order to answer this question a theoretical framework is used that includes theories about ethnopolitical mobilization and political opportunity structures. The second question is: What resistance strategies are reflected in the language used by the pro-Kurdish activists?An important resistance strategy used by the pro-Kurdish activists is to adapt the language used in public communication to the legal and political environment in which they find themselves. They make linguistic choices in order to convey political messages while minimizing the legal consequences of doing so. The resistance strategies reflected in the interviews with the activists also include efforts to build organizations and cooperations at different levels, ranging from the international to the local level. Resistance strategies also include choices regarding what medium and language to use in promoting pro-Kurdish politics.
30
Bengtsson, Carl. "The End of 'Turkish Exceptionalism' : Turkish foreign policy re-orientation during Erdoğan's era." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, Statsvetenskapliga avdelningen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-8639.
Full textAbstract:
This study investigates the foreign policy re-orientation Turkey has undergone since the Islamist AKP came to power in 2002. The analysis is conducted by way of a case study and use of the congruence method. The aim of the study is to explain the outcome on the basis of two competing theories, which may also be complementary. The first theory supposes that the re-orientation is a result of external events, while the other supposes that the re-orientation emanates from the political leadership’s ability to deal with intrinsic constraints in the domestic political system. Conclusions show that the domestic political order and the external development are heavily intertwined and affect one another. The conclusions may apply for states whose politics are affected by strong ideologies, and additionally waver between traditionalism and modernization.
31
François, Bernard. "Le modèle kémaliste : une réponse opérationnelle à l'échec relatif du développement en Afrique subsaharienne? Application au Burkina Faso." Paris, INALCO, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999INAL0010.
Full textAbstract:
L'Afrique subsaharienne pourrait tirer de l'analyse d'un "modèle kémaliste", qui s'est exprimée sur un empire ottoman assimilable à un État sous-développé, des pistes de réflexion quant à son propre développement. L'analyse des révolutions structurelles et des dérives engendrées par ce modèle original peuvent être riches d'enseignements pour l'Afrique subsaharienne qui fait face à un développement "orthodoxe" en situation d'échec relatif avéré depuis trois décennies ! Ces enseignements sont-ils adaptables aux pays de la zone et serait-ce souhaitable pour eux ? Une première partie dresse le bilan politique, économique et socioculturel "noir et gris" d'une Afrique subsaharienne contemporaine ainsi que de ses relations historiques avec son Nord "naturel", l'Europe, dans le cadre des relations bilatérales et multilatérales. Nous nous attachons à examiner ensuite les conditions de l'émergence des principes directeurs de ce que nous appelons le "modèle kémaliste", de ses succès et de ses dérives successives. Une troisième partie nous permet de répondre à la question sur l'adaptabilité d'un modèle comme le kémalisme à un pays d'Afrique subsaharienne, en l'occurrence le Burkina Faso, dont la démarche originale et les réalisation révolutionnaires ne sont pas sans rappeler celles mises en œuvre par le mouvement kémaliste originel. Face à l'échec des modèles orthodoxes de développement et aux risques liés à l'émergence d'un Islam intégriste, la Turquie post Atatürk ne pourrait-elle pas apparaître aux pays de la zone comme partenaire et comme modèle comportemental, grâce à certaines proximités socioculturelles et d'un vécu proche dont elle peut se prévaloir ? Il est temps d'initier une dynamique de collaboration entre le monde africain et le monde turcophone qui se construisent devant nous !Sub-Saharan Africa could take advantage for its own economical development, of the analysis of the "Kemalist model" which had proved its efficiency in the transformation of an under developped Ottoman empire. The analysis of structural revolutions and Kemalist model deviations could be full of lessons for an Africa which faces from 30 years, a "classical" relative development failure. These lessons could be adaptable to Sub-Saharan Africa and would they welcome ? The political, economical and socio-cultural "black and grey" assessment of Sub-Saharan Africa situation is presented in the first part with a recall of the bilateral and multilateral relationships with its "natural" north, Europe. We examine in a second part the Kemalist models birth and growth, from its beginning to its present interpretation. We answer in the third part, to the following question : could this Kemalist model" be applicable in a Sub-Saharan country as Burkina Faso, which developed an original and revolutionary way near the Kemalist's one ? The post Kemalist Turkey, facing the unsuccessful "classical" development theories from ages and the potential risks of Islamic fundamentalism, could appear as a partner thanks to various socio-cultural and behavioural similarities. It is time to initiate a new partnership between the African and the Turkish world which both actually construct themselves now
32
Özatalay, Cem. "Diversité des consciences ouvrières à l'ère des pragmatismes : L'ouvrier de l'État-nation versus l'ouvrier de la Glocalisation. Une étude sur le cas des ouvriers d'Isdemir, de Petkim et de la TTK en Turquie." Phd thesis, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales (EHESS), 2010. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00629276.
Full textAbstract:
Cette thèse de sociologie porte sur la mise en relief des dynamiques spécifiques de pluralisation et de fragmentation qui traversent les subjectivités ouvrières à la lumière du processus sui generis de néolibéralisation en Turquie. Il s'agit d'étudier, à travers les données recueillies lors de la réalisation de l'enquête de terrain auprès des mineurs de Zonguldak, des ouvriers de pétrochimie de Petkim et des ouvriers de la sidérurgie d'Isdemir, les différends qui opposent l'ouvrier de l'État-nation et l'ouvrier de la glocalisation. Tout au long de la première partie, on aborde en premier lieu les différents moments de la néolibéralisation dans le contexte de la Turquie et la " lutte de classes " qui s'est déroulée autour des privatisations après 2000 entre le mouvement de marché - représenté largement par l'entreprenariat " musulman " en essor tourné vers l'exportation - et le contre-mouvement de régulation - représenté principalement par le Grand corps de l'État ainsi que par le grand Capital. L'objectif de ces chapitres est de montrer comment rivalisent en Turquie le Héros et le Marchand pendant le tournant du XXIe siècle et quelles sont les conséquences idéologico-politiques de cette lutte sur l'espace sociale. Enfin, le dernier chapitre de cette partie est consacré aux attitudes variées des syndicats d'ouvrier vis-à-vis de ce processus même : d'une part, le rapprochement entre le syndicalisme nationaliste et le syndicalisme de contestation et leur opposition en bloc au syndicalisme de la glocalisation, d'autre part. Dans la partie consacrée à l'étude de terrain, l'espace ouvrier est d'abord décrit en s'appuyant sur les affects antagonistes éprouvés par les ouvriers enquêtés, face à la fois à la marche de la société et à la transformation des conditions de travail : l'espoir, la déception, la sécurité et la désespoir se révèlent comme quatre affects que les ouvriers ressentent durant le processus de néolibéralisation en Turquie. Le second et dernier chapitre de la deuxième partie est réservé à l'étude de plus près des affects dominants de deux idéaux-types ouvriers : est d'abord analysé l'affect de déception de l'ouvrier de l'État-nation qui le conduit ou à se positionner aux côtés du Héros ou bien à verser dans le défaitisme, puis l'affect d'espoir de l'ouvrier de la glocalisation qui le rapproche de plus en plus du Marchand tout en maintenant toujours diverses sources de crainte censées menacer la réalisation de ses espérances. Enfin, ce travail ayant pour but de montrer les clivages ouvrières veut aussi aboutir à la conclusion suivante : l'ouvrier de la glocalisation est autant " acteur " pendant la construction de la société contemporaine que le fut à l'époque, l'ouvrier de l'État-nation, mais aussi l'ouvrier de l'État-nation fut autant " subordonné " dans la société d'antan que l'ouvrier de la Glocalisation l'est aujourd'hui.
33
Horodinca, Antonia. "Territorial Integrity of Turkey and the PKK Peace Process." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22824.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis examines the undergoing peace process in Turkey between the Turkish state and the PKK organisation and seeks to assess how this development is affected by one of the principles of the Turkish national state: territorial integrity. Examining the preservation of territorial integrity as a factor shaping the pacification is crucial to understanding the dynamics of the current peace process and how distant the prospect of achieving a long lasting peace is. I investigate the PKK peace process using the works of scholars developing on conflict resolution and the specificities of Turkish politics and I address the relevance of their theories to the case of the PKK.
34
Copeaux, Étienne. ""De l'Adriatique à la mer de Chine" : les représentations turques du monde turc à travers les manuels scolaires d'histoire, 1931-1993." Paris 8, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994PA08A007.
Full textAbstract:
"L'analyse du discours des manuels d'histoire turcs (1931 à 1993) permet de clarifier la conception du monde diffusée par le pouvoir culturel. L'historiographie kémaliste met l'histoire au service de la construction de la nation, et impose en 1931-1932, une conception ethnique et asiatique du passé des Turcs, qui n'a jamais été rejetée. Mais, depuis 1970, cet héritage est réutilisé dans la "synthèse turco-islamique", courant nationaliste selon lequel la nation turque s'est épanouie dans l'islam, qu'elle a sauvé et consolidé. Dans les manuels récents, l'expression vigoureuse du kémalisme masque un triomphe discret des vues de la "synthèse". L'analyse des événements fondateurs, dont la républqiue actuelle se proclame la continuation, met en évidence les représentations idéalisées de l'Asie turque pré-musulmane et musulmane. Pourtant, les représentations cartographiques les plus fortes concernent le monde balkano-anatolien, révélant une nostalgie ottomane au moins aussi forte que celle des origines asiatiques. Le discours identitaire obtenu s'appuie sur un triple passé : celui, asiatique, de l'ethnie turque ; celui du sol, l'Anatolie; et un passé d'adoption, celui des Arabes et de l'islam. Dans une dernière partie sont analysées les images des Arabes, des Grecs et des Arméniens, principales altérité auxquelles les turcs ont été confrontés. Au cours de l'étude, qui inclut de nombreuses traductions originales, une large place est faite aux questions méthodologiques ; le discours scolaire est sans cesse confronté aux discours académique et nationaliste; un volume annexe présente de nombreux exemples de cartes historiques turques. "The analysis of the discourse of the turkish history texbooks (1931-1993) helps to clarify the conception of the world as diffused by the cultural power. Kemaist historiography makes use of history for the building of the nation and imposes in 19311932 an ethnic and asiatic conception of the turkist past, which has never been rejected. But since 1970 this heritage has been integrated in the "turkist-islamic synthesis", a nationalist trend based on the notion that the turkish nation has flourished within the realm of islam, which it has saved and consolidated. In recent textbooks, the vigourous espression of kemalism has concealed the discreet triumph of the views of the "synthesis". The analsysis of the primary evens to which the present republic claims it is still linked brings to light the idealized representations of pre-muslim and muslim turkic asia. However, the strongest cartographic representations concern the balakn-anatolian world -which reveals an ottoman nostalgia at least as strong as the nostalgia of the asiatic origins. The resulting discourse on identity is based on a three-fold past : a) the asiatic past with the turkic ethnic group ; b) the past of the soil with Anatolia ; c) a past of adoption with arabs and islam. The last part is devoted to an analysis of the image of arabs, greeks and armenians, that is, the main alien groups which turks have been confronted with. In the course of the study, which includes
35
Nevzat, A. (Altay). "Nationalism amongst the Turks of Cyprus: the first wave." Doctoral thesis, University of Oulu, 2005. http://urn.fi/urn:isbn:9514277511.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract
The rise of competing nationalisms in Cyprus first drew world attention in the 1950's, yet the origins of nationalism in Cyprus can clearly be traced to the closing stages of Ottoman rule on the island during the nineteenth century. While the earlier development of nationalism in the Greek Orthodox community of Cyprus is commonly acknowledged, the pre-World War II evolution of nationalism amongst Cyprus' Moslem Turks is consistently overlooked or misrepresented. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, this work contends that Turkish nationalism in Cyprus did not first emerge in the 1950's, but instead grew gradually from the late nineteenth century onwards; that nationalism amongst the island's Turks was first discernible in a 'civic' form founded on Ottomanism which was gradually, though progressively replaced by Turkish ethno-nationalism; and that while both British colonial policies and especially the threat perceived from the rise of Greek nationalism on the island may have helped spur nationalism amongst the Turks, the continued cultural and political interaction with Ottoman, and even non-Ottoman Turks, and later with the Turkish Republic was at least as influential in fostering nationalist sentiments and prompting their expression in political actions. While particular note is made of the often neglected impact of the Young Turk movement in the early twentieth century, this study acknowledges and seeks to elucidate a complex assortment of variegated stimuli that ranged from international developments, such as the recurring crises in the Balkans and President Wilson's speech on the 'Fourteen Points', to the personal attitudes and attributes of British administrators and domestic inter-ethnic relations, and local and international economic trends and developments. Together, it is maintained, these influences had made Turkish nationalism a perceptible phenomenon amongst the Turks of Cyprus by the time of the October Revolt of 1931.
36
Ozdil, Yilmaz. "La construction visuelle des identités kurdes : cinema turc, cinéma kurde." Thesis, Paris 3, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA030165.
Full textAbstract:
Dans les quatre pays dominant le Kurdistan, (Turquie, Iran, Irak et Syrie), la question kurde se traduit avant tout sous forme de visibilité/ invisibilité, autour de la question de la reconnaissance des Kurdes en tant que Nation déniée. Notamment en Turquie, le premier des pays à avoir imposé aux Kurdes son modèle d'Etat-Nation, cette question renvoie aux politiques négationnistes étatiques menées contre la culture et l'identité kurdes, considérées dès 1924, comme des obstacles au processus de création d'une identité nationale turque. Dans ce rapport conflictuel entre le nationalisme turc et le nationalisme kurde, également fruit d'une mémorisation traumatique et d'une longue histoire de résistance kurde dans chaque partie du Kurdistan, l'imaginaire des Kurdes renvoie а une dimension historique devenue spontanément une référence essentielle du traitement cinématographique de la « kurdicité », sous forme d’interaction construite par les Kurdes eux-mêmes ou créée par leurs adversaires politiques.Notre thèse s'efforce de montrer cette influence durable du nationalisme sur le traitement cinématographique de la « kurdicité », principalement dans le cinéma turc traitant les Kurdes sans les designer en tant que Kurdes, puis dans le cinéma kurde au service de la « cause kurde » après les années 1990In the four countries dominating Kurdistan (Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria) the Kurdish question translates first and foremost under the concept of visibility/invisibility, around the problem of the recognition of the Kurds as a denied nation. This is especially apparent in the case of Turkey, the first of the countries which imposed its own nation-state on the Kurds : this question is associated with the negationist state policies on Kurdish culture and identity,which, since 1924, have been considered as obstacles on the path to the creation of a nationalTurkish identity. In this conflictual relation between Kurdish and Turkish nationalisms – the fruit, among others, of a traumatic memory and a long history of Kurdish resistance inrespective sections of Kurdistan – the imagery of the Kurds refers to a historical dimensionwhich has spontaneously become an essential reference of cinematographic treatment of« Kurdishness » under the form of interactions constructed by themselves or by their own political opponents. The present thesis aims at describing that permanent influence of nationalism on the cinematographic treatment of « Kurdishness » in the Turkish cinema which principally treats the Kurds without designating them as Kurds, then in the Kurdish cinema in the service of « Kurdish cause » following the 1990s
37
Adadağ, Özgür. "L'évolution de l'idée de révolution dans la pensée ottomane et turque." Paris, EHESS, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006EHES0050.
Full textAbstract:
Cette thèse examine, à partir du concept de révolution, la transformation de la pensée politique ottomane et turque au contact de la pensée occidentale. L'étude de l'idée de révolution dans le contexte ottoman et turc nous conduit à l'analyse de deux événements considérés comme «révolutionnaires» dans l'historiographie turque : la «révolution jeune-turque» de 1908 et la révolution kémaliste de 1923. Nous avons abordé ces deux révolutions dans les rapports avec les courants de pensée positiviste et contre-révolutionnaire, et avec la Révolution française. L'étude s'est tout particulièrement concentrée sur les modes de filtrage ottoman et kémaliste qui permettent d'interpréter et d'adapter ces idées occidentales. Au final, nous pouvons parler d'une interprétation «à l'ottomane» et «à la turque» de l'idée de révolution. Le concept acquiert ainsi une dimension conservatrice dans le contexte ottoman. Les Jeunes Turcs cherchaient à combiner l'ordre et le progrès par le biais de la révolution. Par une «révolution pacifique», ils prétendaient corriger les «défauts» des mouvements révolutionnaires. Dans la période kémaliste, on observe une utilisation polysémique de la notion de révolution. Le terme a trois principales acceptations : la libération, l'indépendance et surtout l'occidentalisation. Mais il recouvre également une série de thèmes tels que la réforme, la formation d'un État-nation, le progrès, l'adaptation aux changements, la conservation des acquis et la transmission aux futures générationsThis dissertation analyses the transformation of Ottoman and Turkish political thought in contact with occidental thought with specific reference to the concept of revolution. The analysis of the idea of revolution in the Ottoman and Turkish contexts leads us to the analysis of two events wich are considered "revolutionary" in the Turkish historiography : the "Young Turk Revolution" of 1908 and Kemalist Revolution of 1923. We analyzed these two revolutions in their relation with positivist and anti-revolutionary currents of thought and the french revolution. The analysis has particularly focused on the Ottoman and Kemalist modes of filtration wich have allowed to interpret and to adapt these occidental ideas. At the end, we may contend that there is a specific Ottoman and Turkish interpretation of the idea of revolution. Thus, the concept acquires a conservative dimension in the Ottoman context. The Young Turks searched for combining the order and the progress through revolution. With a "pacific revolution", they have pretended to correct the "vices" of revolutionary movements. During the Kemalist period, we observe a polysemical use of the notion of revolution. The term has three main connotations : liberation, independence, and especially westernization. Yes, it also refers to a series of themes such as the reforms, the formation of a Nation-State, the progress, the adaptation to changes, the conservation of the acquired and its transmission to the future generations
38
Leães, Ricardo Fagundes. "A política externa turca entre o ocaso das forças armadas e a ascensão dos religiosos." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/129058.
Full textAbstract:
O artigo em questão trata da evolução das relações civis-militares na Turquia e de sua estreita vinculação com a política externa do país. A partir de uma análise sobre o desenvolvimento do kemalismo na Turquia, demonstramos como as Forças Armadas conseguiram institucionalizar suas prerrogativas, de forma a ter grande relevância para a formulação da política externa turca. Ao longo da Guerra Fria, então, o papel jogado pelos militares fez com que Ancara se mantivesse alinhado ao Ocidente, com receio da ascensão de movimentos contrários, como o marxismo, o islamismo e o curdismo. No entanto, a partir de 1999, observamos o processo contrário, com o afastamento das Forças Armadas dos centros de decisão da política turca. Esse fenômeno foi acentuado a partir de 2002, com a emergência do AKP, que levou os setores religiosos ao governo e intensificou o declínio dos militares enquanto agentes políticos. Em termos diplomáticos, verificou-se uma transformação significativa da política externa da Turquia, que abandonou a matriz de aliança com o Ocidente em favor de uma estratégia mais regionalista e assertiva.This article deals with the evolution of civil-military relations in Turkey, and with its strict link with its foreign policy. With that spirit, we analyzed the development of Kemalism in Turkey and we showed how the Turkish Armed Forces managed to institutionalize their prerogatives, so they could play a paramount role to the formulation of Turkish foreign policy. During the Cold War, therefore, it meant the Ankara has always been a close ally to the West, especially because Army feared the rise of antagonist political movements such as Marxism, Islamism and Kurdism. However, from 1999, we can observe the exact opposite phenomenon, because the Turkish Armed Forces have been ostracized when it comes to the Turkish political process. This fact was deeply intensified since 2002, when the AKP won the general elections. The AKP victory brought some religious segments to the core of the government and that deepen the military decline as political actors. Diplomatically, we remarked a significant shift in Turkish foreign policy, once Turkey abandoned its unquestionable alliance with the West in favor of a more assertive and regionalist strategy.
39
Sourou, Benoît. ""Le gendre à l'extérieur et la femme sans force" : constructions identitaires chez les migrants turcs dans le discours sur l'infortune." Bordeaux 2, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001BOR20844.
Full textAbstract:
Cette recherche se propose, à travers l'analyse du discours sur l'infortune de migrants turcs, recueilli dans le cadre d'une consultation interculturelle, d'étudier comment s'effectuent leurs constructions identitaires. L'infortune, en tant que moment de crise, s'avère particulièrement féconde pour percevoir comment s'élabore l'identité des migrants. Contrairement aux représentations habituelles qui conçoivent les communautés turques comme étant régies par de forts principes d'unification et de cohérence, dans le discours des infortunés, l'identité turque apparaît divisée. Elle se construit en référence à l'islam, au kémalisme mais aussi au champ préislamique et au domaine de la modernité. La question de l'impact de la construction communautaire globale sur les individus est ainsi posée. Entre conformité et opposition, les identités des migrants turcs apparaissent multiples. Ils jouent sur l'une ou l'autre de ces composantes selon les contraintes qu'ils rencontrent et selon leurs désirs. L'identité se constuit donc en fonction des déterminations sociales mais aussi en fonction de choix individuels conscients et inconscients.
40
Szurek, Emmanuel. "Gouverner par les mots : une histoire linguistique de la Turquie nationaliste." Paris, EHESS, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013EHES0027.
Full textAbstract:
Cette thèse porte sur les politiques linguistiques dans la Turquie nationaliste entre la fin des années 1920 et le milieu des années 1940. Elle se veut une histoire sociale et intellectuelle des pratiques linguistiques et de leur transformation autoritaire à l'époque du parti unique (adoption des caractères latins en 1928, éviction systématique des mots quotidiens arabes et persans dans les années 1930 au profit de vocables turcs, fabrication massive de néologismes « turcs-purs » dans les années 1930 et 1940, adoption d'un système d'identification patronymique à partir de 1934). Il s'agit d'une analyse croisée, menée dans la longue durée et dans une perspective transnationale, de quatre types de phénomènes langagiers, respectivement d'ordre linguistique (la langue en tant qu'idéalité grammaticographique), sociolinguistique (les pratiques langagières, embrayées sur la variance du social), métalinguistique (la sédimentation des savoirs produits sur la langue) et épilinguistique (les mouvements d'opinion linguistique). La mise en évidence des relations d'interdépendance entre ces quatre ordres de la réalité constitue ce que nous appelons une histoire linguistique de la Turquie nationalisteThis thesis focuses on language policies in nationalist Turkey between the late 1920s and the mid 1940s. It claims to present a social and intellectual history of linguistic practices and their authoritarian transformation in the single-party era (adoption of the Latin alphabet in 1928, systematic eviction of usual Arabic and Persian words in the 1930s in favor of Turkish vocables, massive production of "Turkish-pure" neologisms in the 1930s and 1940s ; adoption of a patronymic system of identification of the individuals from 1934 onwards). It is a cross analysis, conducted in the long term and from a transnational perspective, of four types of phenomena, respectively a linguistic phenomena (language practices, clutched on social variance), a metalinguistic phenomena (scientific knowledges) and an epilinguistic dimension (linguistic opinion movements). Highlighting the interrelationships between these four levels of reality is what we call a linguistic history of nationalist Turkey
41
Ozcakal, Akile. "Les représentations sociales d'étudiantes feministes en Turquie vis-à-vis de la domination masculine et de l' égalité des sexes : entre laïcité, tradition et religion." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017STRAG017.
Full textAbstract:
La recherche que nous menons tend à interroger la domination masculine et l’égalité des sexes en tant que sujets conflictuels au sein de la société turque. Cette domination soumet la femme au père puis au mari, ainsi qu’à tous les hommes de son entourage. Les étudiantes féministes laïques et kémalistes considèrent que cette domination trouve ses origines dans le Coran qui encouragerait la soumission des femmes. Les étudiantes féministes islamiques stipulent que c’est la tradition et les multiples interprétations du Coran qui expliquent la domination masculine. De plus, la laïcité est également en tension chez ces groupes d’étudiantes. Les étudiantes laïques et kémalistes craignent de voir disparaitre le principe de la neutralité inscrit dans la laïcité, au détriment d’une Turquie devenant de plus en plus religieuse. Les étudiantes islamiques, quant à elles, critiquent ouvertement la laïcité qui serait source de discrimination et surtout responsable de l’inégalité entre les sexes. Les deux groupes d’étudiantes féministes ont vécu des expériences qui influencent leurs représentations sociales et leurs comportements, qui seront analysés à travers ce travail de rechercheIn our research, we aim at understanding the reasons of male dominance and gender inequality; a conflictive topic within Turkish society. This dominance imposes the women to obey firstly to their father and then to their husband, as well as all the men around her. Feminist students that also define themselves as secular and “Kemalist” consider that this dominance find their roots in the Quran, which would encourage female submission. As to the Islamic feminist students, they point out that tradition and various interpretations of the Quran may explain this male dominance. Moreover, secularism is also a cause of tension between Kemalist and Islamic students. The Kemalist students are afraid that the principle of neutrality that is a part of secularism will disappear, at the expense of a more religious Turkey. On the other side, Islamic students criticize secularism, as the origin of women segregation and responsible of the inequalities between genders. Indeed, both feminist students groups have distinct experiences that influence their social perceptions and behaviours, which will be analysed through this research work
42
Tinas, Rukiye. "État et religion dans la Turquie post-kémaliste. : L’évolution du Parti de la justice et du développement (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) : Les deux mandats : 2002-2007 et 2007-2011." Thesis, Lyon 2, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LYO20020.
Full textAbstract:
Dans la Turquie moderne bien marquée par la laïcité, l’AKP qualifié « conservateur démocrate » par ses fondateurs issus de la mouvance islamiste est le grand gagnant des élections de tout ordre depuis son apparition en 2001. Bien que l’Establishment kémaliste ait voulu balayer cette formation n’a pu le faire. Paradoxalement toute tentative de sa part n’a fait qu’accroître sa popularité. La question est donc de savoir « quelles sont les transformations socioculturelles et politiques de la société ainsi que les atouts de l’AKP qui peuvent expliquer sa success story à la fois à l’intérieur et à l’extérieur du pays ? ». La réponse à cette question dépend de ce qu’est le « conservatisme démocrate » ayant pu obtenir le feu vert de l’Establishment pour accéder à la scène politique : où s’inscrit le parti sur l’axe politique ; en quoi se distingue-t-il de ses contreparties ; le plus important est-il véritablement une idéologie politique distincte de l’islamisme comme l’avancent ses idéologues ? C’est ainsi que nous pourrons savoir si l’islamisme turc est en train d’inventer dans le monde musulman une forme comparable à ce qu’a été la « démocratie chrétienne » dans les pays de l’Europe. Et si nous pouvons classer l’AKP parmi les islamistes, nous nous interrogerons sur le point de savoir si l’avenir de l’islamisme comme force politique de gouvernement est en Turquie ou ailleurs ?In modern Turkey clearly marked by secularism, the AKP called “conservative democrat” by its founders from the Islamist movement is the winner of elections of any kind since its appearance in 2001. Although the Kemalist Establishment had wanted to throw out this party could not do it. Paradoxically any attempt on his part has only increased its popularity. Then, the question is “what are the sociocultural and political transformations of society as well as the strengths of the AKP, which may explain its success story both inside and outside the country? ”. The answer to this question depends on what is “Conservative democracy” which could get the green light from the Establishment to enter the political arena: where the party is situated on the political spectrum, what distinguishes it from its counterparties, the most important is it really a political ideology which is distinct from Islamism as suggested by its ideologues? This is how we can know if Turkish Islamism is in the process of inventing in the Muslim world a form comparable to what was the “Christian democracy” in European countries. And if we can classify the AKP among the Islamists, we will examine whether the future of Islam as a political force of government is in Turkey or elsewhere?
43
Moreno, González Pablo. "Le roman turc de la première décennie républicaine (1923-1933) : un nouveau modèle de société." Thesis, Paris, INALCO, 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021INAL0010.
Full textAbstract:
Qu’est-ce que Don Quichotte aurait en commun avec Mme Bovary ? Certains ont compris qu’ils se prennent tousdeux pour les personnages des romans qu’ils lisent voracement. À travers ces cas, quoique lyriques, le genreromanesque met en évidence sa capacité à imposer des modèles de comportement, à transformer la personnalitédu lecteur, à susciter en lui une reconstruction identitaire. Dans ce travail, nous nous proposons d’étudier ce pouvoiret de le prouver à travers le cas du roman turc de la première décennie républicaine. C’est à ce moment-là, entre1923 et 1933, sous le régime de Mustafa Kemal, que convergent en Turquie les courants qui se disputent depuisquelques décennies la nouvelle identité des Turcs, après l’effondrement du modèle de société ottoman, basé sur lesentiment religieux. Face à cette situation de reconstruction identitaire, quel rôle joue donc le roman de la période,d’autant plus qu’il traite systématiquement de la transformation sociale du pays ? Pour y répondre, nous étudionsles trames, les thèmes récurrents et les personnages de près de quatre-vingt romans, desquels nous avons extraitles modèles de société qu’ils défendent et le rapport qui les relie à l’actualité. Par ailleurs, nous consacrons une placeau symbolisme des espaces qui sont associés aux référents identitaires en jeu : Fatih, l’univers traditionnel, Beyoğlu,l’Istanbul occidentalisée, et l’Anatolie, source d’inspiration nationale. Le travail se conclut par une étude sur laposture du roman vis-à-vis de la condition des femmes, indicateur du niveau de progrès atteint par la société, et duprototype de femme que la production romanesque de la période préconiseWhat do Don Quixote and Madame Bovary have in common? Indeed, they both believe themselves to be charactersfrom the novels they voraciously read. These examples, although heightened, highlight the novel’s ability to imposemodels of behaviour, to transform the reader’s personality, and in summary, to trigger a reconstruction of identity.In this thesis, I have set out to study this ability and to prove it through case studies of novels written in the firstdecade of the Republic of Turkey. The Ottoman model of society, based on religious affiliation, has collapsed andseveral currents of thought have been disputing for years a claim on the new identity of the Turks. They all convergein this period, between 1923 and 1933, under the rule of Mustafa Kemal, giving birth to a new form of identityreconstruction. Therefore, what role does the novel of this period play, especially as it has been dealing for decadeswith the social transformation of the country? In order to answer this question, I study the plots, recurring themesand characters of nearly eighty novels; I seek to determine the model(s) of society they defend and the linkconnecting them to the reality of the country. In addition, I analyse the symbolism of the places associated with theidentity referents at stake: Fatih, the traditional world, Beyoğlu, the Westernised Istanbul, and Anatolia, the sourceof national inspiration. The essay concludes with a study of the novel’s view on the social conditions of women, anindicator of the level of progress achieved by society, and of the female prototype that these novels encourage
44
Uzer, Umut. "Turkish foreign policy between Kemalist state identity and state interests : the Cyprus and Karabagh cases /." 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3235088.
Full text
45
Yılmaz, Emre Can. "Kemalistické eurasijství - jako třetí cesta současného Turecka mezi Východem a Západem." Master's thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-398687.
Full textAbstract:
After seven months of diplomatic crisis following the shooting down of Russian fighter jet by the Turkish Armed Forces, Turkish-Russian relations entered into the process of reconciliation in June 2016. Few weeks later, Turkey faced with a coup attempt (July 15, 2016) which was a crucial turning point in Turkey's repositioning itself in the international politics. Deteriorating relations with the West and rapprochement with Russia have brought along debates with regards to Eurasianism as an alternative foreign policy orientation. In this regard, this thesis is dealing with the Patriotic Party's proposed Eurasianist idea, Kemalist Eurasianism, to put forth the idea's conceptual and contextual map by analysing and interpreting the works of Doğu Perinçek, chairman of the Patriotic Party, and the party's monthly journal, Teori, within the framework of conceptual history approach. In doing so, the thesis confronts the misconception of Kemalist Eurasianism as a derivation of Russian neo-Eurasianism and argues that the idea is originated from the Kemalist revolution and left-nationalist currents of thought historically. Thus, the thesis reveals that Kemalist Eurasianism primarily is a national agenda based on Kemalist principles of nationalism, etatism and populism, and is the international extension of...
46
Scholzová, Markéta. "Muslimská demokracie v Turecku." Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-338716.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis aims to analyze the transformations of concept of secularism from a long- term perspective of the formation and consolidation of Turkish republic between 1923 - 2013. Central contention is that secularism, as a social phenomenon, was originally understood as an integral part of state-led modernization project, sponsored by Turkish armed forces between 1920s and early 1980s. However since late 1980s and particularly under AKP governments (2002 - 2014) secularism - branded as Kemalism has gradually become a subject of intense conflicts and new interpretations seeking to reconcile Turkish secularist principles with new forms of public participation driven by Islamic symbols. Keywords Democracy, secularism, authoritarian regime, Kemalism, army, political parties, AKP, islam, religious symbols, islamic clothing