Journal articles on the topic 'Kettledrum'

Abstract The article deals with the theology of the lilis kettledrum, used to accompany prayers in ancient Mesopotamian temple cult. The article analyzes the ritual in which the head of the kettledrum was covered with the hide of a bull and the ancient commentary on this ritual, showing that the ancient understanding of this ritual was that it reflected the primordial battle between the gods Enlil and Enmešara over the rule of the universe. The article connects this myth to other mythical episodes, such as the myths of the Bull of Heaven, Anzu, and Atra-ḫasīs. The analysis of these materials leads to the conclusion that the playing of the kettledrum during the performance of ancient Mesopotamian prayers symbolized the beating heart of the deities to whom the prayers were addressed.

Abstract. Kettledrums, which were initially known as percussion instruments, are found in abundance in Southeast Asia. Their widespread distribution from Southeast Asia, with its centre in Dongson (Vietnam) up to Indonesia, in various shapes and sizes, shows that kettledrums were extensively known artifacts. Discoveries of kettledrums were represented in a range of shapes and manufacturing techniques, such as carved on a rocky hill as reliefs and sculpted into statues as ornamental motifs; or carved on a slab of stone, which is part of a stone burial chamber among the dispersed megalithic finds of Pasemah in South Sumatera. The historic aspect of kettledrums shows that they were not merely a musical instrument, a metal percussion, with sacred function to ask for rain, for example, but also one of the representations of the life of a certain society in a particular period. In respect of representation as a concept of representativeness, an interpretation is needed to reveal its meaning, at least one that comes close to the actual meaning. A qualitative method of interpretation used here is hoped to reveal why variation of kettledrums’ shapes came about. The aim was to understand why the the kettledrum representation varies. Results of research show that as sacred objects, kettledrumscan serve as the collective identity and memory of the communities that bear the Megalithic Culture of Pasemah where ancestor worships are strongly adopted. Abstrak. Representasi Nekara pada Beberapa Situs Megalitik di Indonesia: Hubungannya dengan Asia Tenggara. Nekara pada awalnya dikenal sebagai alat tabuh banyak ditemukan di AsiaTenggara. Persebarannya yang luas di Asia Tenggara dengan pusatnya di Dongson (Vietnam) sampai ke Indonesia dalam berbagai variasi bentuk serta ukuran menunjukkan bahwa nekara dikenal cukup luas. Penemuan nekara direpresentasikan dalam berbagai bentuk dan teknik pembuatan antara lain ada nekara yang digambarkan pada bukit batu sebagai relief dan arca batu sebagai motif hias; dan ada pula yang dipahat pada lempengan batu yang merupakan salah satu bagian dari dinding suatu kubur batu pada sebaran temuan megalitik Pasemah, Sumatera Selatan. Aspek historis nekara menunjukan bahwa ia tidak sekedar alat tabuh dengan bunyi-bunyian dan berfungsi sakral untuk mendatangkanhujan misalnya, melainkan sebagai salah satu wujud representasi dari kehidupan suatu masyarakat tertentu pada masa tertentu pula. Berkenaan dengan representasi sebagai suatu konsep keterwakilan, maka diperlukan suatu interpretasi agar dapat diungkapkan maknanya, minimal mendekati makna yang sesungguhnya. Metode interpretasi bersifat kualitatif yang digunakan dalam bahasan ini setidaknya dapat menjawab mengapa variasi bentuk nekara tersebut terjadi. Tujuannya adalah untuk mengetahui mengapa gambaran nekara tersebut bervariasi. Hasil penelitian mengungkapkan nekara sebagai benda sakral dapat menjadi identitas dan memori kolektif bagi masyarakat pendukung budaya megalitik Pasemah, dimana kepercayaan kepada arwah leluhur dianut dengan sangat kental.

The Makalamau kettledrum from the island of Sangeang is one of Indonesia’s significant metal age finds, estimated to be made around the 3rd century CE. Four depictions of buildings, interpreted as houses, appear in the third band of Makalamau’s tympan. They constitute as one of the earliest depictions of architectural edifice and interior space found in Indonesia. Despite the Makalamau kettledrum’s Vietnamese provenance, the house images therein are representative of Austronesian style architecture that were used in ancient Vietnam and Indonesia. The Makalamau house images itself have distinctive articulation which are not found in house images of other kettledrums. These include the tripartite vertical division of the house, multi-purpose open space rooms, lack of loose furniture but the use of built-in fixtures such as suspended para racks, and a sacred aspect as repository of heirlooms. These elements can still be linked with traditional features in vernacular Indonesian houses from various regions. This shows that some aspects of traditional Indonesian interior can be ascribed as resilient continuation of Austronesian elements used since at least the 3rd century CE and this can be the subject of further studies and appreciation to the region’s architectural history and cultural heritage. Nekara Makalamau dari Pulau Sangeang adalah salah satu temuan signifikan dari zaman logam Indonesia yang diperkirakan dibuat sekitar abad ke-3 M. Empat gambar bangunan yang diduga sebagai rumah muncul di lingkaran ketiga dari muka timpan Makalamau. Gambar-gambar ini merupakan salah satu gambar arsitektural dan interior tertua yang ditemukan di Indonesia. Terlepas dari asal Makalamau dari Vietnam, gambar rumah Makalamu merepresentasikan arsitektur gaya Austronesia yang digunakan di Vietnam dan Indonesia kuno. Gambar rumah Makalamau sendiri memiliki pengolahan bentuk khas yang tidak ditemukan di gambar rumah nekara-nekara lain. Khusus terkait unsur interior, kekhasan ini meliputi pembagian vertikal yang bersifat tripartit, ruang tunggal serbaguna yang tanpa sekat, tidak adanya mebel lepas dan penggunaan mebel pasang seperti rak gantung para-para, serta aspek suci sebagai penyimpanan pusaka. Unsur-unsur ini masih dapat dikaitkan dengan sejumlah fitur tradisional dalam rumah vernakuler dari berbagai daerah Indonesia. Ini menunjukkan bahwa terdapat unsur interior tradisional Indonesia yang dapat ditelusuri sebagai kelanjutan unsur Austronesia yang telah digunakan setidaknya sejak abad ke-3 M, dan transformasi unsur-unsur tersebut dapat menjadi bahan kajian serta apresiasi lebih mendalam terkait sejarah arsitektur dan warisan budaya di wilayah Indonesia.

This article discusses the diaspora and biography of the Dong Son Kettledrums in the Moluccas Archipelago. This research found that the cultural historical setting behind the existence of these objects is related to the diaspora that corresponds with the trade dynamics in the Moluccas archipelago as a source region for the exotic commodities. Shifted from the original context of the production center origin culture di the Mainland Asia to the Insular Southeast Asia, new values had been attached to these bronze kettledrums that related with the local cultural identity aspect.

This article discusses the diaspora and biography of the Dong Son Kettledrums in the Moluccas Archipelago. This research found that the cultural historical setting behind the existence of these objects is related to the diaspora that corresponds with the trade dynamics in theMoluccas archipelago as a source region for the exotic commodities. Shifted from the original context of the production center origin culture di the Mainland Asia to the Insular Southeast Asia, new values had been attached to these bronze kettledrums that related with the local culturalidentity aspect.

The Kerala state in India offers a huge assemblage of various percussion eccentricities. Each percussion instrument sustains and preserves its own attributes: some drums accompany visual arts, others create a vibrant world of percussion music, and a few maintain both attributes. Almost all instruments are related to ceremonial pursuance and worship customs. Mizhavu is a single-headed drum from Kerala that employs these kinds of ceremonial pursuance. The purpose of the instrument, which had also been used in temples in Tamil Nadu, is to accompany the Kūṭiyāṭṭam and Kuttu performances in the great temples (mahakshetras) for the pleasure of God’s souls and the invocation of their powers. Kūṭiyāṭṭam and Kuttu – Kerala’s Sanskrit drama performing art forms – have been recognized as Intangible Cultural Heritage due to 2000 years of tradition. As ‘visual sacrifice’ staging scenes from the Ramayana and Mahabharata, they combine dance with theatre performance, Sanskrit verses (slokas), and percussive music in a ritualistic context. The main supporting percussion instrument (mizhavu) serves as deva vādyam – an instrument for the deities. Its classification as a one-headed drum covered with skin (avanaddha vadya of the dardura type) goes back to the Natya Shastra of Bharatamuni – some 2000 years ago. Definitions as kettledrum (bhanda vadya) trace it back to Kautilya’s Arthasastra. The Buddhist Pali Tripitaka refers to pot drums (kumba toonak). Tamil epics mention a muzha or kuta muzha drum. Publications in recent decades nearly mention that drum. Production methods, forms, and material of the drum have changed over the ages. Attached to the artistic heritage of a certain Brahmin caste – the Nampyar – the drum has spent a long period in the environment of temple theatres. Since 1966, it has been taught to pupils of all castes at the Kerala Kalamandalam, Thrissur District. P.K.K. Nambiar worked as the first mizhavu teacher in the later added Kūṭiyāṭṭam department. He was followed by his pupil K. Eswaranunni, the first mizhavu guru from another caste, fighting for acceptance among members of Chakyar and Nampyar families. As a passionate master with numerous awards and performance experience all over the world, K. Eswaranunni has trained most of the contemporary mizhavu percussionists, who are still performing all over India as well as abroad. This paper gives an overview of the instrument and shows how the mizhavu is described by both gurus in their books written in Malayalam and by both authors including their personal relations to the drum.

Musical instruments were used in the Christian realm of Ethiopia during the early modern period for proclamations, major religious celebrations, court ceremonies, and the movement of the king and his troops inside and outside of royal cities, as well as for signaling the start of battles. Only the powerful had the prerogative of having certain instruments played. The nägarit (kettledrums) were also insignia of power. Owning or displaying them was an expression of power as much as having them played. The nǝsǝr qana were doubel-reed instruments associated with the king. Originally insignia of Oromo military might, the mäläkäts, long trumpets, were gradually adopted in the Christian realm as the Oromo came to share in exercising power. On the basis of evidence drawn from a study of images, horns, though still present on the battlefield, seem to have lost prestige to the benefit of trumpets.

AbstractIn this paper, I discuss the development and use of images employed by the Dresden Royal Museum for Zoology, Anthropology and Ethnography to resolve debates about how to use visual representation as a means of making ethnographic knowledge. Through experimentation with techniques of visual representation, the founding director, A.B. Meyer (1840–1911), proposed a historical, non-essentialist approach to understanding racial and cultural difference. Director Meyer's approach was inspired by the new knowledge he had gained through field research in Asia-Pacific as well as new forms of imaging that made highly detailed representations of objects possible. Through a combination of various techniques, he developed new visual methods that emphasized intimate familiarity with variations within any one ethnic group, from skull shape to material ornamentation, as integral to the new disciplines of physical and cultural anthropology. It is well known that photographs were a favoured form of visual documentation among the anthropological and ethnographic sciences at thefin de siècle. However, in the scholarly journals of the Dresden museum, photographs, drawings, tables and etchings were frequently displayed alongside one another. Meyer sought to train the reader's eye through organized arrangements that represented objects from multiple angles and at various levels of magnification. Focusing on chimpanzees, skulls and kettledrums from Asia-Pacific, I track the development of new modes of making and reading images, from zoology and physical anthropology to ethnography, to demonstrate how the museum visually historicized humankind.

The subject of this article is the music making during the Catholic Church feasts and its development since the Christianization of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania until nowadays, with special emphasis on the music making tradition of the 20th–21st centuries. Following the spread of Christianity, the tradition of the religious feasts was quick to catch on, along with its peculiar Western European customs and culture of the musical styling. According to the historical sources, as early as in the end of the 14th century (that is, barely ten years after the official Christianization) the wind and percussion instruments were played in the Vilnius Cathedral. The academic wind and percussion instruments, having been since ancient times used in the army of various European countries, including the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, became adapted by the musical culture of the manors and dioceses, finding their use during pilgrimages, celebratory processions, services, etc. During the Renaissance and Baroque periods, an especially important social and cultural role was played by the Vilnius Academy, established by the Jesuits, at which also instruction in music was offered. The Jesuits organized particularly pompous processions of the Corpus Christi, which included theatrical performances, participation of numerous musicians and singers, firing guns, etc. According to the archived data, during the Baroque times the majority of the churches or the affiliated brethrens used to possess both the brass and the percussion instruments: usually – two or more trumpets, French horns, and kettledrums. These instruments were regarded necessary in order to celebrate the titular feasts of the parish in the appropriate way, that is, with musical accompaniment, or to travel likewise to the festivities held in the neighborhood. Thus the folk piety tradition of the brass bands got shaped, which, having already disappeared in other Lithuanian regions, continues to live on in Samogitia in the 20th–21st century. It is particularly important in relation to the rituals of visiting the Samogitian Calvary (Žemaičių Kalvarija) – a variety of the popular baroque European tradition of the Way of the Cross (Via Crucis), the first one of which in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania was established in Samogitia. Quite likely, these Stations of the Cross since their very establishment used to be visited ceremoniously, including singing and the appropriate accompaniment by wind instruments and kettledrums. This tradition survived in spite of being prohibited both during the tsarist Russian oppression and during the Soviet atheism periods. During the Soviet occupation the musicians, although being harassed or even arrested, still used to go to play at the religious feasts, thus expressing not only their devotion, but also their protest against the regime of the religious oppression. After Lithuania regained its independence in the end of the 20th century, the new kind of worshipers who had been brought up unaware of the traditional Calvary Hymns singing started the new way of singing accompanied by kanklės (Lithuanian cithertype instrument) and guitars. Still, in spite of this wave of musical pluralism, the brass bands preserved their positions. Until the present day, worshipers visiting the Stations of the Cross at the Samogitian Calvary are accompanied by the musicians playing the brass instruments, who are traditionally rewarded with money. Depending on the particular worshipers’ needs, three kinds of functions performed by the musicians can be discerned: firstly, the group of 4 to 6 musicians may only play; secondly, 2 to 5 musicians lead the prayers both singing and playing; and thirdly (a medium variant), the group of 4 to 6 musicians both plays and sings. The analysis presented in the article allows maintaining that prior to becoming part of the wedding, christening and funeral rituals of the village people, brass instruments had already become an integral part of the musical expression of the exceptional solemnity of folk piety.

<em>Tromba marina</em>, instrument wywodzący się z monochordu, znany od czasów średniowiecza, podobnie jak wiele innych, nie znalazł swojego trwałego miejsca w muzyce profesjonalnej. W niniejszym artykule zwraca się uwagę na pewien „epizod”, który stał się udziałem tego specyficznego chordofonu, a któremu z literaturze muzykologicznej nie poświęcono dostatecznej uwagi.<p>Instrument ten miał swoje pięć minut w muzyce francuskiej około połowy XVII wieku. W 1660 Lully wykorzystał <em>trombae marinae</em> w w ustepach baletowych opery Cavallego <em>Xerxes</em>, wystawionej z okazji ślubu Ludwika XIV z Marią Teresą Habsburg, zaś w 1661 roku na dworze Króla Słońce powołano zespół składający się pięciu z muzyków grających na krumhornach i <em>trombae marinae</em>. Dlatego prawdopodobnie Molierowski Monsieur Jourdain na kartach „Mieszczanina szlachcicem” wyraził pragnienie dołączenia interesującego nas instrumentu do zespołu grającego na organizowanym w jego domu przyjęciu.</p><p>Jedynym znanym z nazwiska wirtuozem tego instrumentu był Jean Baptiste Prin (ok. 1699-1742), który sporządził zachowany do dzisiaj zbiór 216 utworów na <em>tromba marina</em> oraz napisał w roku swojej śmierci traktat <em>Memoire sur la trompette marine, </em>w którym wyraził żal, że ukochany instrument „umiera” wraz z nim.</p><p>Spośród wielu różnych nazw, jakie nadawano temu kuriozalnemu instrumentowi (<em>tuba marina</em>, <em>tuba maritima</em>, <em>Trumscheit</em>, <em>Marientrompette)</em>, najpóźniejsze historycznie, bo pochodzące dopiero z XIX wieku, są nazwy wskazujące na używanie go przez zakonnice. Są to trzy określenia w języku niemieckim bazujące na złożeniach Nonne- (zakonnica) z dodaną nazwą instrumentu lub określeniem jego funkcji w zespole: Nonnengeige, Nonnentrompette, Nonnenbas. Ich istnienie dowodziłoby, iż na niemieckim obszarze językowym jeszcze w tym stuleciu zakonnice posługiwały się w swojej praktyce muzycznej interesującym nas instrumentem.</p><p>Cecil Adkins i Alis Dickonson, autorzy monografii poświęconej historii, budowie i zachowanym egzemplarzom <em>tromba marina</em>, a także związanej z tym instrumentem praktyce wykonawczej i repertuarowi, wskazali 29 ośrodków zakonnych (w tym 26 klasztorów żeńskich), w których kultywowano grę na <em>Nonnengeige</em>, konstatując iż była to specjalność zakonnic (w mniejszym stopniu zakonników) z Europy Środkowej. Do wymienionych przez tych autorów ośrodków, dzięki najnowszym badaniom jesteśmy w stanie obecnie dodać kolejne: klasztor augustianek św. Jakuba auf der Hülben w Wiedniu oraz serwitek w Insbruku oraz trzy kolejne klasztory w niemieckojęzycznej części Szwajcarii. Co więcej, możemy także poszerzyć geograficzny obszar występowania w klasztorach praktyki gry na <em>tromba marina</em> w kierunku północno wschodnim. Mamy bowiem dowody kultywowania jej w klasztorach benedyktynek z Sandomierza i Lwowa oraz klarysek ze Starego Sącza, a także w bursie jezuickiej w Krakowie. Dodatkowo można przypuszczać, iż instrumenty takie posiadał także klasztor cystersów w Obrze.</p><p>W klasztornej praktyce muzycznej instrument mógł pełnić cztery różne funkcje: być wykorzystywany w praktyce śpiewu chorałowego, co jest najsłabiej udokumentowane, służyć jako instrument fundamentalny realizujący wraz z <em>organami basso continuo</em> lub jako substytut trąbek w obsadach wokalno-instrumentalnych, ponadto zespół złożony w trzech lub czterech <em>trombae marinae</em> z towarzyszeniem kotłów mógł wykonywać fanfary.</p><p>Jeśli chodzi o obszar dawnej Rzeczypospolitej, najwięcej informacji na temat kultywowania gry na <em>tromba marina</em> pochodzi z Sandomierza, gdzie grające na tym instrumencie zakonnice są nam znane z nazwiska i gdzie zachowały się rękopisy poświadczające tę zapomnianą praktykę.</p><p> </p>SUMMARY<p><em>Tromba marina</em>(trumpet marine) – the instrument originated from the monochord and known from the Middle Ages – was not widely used in professional music. That special chordophone had, however, its day in French music about the mid-seventeenth century. In 1660 Jean Baptiste Lully used trombae marinae in ballet sections of Francesco Cavalli’s opera Xerxes, and in 1661, at the court of Louis XIV a group of fi ve musicians was formed, who played crumhorns and trombae marinae. The only virtuoso of this instrument, known by name, was Jean Baptiste Prin (ca. 1699-1742), who made a collection of 216 pieces for trumpet marine (tromba marina).</p><p>Out of the many names of the instrument (tuba marina, tuba maritima, Trumscheit, Marientrompette), the historically latest names are the nineteenth-century ones showing that it was used by nuns. There are three names in German, based on the compounds Nonne (nun) with the name of the instrument or with designation of its function in a musical group: Nonnengeige, Nonnentrompette, and Nonnenbas, which would prove that nuns still played the trombae marinae in the German-speaking area as late as in the nineteenth century.</p><p>Cecil Adkins and Alis Dickinson, the authors of the monograph devoted to tromba marina, listed 29 monastic centers (of which 26 were nuns’ convents), in which the playing of Nonnengeige was cultivated, and come to the conclusion that in the eighteenth century this was the specialty of Central European nuns. We can add some more names to those recorded by the two authors: the St. Jakob Augustinian nunnery in Vienna, the Servite Nunnery in Innsbruck, and three convents in the German-speaking part of Switzerland. Furthermore, we can also broaden the geographical range of the practice of playing tromba marina towards North-East because we have evidence that it was cultivated in the convents of Benedictine nuns of Sandomierz and Lvov, the convent of St. Clare in Stary Sącz, as well as in the Jesuit chapel in Krakow.</p><p>The instrument in question exercised different functions in the performing practice in monasteries: it was used in the practice of chorale singing, it served as a fundamental instrument in the basso continuo section, it appeared as a substitute for trumpets in the vocal-instrumental forces, fi nally – as part of a group consisting of three or four trombae marinae and kettledrums, it played fanfares.</p>

INTISARI Peresean adalah adat istiadat suku sasak Lombok yang bersenjatakan rotan (penjalin), menggunakan tameng (ende) yang terbuat dari kulit sapi dan saat acara peresean berlangsung akan di iringi dengan musik khas suku sasak lombok yakni gendang beleq. Adapun pakaian yang di kenakan peserta peresean (pepadu) adalah ikat kepala (sapuq), sarung (selewoq), ikat pinggang dari kain (bebet) serta bertelanjang dada. Budaya Peresean kini mulai jarang di selenggarakan serta tidak terlalu di minati oleh pemuda lombok khususnya. Maka dari situ menjadi sebuah acuan pembuatan gameplay game yang berjenis Fighting dengan melakukan penyesuaian peraturan sesuai dengan target audience. Platform dari game “Peresean” ini adalah personal computer, maka game dikerjakan dengan beberapa bantuan visual artis, penata suara dan progammer, sedangkan setelah pematangan konsep di lanjutkan ke tahap produksi, pembuatan gameplay, aset, user interface, dan karakter. adapun peralatan yang digunakan untuk proses Penciptaan menggunakan laptop atau personal computer, pen table, Software pengolah gambar seperti Adobe Photoshop, Clip Studio Paint, dan Blender. Hasil akhir dari produksi ini adalah game fighting Peresean yang di jalankan pada perangkat PC (personal computer), dan di targetkan untuk semua usia. Adapun fitur – fitur yang sudah di rancang sudah memenuhi dari apa yang di inginkan. Dalam game berjenis Fighting ini terdapat informasi dan pesan moral tentang melestarikan budaya lokal.Kata Kunci : Fighting, budaya suku sasak, lombok, Peresean ABSTRACTPeresean is customs tribe of sasak lombok armed with rattan ( penjalin ), use shield ( ende ) made of the skins of calves and during a peresean held will be followed up with music typical tribe of sasak lombok namely kettledrum beleq . As for a garment in wear participants peresean ( pepadu ) is headband ( sapuq ), scabbard ( selewoq ), the sashes of fabric ( bebet ) and barefoot the chest. Culture peresean is now beginning to rare in hosted and not overly were interested in it by a youth lombok especially. So it into a reference making gameplay the game as fighting with adapt the regulation accordance with the target audience.A platform of games peresean this is personal computer, then games done by some help visual artist, a sound and progammer, while after maturation concept in continue to the point of production, making gameplay, assets, a user interface, and character. As for equipment used to the forging find or personal computer, pen table, software processing an image of such adobe photoshop, clip studio paint, a blender.The end result of production this is game fighting peresean who on the run on the device pc (personal computer), and in target for all age. As for features - features out of designed enough to fulfill of what will. In a game as fighting are information and moralistic messages about preserve local culture.Keywords : Fighting, the culture of sasak, lombok, Peresean

Aram Satian addressed the issue of the Armenian Genocide in the 21st century by composing “Chinar es[Slim Like a Poplar]” for duduk and symphony orchestra, and “1915” for duduk, chamber orchestra and kettledrums. Both pieces feature the duduk as soloist. The composer intertwined in a masterly manner the timbre of the Armenian folk instrument with the sound of a symphony orchestra, in one case, and a chamber orchestra with kettledrums – in another. Incidentally, the composer had not shown any interest in duduk in his earlier works. Obviously, in the timbre dramaturgy of the composer, duduk associates with the Armenian Genocide, with the suffering and tragic pages in the history of the Armenian people. By concluding his “1915” with the intonations of “Hovareq [Cast a Shade]” (in our opinion, in the lyrics of the song, the ‘indifference’ of the mountains may be perceived as the lack of empathy the world communityhad shown toward the tragedy of Armenians), rather than with the lively intonations of “Yerkingnampel e [The Skies Are Overcast]”, communicating the idea of inventive and peaceful nature of the Armenian people, A. Satian must have had the presentiment of the 44-Day War of 2020, when the world once again remained unresponsive to the woes of Armenians. Therefore, we dedicate this article to the 44-Day Warheroes, the memories of whom will never fade.